8 


<^^^/ 


REPUBLICANISM 


AMERICA: 


A  HISTOBY  OF  THE 


COLONIAL  AND  KEPUBLIOAN 

rif  t\\t  MM  ^tate  of 

FEOM  THE  YEAE  1607  TO  THE  YEAE  1869 


TO  WHICH  IS  ADDED 

CONSTITUTIONS,  PROCLAMATIONS.  PLATFORMS,  RESOLUTIONS,  DECISIONS   OF 

COURTS,  LAWS,  MESSAGES,  ADDRESSES,  SPEECHES,  DEBATES, 

LETTERS,  ELECTION  RETURNS,  AND  STATISTICS. 

UX40, 

A  BRIEF  HISTORY  OF  ALL  THE  EXISTING  REPUBLICS  IN  THE  WORLD. 

BEAUT1FU1&Y  niUSTEATED  "WITH  NUMEBOUS  BTEEL 


BY  E.  GUY  M'CLELLAN. 


llsaued  by  subscription  only,  and  not  for  sale  in  bookstores.     Persons  desiring  a  copy  should  address  the  publishers.  J 


SAN  FEANCISCO: 
B.   J.   TRUMBULL    &    COMPANY. 

LONDON:  TRUBNER  &  COMPANY. 

1870. 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1868,  by 

E.  GUY  M'CLELLAN, 
In  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court  of  the  United  States  for  the  District  of  California. 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Parliament,  in  the  year  1868,  by 

B.  GUY  M'CLELLAN, 
at  Stationers'  Hall,  London,  England. 


HABTFORD,  COSTS. 

CASK,    LOCKWOOD  &  BRAINARD, 

FBINTEBS  ASD  BIKDERS. 


STEREOTHftiD  BY  THE  CALEPOBHIA  TYPE  FOTTNDBY  COMPANY. 


INTRODUCTION. 


MY  object  in  writing  this  book,  is  to  present  to  the 
\^  public,  in  a  condensed  form,  a  history  of  the  develop- 
^    ment  of  a  great  and  free  country  from  dependent  Brit- 
^  ish  Colonies;   to  illustrate  the  positions  of  political 
parties  and  prominent  public  individuals,  and  to  ex 
hibit  their  tendencies  either  toward  liberty  or  oppres 
sion;  to  inspire  in  the  hearts  of  its  readers  love  and 
gratitude  for  the  fearless  defenders  of  Human  Free 
dom,  who,  in  council  and  upon  the  field,  have  erected 
and  maintained  American  Freedom  and  American  Na- 
"^    tionality  as  a  safe  refuge  for  the  oppressed  of  monarch- 
J    ical  governments:  above  all,  to  draw  around  the  altar 
of  my  adopted  and  beloved  country  my  fellow-citizens, 
&   from  which  they  may  behold  the  monuments  erected 
for  their  liberty  and  security.  R.  G.  M'C. 

SAN  FBANCISCO,  March,  1869 


ENGRAVINGS. 


1.  R.  GUY  MCCLELLAN Title  Page. 

2.  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 23 

3.  JOHN  ADAMS 48 

4.  THOMAS  JEFFERSON ; 72 

5.  HENRY  CLAY... 110 

6.  DANIEL   WEBSTER 143 

7.  THOMAS  H.  BENTON 161 

8.  STEPHEN  A.  DOUGLAS 199 

9.  ANDREW  JACKSON 232 

10.  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN 260 

11.  GEN.  U    S.  GRANT 292 

12.  W.  H.    SEWARD : 313 

13.  MAJ.-GEN.  P.  H.   SHERIDAN 333 

14.  MAJ.-GEN.  W.  T.  SHERMAN 350 

1 5.  TH ADDEUS  STEVENS 378 

16.  EDWARD   EVERETT 407 

1 7.  CHAS.  SUMNER 440 

18.  BRIG.-GEN.  E.  D.  BAKER 469 

19.  MAJ.-GEN.  GEO.  H.  THOMAS 493 

20.  ADMIRAL  D.  G.  FARRAGUT 530 

21.  E.  M.  STANTON 565 

22.  MAJ.-GEN.  H.  W    HALLECK...                                        585 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER    I.  f 

Early  settlement  of  the  Colonies.  —  Slavery  in  the  Colonies.  —  Conflicting 
opinions  between  the  North  and  South.  —  Slavery  in  the  Territories.  — 
Local  prejudices  of  the  people page  13 

CHAPTEB    II. 

Colonial  condition. — Early  settlement.— The  first  Constitution. — Signers  of 
the  first  Constitution. — Landing  of  the  Pilgrims 23 

CHAPTER    III. 

The  Revolutionary  "War.  —  Throwing  the  tea  into  Boston  Harbor. — Battle-  of 
Lexington.  —  Battle  of  Bunker  Hill.  —  Declaration  of  Independence.  — 
Articles  of  Confederation 32 

CHAPTER    IV. 

Period  immediately  preceding  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution. — Cession  of 
Territory  to  the  United  States. — Ordinance  of  1784. — Vote  on  the  slave 
question. — One  vote  only  wanted  to  prohibit  Slavery 43 

CHAPTER    V. 

Convention  to  amend  the  Articles  of  Confederation.— They  frame  a  Constitu 
tion.  —  Debates  and  proceedings  of  the  Convention.  —  The  negro  in  the 
basis  of  representation. — Sermon  of  the  Rev.  Jonathan  Edwards. — Letter 
of  Washington  to  Lafayette. —  Ordinance  of  1787.  —  Harrison  advocates 
Slavery 48 

CHAPTER    VI. 

Meeting  of  first  Congress  under  the  Constitution.— George  "Washington  elected 
President. — John  Adams,  Vice-President. — Vote  at  the  election.  —  First 
business  of  Congress. — Powers  of  the  President  to  remove  from  office. — 
Debates  upon  the  powers  of  the  President.  —  Tenure  of  civil  office. — 
Amendments  to  the  Constitution 64 

CHAPTER    VII. 

Slavery. — Its  origin. — Laws  concerning. — Abolition  of. — Slavery  amongst  the 
Ancients. — Address  of  the  Anti-Slavery  Association.— Divinity  of  Slav 
ery... , 72 

CHAPTER    VIII. 

Territory  of  the  United  States.  —  Government  of  the  Territory.  —  Slavery  in 
the  Territory. — Admission  of  Missouri. — Opposition  to  her  admission. — 
Missouri  Compromise. — Position  of  the  friends  of  Freedom.and  Slavery. — 
Speeches  upon  both  sides 85 

CHAPTER    IX. 

Admission  of  Missouri.  —  Annexation  of  Texas.  —  War  between  Mexico  and 
Texas. —  Santa  Anna  in  the  field. —  Houston  makes  him  prisoner. — War 
between  the  United  States  and  Mexico.— Result  of  the  war 98 

CHAPTER    X. 

Conquest  and  settlement  of  California. — Occupation  of  "by  Americans.— Rais- 


X  CONTENTS. 

ing  of  the  Bear  Flag. — Establishment  of  Government. — Debates  in  Con 
gress  on. — Admission  of.— Protest  against.— Speeches  of  Clay,  Webster, 
Jefferson  Davis,  and  others.  —  Calhoun  will  make  California  the  "test 
question." .^ page  110 

CHAPTEE    XI. 

Bights  of  the  people  to  take  S.laves  into  the  Territories. — Interest  and  com 
promise.  —  United  States  and  State  Court  decisions  on.  —  Status  of  col 
ored  persons. — Slaves  real  estate. — Bunaway  negroes  may  be  tracked  with 
.dogs,  if  done  with  circumspection 128 

CHAPTEB    XII. 

Wilmot  Proviso. — Slavery  in  Mexico. — In  the  Territories. — Laws  of  Spain  and 
Mexico  relating  to.— Dred  Scott  decision.— Fugitive  slave  laws  of  Califor 
nia. — State  Court  decisions  in  case  of  Perkins  and  Archey 143 

CHAPTEB    XIII. 

Republican  party. — Its  first  organization.— Democratic  party,  1840  to  1861. — 
Abolitionists.  —  James  G.  Birney,  Abolition  candidate,  —  Success  of  the 
party.— Presidential  elections  of  1840,  1844,  1848,  1852  and  1856.— Nom 
ination  of  Harrison,  Scott  and  Polk. — Whigs  nominate  Clay. — Birney  re- 
nominated. —  Settlement  of  the  Oregon  claims. — Treaty  respecting  Ore 
gon. — Thomas  H.  Benton's  views  on  the  Oregon  boundary. — Gen.  Taylor 
elected  President. — "Hunkers"  and  "Barnburners." — Lewis  Cass  nom 
inated. — Franklin  Pierce  nominated. — Election  of  Pierce. — Nomination  of 
Buchanan  and  Fremont.  —  Buchanan's  Cabinet.  —  Floyd  moves  arms 
South.  —  His  resignation.  —  Speeches  of  Southern  leaders.  —  Southern 
journals.— Slavery  is  Divine.— Would  "extend  it  even  to  Yankees.".  .161 

CHAPTEB    XIV. 

President!?!,!  campaign  of  1860. — Nomination  of  Abraham  Lincoln. — Stephen 
A.  Douglas.  —  John  C.  Breckinridge.  —  John  Bell.  —  Lincoln  elected. — 
Secession  of  Slave  States. — Last  days  of  Buchanan's  Administration. — 
The  London  "Times"  on  Buchanan's  official  conduct. — Platforms  of  the 
parties. — Officers  of  the  Southern  Confederacy 199 

CHAPTEB    XV. 

Meeting  of  Thirty-sixth  Congress.  —  Second  session,  December  3d,  1860.  — 
Closing  scenes  of  Buchanan's  Administration. — Southern  Senators  and 
Bepresentatives. — Organization  of  the  "Southern  Confederacy." — Officers 
of.— Alexander  H.  Stephens.— His  politics. — "Corner-stone"  and  other 
speeches. — Jefferson  Davis. — He  desires  more  arms  sent  South 232 

CHAPTEB    XVI. 

President  Lincoln  leaves  Springfield  for  Washington. — James  Buchanan  leaves 
the  Executive  Chair. — Bepublican  party  enter  upon  the  administration  of 
affairs.— Attack  on  Sumter. — War  begun.— Democrats  join  the  rebels. — 
Jefferson  Davis  issues  a  Proclamation. — War  spirit  of  the  Free  States. — 
Massachusetts  sends  the  first  soldiers. — They  are  attacked  at  Barimore. — 
The  President  calls  for  troops.  —  Terms  of  compromise.  —  Horatio  Sey 
mour.— His  complicity  with  the  rebels. — Letter  from  George  N.  Sanders. — 
Seeming  success  of  the  rebels. — Southern  speeches,  resolutions  and  the 
press  against  compromise. — Fernando  Wood,  Mayor  of  New  York  City, 
recommends  its  secession.— He  predicts  a  Pacific  Confederacy.— Policy  of 
the  Federal  Government  during  the  first  two  years  of  the  war.— An npnu ce 
ment  of  Emancipation  Proclamation.— Effect  of.— Extracts  from  Lin&.?-i  s 
message  of  1861. — Harmony  of  the  Government. — Democrats  plot  to  fire 
Northern  cities.  —  Confession  of  Kennedy.  —  Contagious  disease  spread 
among  Union  soldiers 260 

CHAPTEB    XVII. 

Grant  takes  command  of  the  Armies  of  the  Bepublic.  —  His  address  to  his 
soldiers.  —  His  letter  to  Hon.  E.  B.  Washburne.  —  Jefferson  Davis  still 
hopeful  of  success.— A.  H.  Stephens'  views  of  peace.— Gen.  Sherman's 


CONTENTS.  XI 


Field  Order  No.  68.  —  His  letter  to  Gen.  Burbridge.  —  Makes  President 
Lincoln  a  Christmas  gift  of  Savannah.  —  His  letter  to  Maj.  E.  M.  Saw 
yer. — Massacre  at  Fort  Pillow. — Sheridan's  victory  at  Winchester. — Havoc 
of  the  war  in  1864. — England  supplies  the  rebels  with  ships. — Effects  of 
the  Presidential  election  of  1864. — Treasonable  organizations  of  the 
Democrats  of  the  Free  States.— "Knights  of  the  Golden  Circle. "—Their 

plans page  292 

CHAPTEE    XVIII. 

Presidential  election  of  1864.— Platforms  of  the  parties.— Eemoval  of  Gen. 
McClellan.  —  Democratic  National  Convention.  —  Sheridan  appointed  a 
Major-General. — Vote  in  the  Presidential  election. — Policy  of  the  Bepub- 
lican  party. — Victories  of  the  Union  armies. — President  Lincoln's  annual 
message  of  1864. — Jefferson  Davis'  message  to  the  rebel  Congress. . .  .313 

CHAPTEE    XIX. 

Perplexities  of  the  President  of  the  "Confederacy."— rHis  message  to  Con 
gress. — He  relies  upon  the  "unquenchable  "  spirit  of  the  people. — He  is 
grieved  at  the  non-recognition  of  his  Government  by  other  nations. — His 
views  upon  placing  the  negro  in  the  Army. — Peace  Commissioners  from 
the  South. — Second  inauguration  of  Abraham  Lincoln  as  President. — His 
inaugural  address. — Hopeful  prospects  of  the  Union  cause. — yirength  of 
and  operations  of  the  Navy. — Attack  on  and  fall  of  Fort  Fisher . — .Rebel 
privateers. — Where  built. — Capture  of. — Sinking  of  the  "Alabama"  by 
the  "Kearsarge. " — United  States  Navy  in  the  war  of  1812.  —  Colored 

soldiers  in  the  Army 333 

CHAPTEE  XX. 

Strength  of  the  Army. — Important  battles. — Fall  of  Eichmond. — Disordered 
flight  of  the  inhabitants. — Surrender  of  Lee  and  Johnston. — Number  of 
troops  in  the  field. — Number  slain. — Number  of  colored  soldiers. — Popu 
lation  of  North  and  South. — Grant's  and  Sherman's  farewell  addresses  to 
their  soldiers. — Jefferson  Davis  issues  a  Proclamation.— His  flight  South 
ward. — His  capture 350 

CHAPTEE  XXI. 

Enthusiasm  at  the  fall  of  Eichmond. — Assassination  of  Abraham  Lincoln. — 
Attempt  to  murder  W.  H.  Seward. — Andrew  Johnson  sworn  in  President 
of  the  United  States. — Capture  of  Booth,  the  assassin  of  Lincoln. — Cap 
ture  of  the  other  conspirators. —Trial  and  sentence  of. — Rewards  offered 
for  Jefferson  Davis,  Jacob  Thompson,  Clement  C.  Clay,  Beverly  Tucker, 
George  N.  Sanders  and  W.  C.  Cleary 378 

CHAPTEE    XXII. 

Reconstruction. — Status  of  the  rebel  States.— The  President's  policy.— Atti 
tude  of  the  Democracy.— Action  of  Congress. — Amendments  to  the  Con 
stitution.— Civil  Eights  Bill 390 

CHAPTEE    XXIII. 

Federal  Union.— Constitutions  of  the  several  States. — Elective  franchise  in  the 
several  States. — Who  are  eligible  to  office. — Colonial  royal  charters. — 
Adoption  of  State  Constitutions. — Of  the  Federal  Constitution. — Admis 
sion  of  States  into  the  Union 407 

CHAPTEE  XXIV. 

Constitution  of  the  United  States. — Amendments  to. — Powers  and  duties  of 
officers  under.— Citizenship.— Laws  of  South  Carolina.— Attempt  to  sell 
British  subjects 440 

CHAPTEE    XXV. 

Total  area  and  population  of  the  United  States. — Foreigners  in  America. — 
Their  numbers,  influence,  politics,  peculiarities,  conditions. — Archbishop 
Hughes  as  a  citizen. — His  letter 453 

CHAPTEE    XXVI. 

Naturalization  laws  of  the  United  States.— Decisions  of  United  States  and 
State  Courts  upon.— Pre-emption  laws  of  the  United  States.— Eights  of 


Xll  CONTENTS. 


aliens  to  settle  upon  and  hold  lands.  —  United  States  and  State  Court 

decisions  on page  469 

CHAPTER    XXVII. 

Arraignment  of  Andrew  Johnson,  President  of  the  United  States,  on  charges 
of  high  crimes  and  misdemeanors.— Final  vote 488 

CHAPTER    XXVIII. 

Citizenship  in  the  Southern  Confederacy. — Confederate  Constitution. No 

citizens  of  the  Confederacy. — Conscripting  the  sovereign  people. — The 
South  tired  of  feeding  foreigners:  they  must  leave  the  Confederacy. — All 
the  people  must  labor. — Southern  Congress  on  Lincoln's  Emancipation 
Proclamation. — The  "black  flag "  to  be  hoisted 493 

CHAPTER    XXIX. 

Political  parties. — Washington's  Administration.  —  Federal  and  Anti-Federal 
parties. — First  "Democratic  clubs." — Friends  of  Robespierre. — Washing 
ton  condemns  the  Jacobin  clubs. — First  National  Convention  in  America. — 
Origin  of  the  Democratic  party.  —  First  called  Republican.  —  National 
Republicans. — Origin  of  the  Whig  party. — Republicans  and  Democrats. — 

Their  principles  and  practices 503 

CHAPTER  XXX. 

Education  in  America  before  the  Revolution. — Frea  schools  first  established 
in  New  England. — Whisky,  its  cost  and  influence. — Colleges  and  profes 
sional  schools.  —  Number  of  Colleges  and  Schools  in  1860.  —  Number  of 
pupils,  foreign  and  native. — Libraries  in  the  Union. — Newspapers. — His 
tory  of. — Number  in  the  Union. — California  issues  most  papers 517 

CHAPTER    XXXI. 

Presidential  election  of  1868. — Ulysses  S.  Grant  elected  President. — Schuyler 
Colfax,  Vice-President. — Horatio  Seymour  and  Francis  P.  Blair  defeated. — 
Republican  and  Democratic  Conventions. — Votes  cast  for  each  party. — 
Johnson's  Amnesty  Proclamations.  —  Biographical  sketch  of  Grant. — 
"Unconditional  surrender." — "Fight  it  out  on  this  line." — How  Pres 
idents  are  elected 530 

CHAPTER  XXXII. 

The  New  Nation.  —  Progress  of  Republicanism.  —  Influence  of  political  par 
ties. — Elective  franchise. — "Woman's  Rights." 551 

CHAPTER    XXXIII. 
Beauties  of  Democracy. — Spirit  of  Republican  liberty 565 

CHAPTER    XXXIV. 

General  of  the  American  Armies 585 

CHAPTER    XXXV. 
Existing  Republics  of  the  world  in  1869 591 

APPENDIX. — Presidents  of  the  Continental  Congress  under  the  Articles  of  Con 
federation;  Presidents  of  the  United  States  under  the  Constitution;  votes 
for  and  by  what  political  party  elected;  Electoral  College  and  popular 
vote;  Senators  and  Representatives  in  Forty-first  Congress;  party  elected 
by;  population  of  the  United  States  from  1790  to  1860;  composition  of 
the  American  population;  area  of  all  the  States  and  Territories;  native 
citizens  in  America ;  foreigners  in  America — Germans  and  Irish;  paupers 
and  crime  in  the  United  States;  soldiers  in  the  wars  of  1776  and  1861-5; 
Army  furnished  by  the  several  States;  composition  of  the  Army;  newspa 
pers  in  America;  finance  of  the  United  States;  banks,  railroads,  canals, 
real  and  personal  property  in  the  United  States;  speeches  of  W.  H.  Sew- 
ard,  Joshua  R.  Giddings,  Charles  Sumner,  William  Lloyd  Garrison,  Thad- 
deus  Stevens,  Edward  D.  Baker,  Andrew  Jackson,  Josiah  Quincy,  Col. 
Isaac  Barre,  Daniel  Webster,  Mr.  Morris,  Abraham  Lincoln,  Henry  Clay, 
Patrick  Henry;  first  American  Constitution;  United  Colonies  of  New 
England;  Declaration  of  Independence;  Articles  of  Confederation;  Con 
stitution  of  the  United  States;  Confederate  Constitution 601 


REPUBLICANISM  IN  AMERICA. 


CHAPTER   I. 

EAELY  SETTLEMENT  OP  THE  COLONIES.  —  SLAVEEY  IN  THE  COLONIES.  —  CON  • 
FLICTING  OPINIONS  BETWEEN  THE  NORTH  AND  SOUTH.— SLAVEEY  IN  THE 
TEKKITOBJES.— LOCAL  PEEJUDICES  OF  THE  PEOPLE. 

WHOEVER  calling  himself  an  American,  standing 
upon  the  Altar  of  his  Country's  Liberties,  and  mani 
festing  an  indifference  as  to  the  causes  which  led  to 
this  marvelous  Temple  of  Freedom,  and  failing  to 
inquire  how  far,  and  in  what,  we  are  Republican,  falls 
short  of  that  duty  devolving  upon  him  as  one  of  the 
toilers  in  the  great  vineyard  of  Human  Freedom. 

At  the  date  of  our  writing,  when  thirty-seven  S^tee 
ai;d  a  vast  territory  yet  to  become  States,  form  tha 
Union,  reaching  from  the  shores  of  Maine  to  Behring 
Straits  in  the  North  Pacific — all  these  "  Sovereign 
States"  and  people,  combining  more  activity,  general 
enlightenment  and  go-aheadativeness  than  can  be 
found  among  any  other  people  on  the  earth,  and  ex 
hibiting  an  individuality  that  in  half  a  generation 
absorbs  the  multifarious  customs,  complexions  and 
tongues  of  the  thousands  of  exiles  from  all  lands  who 
seek  homes  here,  and  reconstructs  them  into  the  individ 
ualized  persons  of  Americans,  where  they  soon  forget 
the  place  of  their  birth,  and  feel  proud  to  acknowledge 
the  land  of  their  adoption  as  their  country  ;  where  our 
2 


14  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

institutions  baptize  them  into  new  life  and  endow  them 
with  new  energies — rejoicing  with  us  in  the  expanse 
of  our  territory — the  might  of  our  Armies  and  Na 
vies — marching  side  by  side  with  us  upon  the  field 
of  battle,  and  sharing  with  us  the  exultation  of  our 
victories;  where  all  these  harmonizing  scenes  present 
themselves,  a  natural  inquiry  arises:  What  relation, 
politically,  exists  between  the  various  States  in  their 
legislative  capacity — what  the  relation  of  the  States 
to  the  Union — and  what  relation  as  between  the  Union 
and  any  and  all  of  the  States  and  Territories — and 
what  measure  of  influence  in  time,  and  operation  of 
the  various  States,  have  conduced  to  all  these  great 
national  results — and  what  portion  of  the  native- 
born  or  adopted  citizens,  as  a  class,  have  most  aided 
in  developing  and  perpetuating  this  splendid  fabric  of 
Government.  A  liberal  and  just  examination  of  the 
facts  as  they  transpire  in  the  history  of  our  country, 
where  the  light  of  truth  may  do  justice  to  all,  even 
if  all  do  not  shine  equally  brilliant,  and  probing  the 
dark  spots  that  have  heretofore  obscured  the  light  of 
liberty,  must  have  its  excuse  in  the  justness  of  truth. 

If  in  this  investigation  I  have  to  lead  the  reader 
over  much  ground  already  traveled  by  others,  I  hope 
to  present  enough  of  facts  yet  obscure,  or  inaccessible 
to  the  masses,  to  repay  a  reading  of  this  plea,  for  those 
principles  and  influences  that  have  had  so  prominent  a 
part  in  America's  Liberties. 

Historians  seem  to  agree  that  the  American  Conti 
nent  was  discovered  by  Columbus,  and  that  early  in 
the  seventeenth  century  colonization  of  America  was 
commenced  on  the  James  River,  in  Virginia,  at  Man 
hattan  and  New  Amsterdam  (now  New  York);  and 
that  in  1620,  a  ship  called  the  Mayflower,  with  "Pil- 


I.]  EARLY   SETTLEMENT.  15 

grims"  on  board,  arrived  at  a  place  called  Cape  Cod, 
on  the  shores  of  the  now  State  of.  Massachusetts,  and 
that  the  colonization  of  Virginia  was  begun  as  early  as 
the  year  1607.  The  colonists  of  the  two  sections, 
although  boasting  of  their  origin  in  the  Anglo-Saxon 
race,  and  having  been  born  upon  the  soil  of  Britain, 
no  sooner  found  themselves  transplanted  upon  the  soil 
of  the  New  World,  than  distinct  and  opposite  charac 
teristics  began  to  develop  themselves,  until  a  species 
•of  civil  strife,  entering  largely  into  the  political  and 
social  affairs  of  the  Nation,  had  grown  up  between  the 
sections  of  country  alluded  to.  The  institution  of 
Slavery  engendered  in  the  people  of  the  South  a 
spirit  of  domination  and  vaunted  superiority  over 
those  of  the  North,  and  the  conflict  of  interests  and 
ideas  early  established,  expanded  with  the  growth  and 
development  of  National  affairs,  until  a  fierce  antag 
onism  upon  the  subject  of  Slavery  absorbed  every 
other  interest  of  National  legislation.  The  Southern 
representatives  went  to  the  Capital  with  an  eye  single 
to  the  preservation  of  the  institution  of  Slavery,  upon 
which  severe  attacks  were  being  made  by  the  repre 
sentatives  from  the  North  or  Free  States. 

The  positions  taken  by  the  respective  parties  were 
natural,  under  all  the  circumstances.  The  early  states 
men  of  the  Republic  met  the  same  subject  upon  the 
threshold  of  the  new  edifice,  and  the  corner-stone  of 
the  American  Republic  was  laid  upon  the  skeleton 
corpses  of  men  "held  to  service,"  amidst  a  warring  of 
opinions  and  interests,  which  had  been  widening  the 
breach  in  proportion  to  the  increase  of  the  slave  pop 
ulation  at  the  South,  and  the  free  schools  at  the  North. 
No  reconciliation  could  be  had,  for  the  spirit  of  con 
tention  had  too  firmly  taken  hold  of  the  two  sections, 


16  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

and  by  each  breeze  that  fanned  the  fires  of  passion  or 
interest,  new  heat  was  added  to  the  volcano,  whose 
flame  burned  in  the  heart  of  the  Nation.  This  fire 
was  fed  from  the  active  National  tributaries  of  thirty- 
four  States  in  1860,  which,  although  all  holding  their 
national  existence  under  the  great  charter  of  the  Amer 
ican  Constitution,  seemed  to  be  completely  out  of  joint 
with  its  principles,  and  instead  of  harmonizing  and 
adjusting  their  laws  and  institutions  to  its  letter  and 
spirit,  stood  on  the  arena  of  their  State  Constitutions 
and  local  prejudices  and  proscriptions — battering  out 
their  political  brains  to  their  own  discomfort  and  the 
amusement  of  our  jealous  neighbors  across  the  water. 

No  subject,  of  whatever  national  importance,  could 
attract  either  the  attention  of  the  people  or  the  Na 
tional  Legislators,  unless  in  some  phase  or  other  it 
partook  of  a  fierce  partisan  spirit  in  the  attacks  upon 
the  slave  power  from  the  North,  or  the  bitter  denun 
ciations  heaped  upon  those  called  Yankees  and  Aboli 
tionists. 

The  Constitution  became  the  by-word  of  each  party, 
and  an  interpretation  of  its  various  sections,  and  an  ap 
plication  of  its  analysis  to  State  policy  and  sectional 
interests,  degenerated  the  once  National  American 
Statesman  into  a  violent  partisan  demagogue. 

The  growth  and  development  of  political  affairs 
among  the  masses  of  the  people,  stimulated  by  a  love 
of  liberty,  had  at  this  date  lifted  the  people  above  the 
control  and  influence  of  individuals.  Particularly  so 
was  this  the  case  in  the  Free  States ;  there  the  cotter, 
the  farmer,  the  lumberman,  the  fisherman,  the  me 
chanic,  the  whole  mass  of  the  people,  under  the  Free 
School  System,  aided  by  the  mighty  power  of  the 
Press,  became  a  thinking,  reading,  and  earnest  people — 


1.]  CONFLICTING   OPINIONS.  17 

jealous  of  their  rights,  and  zealous  in  securing  the 
freedom  of  those  of  whom  they  knew  little,  save  that 
they  were  held  in  bondage.  To  accomplish  their  ob 
ject  of  liberation  demanded  something  more  than  the 
windy  declamation  of  over-zealous  individuals,  or  the 
spasmodic  stampede  of  a  few  slaves  upon  the  borders 
of  the  Free  States.  The  organization  of  individuals 
into  societies  for  the  promulgation  of  the  abolition  of 
Slavery— the  issuing  of  appeals  through  them  by  the 
Press,  printed  circulars,  and  speeches — were  resorted  to, 
and  soon  began  to  draw  forth  the  denunciations  of  the 
people  of  the  South,  who  passed  laws  making  it  a 
felony,  punishable  by  death,  at  the  discretion  of  the 
Judge,  for  any  person  to  teach  any  negro  or  mulatto, 
or  person  of  color,  free  or  slave,  to  read  or  write,  or  to 
distribute  any  papers,  books,  pamphlets,  or  induce  any 
conspiracy  or  insubordination  among  the  slaves;  and 
these  laws,  in  many  of  the  States,  were  carried  out, 
even  upon  unoffending  and  innocent  men  of  the  North, 
particularly  those  engaged  in  the  circulation  of  tracts, 
and  religious  pamphlets  and  papers,  ministers  of  the 
Gospel,  agents  of  northern  newspapers,  and  the  irre 
pressible  Yankee  bookseller,  whose  territory  is  limited 
only  by  the  bounds  of  civilization.  Many  of  these 
people  unwittingly  found  themselves  in  the  presence 
of  Southern  courts  and  judges,  unaware  of  their  offend 
ing  until  the  inexorable  law  consigned  them  to  the 
felon's  cell  or  to  the  gallows. 

No  means  were  wanting  to  influence  the  minds  of 
the  people  of  the  South  against  every  body  and  every 
thing  north  of  " Mason  and  Dixon's  Line."  A  scurril 
ous  press  heaped  the  vilest  wrath  and  falsehoods  upon 
the  whole  institutions  and  people  of  the  Free  States. 
The  youth  of  the  South  were  taught  to  regard  the 


18  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

Yankees  as  species  of  itinerant  vagabonds,  living  by 
plebian  and  servile  labor — scavengers  and  petty  job 
bers,  traders,  peddlers,  and  negro-stealers — "  Black  Ab 
olitionists,"  guilty  of  all  manner  of  crime,  and  unfitted 
by  nature  or  education  to  associate  with  respectable 
people.  Nor  did  these  teachings  fail  to  have  their 
effect.  Falsehood  and  prejudice  on  both  sides  swelled 
largely  the  measure  of  gall  that  each  party  held  to  the 
lips  of  the  other ;  and  this  feeling  was  not  confined  to 
any  one  class,  but  entered  into  the  social  and  political 
affairs  of  both.  In  the  latter  particularly  did  its  propor 
tions  begin  to  manifest  signs  of  decided  danger,  when 
in  1860,  for  the  first  time  in  the  history  of  the  coun 
try,  a  strict  party  campaign  for  the  Presidential  Elec 
tion  was  inaugurated.  Every  tie  that  bound  the  North 
and  South  together  was  at  one  fell  swoop  obliterated, 
and  despite  the  efforts  of  reconciliation  attempted,  no 
compromise  could  be  had,  and  the  two  sections  stood 
facing  each  other,  each  making  demands  upon  the 
other  for  concessions.  All  party  lines  were  broken, 
and  although  each  claimed  to  stand  upon  the  Consti 
tution,  each  charged  the  other  with  acts  of  violation 
of  its  sacred  doctrines.  Men  of  undecided  political 
preferences  were  asked  by  their  neighbors  which  side 
they  intended  to  take  in  the  contest.  So,  from  mouth  to 
mouth  and  ear  to  ear  went  over  the  land  the  acclama 
tion  that  we  were  upon  the  threshold  of  danger. 

Pro-Slavery  and  Abolitionism  now  flung  the  mantle 
from  their  shoulders,  stepped  into  the  arena,  and  with 
out  waiting  to  toss  for  choice  of  ground,  chose  their 
umpires,  and  stood  in  colossal  form,  facing  each  other. 
The  negro  who  had  been  so  important  a  feature  of  dis 
order  in  the  affairs  of  the  nation,  no  longer  presented 
the  feeble  form  he  did,  when  in  the  year  1620,  twenty 


I.]  INFLUENCE   OF   SLAVERY.  19 

of  his  race  were  imported  into  Jamestown,  Virginia,  in 
a  Dutch  ship,  and  sold  into  Slavery  (the  first  slaves  in 
the  Union) .  Their  physical  proportions  had  developed 
into  four  millions  of  beings,  located  in  fifteen  States  of 
the  Union,  whose  customs,  society,  Constitution  and 
laws  were  inaugurated,  enacted,  and  controlled  by  their 
interests  and  presence ;  they  were  the  property  of  their 
masters,  subject '  to  sale  and  execution  for  debts  or 
claims  against  their  owners ;  they  were  a  peculiar  kind 
of  merchandise,  that  formed  a  basis  of  representation 
in  Congress,  and  a  species  of  property  necessary  in 
many  of  the  States  in  the  qualifications  prescribed  by 
statute,  to  enable  the  citizen  to  be  eligible  to  high 
political  position  in  the  State.  If,  then,  he  was  mer 
chandise,  could  not  his  owner  take  him  with  him  into 
foreign  lands?  What  business  had  England  to  say 
that  as  soon  as  a  slave  touched  her  soil  he  was  free? 
What  right  had  any  State  in  the  Union  to  pass  "  Per 
sonal  Liberty  Bills,"  and  legislate  to  deprive  gentlemen 
of  the  South  of  their  property,  if  they  chose  to  take 
it  into  any  of  the  States?  Had  the  States  any  power 
to  impose  a  tax  upon,  or  confiscate  the  goods  and  chat 
tels  of,  another  State?  Had  not  a  man  at  the  South 
just  as  much  right  to  take  his  merchandise  into  any 
State  of  the  Union,  as  any  person  or  any  State  in  the 
Union  had  to  take  their  goods  into  the  South?  Had 
not  a  citizen  of  the  South  a  right  to  take  his  property 
into  any  of  the  Territories,  and  there  enjoy,  and  there 
regulate  his  own  domestic  institutions  as  to  him  might 
seem  best?  Who  owns  this  vast  Territory?  Did  not 
the  funds  of  the  South,  like  the  rest  of  the  country, 
contribute  to  its  acquisition  and  protection?  Have  we 
not  a  right  to  lake  our  property  into  the  Territories,  and  adopt 
a  Constitution  and  enact  laws  securing  to  us  our  title 


20  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

and  interest  in  our  property?  This  was  the  hinge  upon 
which  turned  the  whole  subject  of  the  slave  question.  Fifteen 
States,  by  their  people,  said  that  they  could  take  their 
merchandise  into  the  Territories  and  build  up  States 
as  long  as  they  adopted  Constitutions  in  conformity 
•with  the  laws  of  Congress,  and  Congress  recognizes 
the  Constitutions  of  fifteen  States  and  their  laws,  and 
says  that  they  are  Republican  in  form,  and  can  enjoy 
this  species  of  property;  can  buy,  sell,  trade,  import, 
and  export  into  and  from  one  State  to  another  of  any 
of  these  fifteen  States,  without  let  or  hindrance.  The 
Constitution  recognizes  this  property.  It  does  not 
prohibit  us  from  taking  such  into  the  Territories." 

Twenty-one  States  of  the  Union  having,  either  by 
abolishing  Slavery,  or  coming  into  the  Union  as  Free 
States,  proclaimed  through  their  people  that  the  peo 
ple  of  the  South  had  no  right  to  take  their  Slaves 
into  the  Territories ;  that  Slavery  was  not  recognized 
there  by  any  law  of  the  land ;  that  if  taken  there  they 
were  upon  free  soil,  and  of  right  ought  to  be  free ;  that 
Congress  had  power  to  legislate  upon  this  subject;  that 
Slavery  was  a  peculiar  institution,  confined  by  local 
laws  to  prescribed  geographical  limits;  that  if  taken 
into  a  Territory  and  remain  there  until  a  State  adopt 
a  Constitution,  and  the  State  come  in  free,  then  all 
the  slaves  in  the  Territory  at  once,  by  this  act,  became 
free ;  that  it  was  a  curse,  contrary  to  the  law  of  nature ; 
that  its  limits  must  be  circumscribed,  that  it  was  an- 
tagonistical  to  a  Republican  form  of  government,  that 
the  country  could  not  endure  part  free  and  part  slave ; 
that  at  least  so  far  as  the  territories  were  concerned,  it 
could  not  go  there  ;  that  ultimately  it  must  die  out  or 
be  abated  by  legislation.  Thus  the  issues  were  made 
up ;  and  although  the  two  sections  stood  generally 


I.]  SQUATTER  SOVEREIGNTY.  21 

upon  these  issues,  yet,  individuals  were  found  in  large 
numbers  at  the  North,  who  coincided  with  the  people 
and  views  of  the  South,  and  so,  in  many  of  the  South 
ern  States,  those  who  indorsed  the  views  of  the  North. 

Stephen  A.  Douglas's  doctrine  of  "  Squatter  Sover 
eignty,"  did  more  to  excite  the  passions  and  prejudice 
of  the  people  of  the  South  in  favor  of  their  views  of 
the  subject,  and  to  alienate  a  large  class  of  the  North 
ern  inhabitants  from  the  views  entertained  by  the  peo 
ple  of  the  Free  States,  than  any  other  subject  agitated. 
His  views,  however,  upon  this  subject,  like  his  opinions 
upon  most  of  the  doctrines  that  he  advocated,  entitle 
his  memory  to  the  sympathy  of  his  friends,  as  erring 
in  judgment,  or  stamp  his  act  with  the  brand  of  the 
political  demagogue,  who,  losing  sight  of  the  sacred 
trusts  confided  to  the  statesman,  fixed  his  eye  upon 
the  Presidential  chair,  and  his  ambition  overleaping 
his  judgment  and  conscience,  carried  him  headlong  into 
the  vortex  of  political  intrigue,  from  which  suspicion 
his  devotion  to  his  country  in  the  hour  of  her  late 
trials  much  redeemed  him. 

The  issues  being  made  between  the  two  sections,  and 
the  greedy  bone  of  contention  being  the  "  persons  held 
to  service  or  labor,"  the  Constitution  was  invoked  as 
the  balm  for  all  their  disorders;  but  in  vain,  for  its  ex 
pounders  presented  conclusions  and  opinions  as  mul 
tifarious  and  conflicting  as  the  complexions,  interests, 
and  passions  of  their  authors. 

The  twenty-one  Free  States  felt  their  power  in  the 
National  Councils  to  check  by  legislation  the  spread  of 
the  Slave  Power  in  the  Territories,  should  such  a  power 
be  deemed  necessary;  but  above  all  did  they  feel  their 
power  in  filling  the  Territories  with  a  population  from 
the  Free  States  and  the  emigrants  of  Europe,  who, 


22  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

when  framing  a  Constitution;  would  be  sure  to  vote 
against  Slavery.  ISTo  State  had  come  into  the  Union 
as  a  Slave  State  for  many  years;  the  efforts  made  to 
spread  the  institution,  and  carry  California  and  Kan 
sas  as  Slave  States  had  failed.  That  slaves  who  might 
reside  in  the  Territories  would  become  free  so  soon  as 
a  State  was  admitted  into  the  Union  with  a  free  Con 
stitution,  was  a  serious  question  for  the  South.  The 
people  of  the  Free  States  were  determined  that  Slavery 
should  not  go  into  the  Territories,  and  that  it  must  be 
confined  to  its  limits  in  the  fifteen  States  already  ac 
knowledging  .it,  whilst  the  vast  Territory  from  the  Mis 
sissippi  to  the  Pacific  Ocean,  large  enough  to  form 
twenty  new  States,  would  each,  as  it  came  in,  join  its 
destinies  to  the  North  and  East,  confine  by  legislation  the 
institution  to  its  present  limits,  or  strangle  it  to  death 
even  upon  its  own  hearth-stone.  The  Republican  party 
now  (1860)  a  power,  were  in  the  field,  with  Abraham 
Lincoln  as  their  candidate  for  President,  with  his 
avowal  that  "the  country  cannot  live  part  free  and 
part  slave,"  and  that  he  believed  "in  the  perpetuity 
of  the  Republic.'7 


, 


CHAPTER    II. 

COLONIAL    CONDITION.  — EARLY  SETTLEMENT.  —  THE   FIRST  CONSTITUTION.— 
SIGNERS  OF  THE  FIRST  CONSTITUTION.  —  LANDING  OF  THE  PILGRIMS. 

So  far  as  the  political  history  of  the  Colonies  goes, 
little  can  be  gathered  upon  which  to  build  any  founda 
tion  that  the  intention  of  the  early  settlers  was  to  build 
up  a  separate  and  independent  Government  j  indeed,  all 
the  acts  of  the  people  go  far  to  establish  a  contrary 
opinion.  The  charters  granted  by  the  King  of  Britain, 
from  the  beginning  to  the  middle  of  the  seventeenth 
century,  and  the  submission  of  the  people,  the  repeated 
petitions  to  the  Mother  Country  to  relax  her  oppres 
sive  laws  upon  them,  their  oft  repeated  avowals  of  filial 
attachment,  their  humble  supplications  through  their 
representatives  and  commissioners,  all  tend  to  the  belief 
that  a  strong  attachment  bound  the  early  colonists  to 
the  British  Goverment  and  laws. 

The  Colony  of  Virginia  had  from  1607  up  to  the 
Revolutionary  War,  almost  two  hundred  years,  con 
formed  to  the  limits  and  laws  imposed  by  the  Home 
Government,  and  the  Colonies  on  the  Hudson  and 
Manhattan  were  equally  submissive;  and  although  all 
seemed  equally  determined  in  1776  to  redress  their 
long  grievances,  yet  it  is  but  reasonable  to  conjecture 
that  what  are  now  called  the  New  England  States,  did, 
either  by  accident  or  design,  gradually  fall  into  a  style 
of  government  that  formed  the  basis  of  the  General 
Government  of  the  United  States. 

The  Pilgrim  Fathers  who  landed  at  Plymouth  Rock 


24  REPUBLICANISM   IN  AMEKICA.  [Chap. 

in  1620,  did  not  in  all  things  maintain  nor  apply  that 
rule  of  Christianity  and  forbearance  toward  others  that 
they  so  zealously  desired  to  be  applied  to  themselves; 
and  now,  as  we  lift  the  veil,  although  clouded  by  the 
mists  of  three  centuries,  obscuring  many  of  their  faults 
in  the  silent  tomb,  yet  we  sigh  for  that  poor  humanity 
in  them  and  in  us,  of  this  and  all  ages,  like  the  Cru 
saders  of  old,  proclaiming  that  the  "right  of  con 
science,"  and  "  liberty  to  worship  God  according  to 
their  judgment,"  was  what  they  demanded,  and  for 
which  they  were  ready  to  die ;  whilst  they  denied  the 
same  right  to  others,  and  entered  upon  cruel  inquisi 
tions  to  deprive  of  life  and  liberty  other  people  claim 
ing  to  worship  God  by  their  consciences.  But  the  ghost 
of  Roger  Williams  has  ceased  to  torment  his  perse 
cutors  ;  it  has  hied  to  its  confine.  His  spirit,  however, 
keeps  eternal  guard  upon  the  altar  of  our  religious 
freedom. 

The  first  Constitution  forming  a  civil  government  in 
America,  was  drawn  up  and  signed  on  board  the  May 
flower,  by  the  Pilgrims,  on  the  llth  of  November, 
1620.  At  that  time  there  had  been  a  charter  granted 
to  parties  to  settle  most  of  New  England.  The  Pil 
grims  left  England  with  the  intention  of  settling  on  the 
Hudson,  within  the  limits  of  the  London  or  South  Vir 
ginia  Company,  but  by  accident,  or,  as  some  suppose, 
and  is  generally  believed,  by  the  treachery  of  the  Dutch 
who  had  themselves  contemplated  settling  on  the  Hud 
son,  and  who  had  bribed  the  pilot  to  land  them  north 
of  the  Hudson,  they  were  taken  to  the  coast  of  Cape 
Cod,  where  they  arrived  on  the  9th  of  November, 
1620.  Not  having  contemplated  any  plantation  within 
the  limits  of  the  Plymouth  company,  they  had  not 
obtained  from  them  any  charter.  Being,  therefore, 


II.]  THE  FIRST   AMERICAN  CONSTITUTION.  25 

destitute  of  any  right  to  the  soil,  and  without  the  pow 
ers  of  any  government  derived  from  the  proper  author 
ity,  on  the  llth  of  November,  before  they  landed,  they 
drew  up  and  signed  the  following  compact,  or  consti 
tution: 

"In  the  name  of  God,  amen.  We,  whose  names  are  under 
written,  the  loyal  subjects  of  our  dread  sovereign  lord,  King 
James,  having  undertaken  for  the  glory  of  God,  the  advancement 
of  the  Christian  faith,  and  honor  of  our  King  and  country,  a 
voyage  to  plant  the  first  Colony  in  the  northern  part  of  Virginia, 
do  by  these  presents,  solemnly  and  mutually,  in  the  presence  of 
God  and  of  one  another,  covenant  and  combine  ourselves  together 
in  a  civil  body  politic,  for  our  better  ordering  and  preservation, 
and  furtherance  of  the  ends  aforesaid;  and  by  virtue  hereof  do 
enact,  constitute  and  frame  such  just  and  equal  laws,  ordinances, 
acts  and  constitutions,  and  offices,  from  time  to  time,  as  shall  be 
thought  most  meet  and  convenient  for  the  good  of  the  Colony; 
unto  which  we  promise  all  due  submission  and  obedience." 

The  names  of  the  signers  were  as  follows  (all  the 
men  on  board) :  John  Carver,f  William  Bradford, f 
Edward  Winslow,f  William  Brewster,f  Isaac  Allerton,f 
Miles  Stanclish,t  John  Alden,  Samuel  Fuller,  Chris 
topher  Martin,f*  William  Mullins,f*  William  White, f* 
Richard  Warren,  John  Howland,  Stephen  Hopkins,f 
Edward  Tilly,t*  John  Tilly,t*  Francis  Cook,  Thomas 
Rogers,*  Thomas  Tinker,f*  John  Ridgdale,f*  Edward 
Fuller, f*  John  Turner,*  Francis  Eaton,f  James  Chil- 
ton,f  *  John  Crackston,*  John  Billmgton,f  Moses  Flet 
cher,*  John  Goodman,*  Degory  Priest,*  Thomas  Wil 
liams,*  Gilbert  Winslow,  Edward  Margeson,*  Peter 
Brown,  Richard  Britterige,*  George  Soule,  Richard 
Clarke,*  Richard  Gardiner,  John  Allerton,*  Thomas 
English,*  Edward  Dotey,  Edward  Leister. 

Some  idea  of  the  privations  and  hardships  endured 
by  these  stout  Britons,  may  be  ascertained  from  the 


26  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

fact  that  by  the  end  of  March  following  their  landing, 
about  four  months,  more  than  half  of  them  were  in 
their  graves — twenty-one  of  them  having  died  in  that 
short  space  of  time.  The  names  of  those  who  died 
within  that  period  are  marked  with  an  asterisk  (*).  Of 
the  number  of  these  signers,  eighteen  brought  their 
wives  with  them.  Their  names  are  indicated  by  a  dag 
ger  (f). 

It  was  signed  by  forty-one  persons,  the  whole  com 
pany  being,  including  men,  women  and  children,  one 
hundred  and  one.  Having  settled  a  social  compact, 
they  proceeded  to  examine  the  coast,  and  finally  set 
tled  at  a  place  which  they  called  Plymouth,  after  the 
name  of  the  company  owning  the  soil.  They  landed 
on  the  22 d  of  December,  1620,  and  commenced  the  first 
permanent  settlement  in  New  England.  For  ten  years 
the  colonists  held  their  property  in  common,  when 
they  obtained  from  the  company  a  grant  of  the  land. 

The  government  of  the  Colony  was  administered  by 
a  Governor  and  seven  Assistants,  all  chosen  by  the 
people  annually.  Being  a  pure  republic,  the  people  in 
general  meeting  often  decided  upon  both  legislative 
and  executive  affairs.  In  1630,  their  numbers  having 
become  such  as  to  render  deliberation  in  full  assembly 
inconvenient,  the  representative  system  was  adopted. 
In  1631,  when  permanent  settlements  began  to  be  made 
in  New  Hampshire,  Massachusetts  threw  her  protec 
tion  round  them,  and  one  by  one  as  the  new  Colonies 
began  to  be  formed  and  populated  from  Massachusetts, 
she  protected  them,  and  infused  her  ideas  of  govern 
ment  among  them,  until  each  of  them  made  a  Colonial 
Government  assimilated  to  her  own.  In  1643  the  Col 
onies  of  Massachusetts,  Plymouth,  Connecticut  and 
New  Haven,  formed  a  league,  or  confederation,  bj  the 


II. ]  COLONIAL   GOVERNMENT.  27 

name  of  the  "United  Colonies  of  New  England."  By 
the  terms  of  this  union,  the  internal  affairs  of  each 
Colony  were  left  to  its  own  government.  In  war,  each 
was  to  furnish  its  proportion  of  men  according  to  its 
population,  and  the  common  affairs  of  the  Confederacy 
were  to  be  conducted  by  a  Congress  composed  of  two 
Commissioners  from  each  Colony. 

During  the  civil  wars  of  England,  while  the  govern 
ment  was  in  the  hands  of  the  Republican  Parliament, 
and  afterwards  under  the  Protectorate  of  Cromwell, 
the  most  friendly  feelings  subsisted  between  the  col 
onists  and  the  ruling  power  of  the  parent  country. 

Virginia,  which  was  settled  in  1607,  made  an  effort 
to  introduce  the  representative  system  of  government 
in  1619,  which  incurred  the  displeasure  of  James  the 
First,  who  took  her  Charter  from  her.  On  his 
decease,  shortly  after  this  act,  he  was  succeeded  by  his 
son  Charles  the  First,  who  levied  tribute  upon  the  Vir 
ginians  for  their  assumption.  He  devolved  upon  the 
Governor  and  Council  the  whole  legislative  and  execu 
tive  powers  of  the  Colony,  empowering  them  to  levy 
taxes,  to  seize  the  property  of  the  late  company,  and 
to  apply  it  to  public  uses,  and  to  transport  colonists  to 
England  to  be  tried  for  crimes  committed  in  Virginia. 
New  York,  Virginia,  New  Jersey,  Georgia  and  the  Car- 
olinas,  were,  during  this  period,  and  up  to  the  Revolu 
tionary  War,  under  the  direct  control  of  the  Royal 
Charters,  and  royally  appointed  Governors  and  Coun 
cils,  who  had  almost  absolute  control  of  the  lives, 
property  and  persons  of  the  colonists. 

Massachusetts,  increasing  in  population  and  commer 
cial  importance,  began  to  populate  Connecticut,  New 
Hampshire,  and  Rhode  Island.  Her  people  were  rest 
less  under  the  oppression  of  the  Mother  Country,  and 


28  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

as  early  as  1630  had  the  powers  of  government  trans 
ferred  from  the  Crown  to  the  people  of  the  Colony,  so 
as  to  allow  the  latter  to  elect  annually  a  Governor,  a 
Deputy  Governor,  and  eighteen  Assistants.  Still  aspir 
ing  to  ascend  the  ladder  of  broader  liberties,  she  in  1639 
claimed  the  right  of  representation,  but  there  was  noth 
ing  in  her  Charter  permitting  this.  The  General  Court, 
the  name  by  which  the  State  Legislature  is  known  to 
this  day,  was  established ;  and,  although  it  would  seem 
that  the  people  had  no  right,  save  by  the  law  of  na 
ture,  yet  they  entered  upon  the  representative  system, 
composed  of  the  Governor,  the  Assistants,  or  at  least 
six  of  them,  and  the  body  of  freemen  which  consti 
tuted  the  General  Court,  by  which  the  powers  of  Gov 
ernment  were  to  be  exercised.  But  this  body,  un 
wieldy  from  the  fact  of  its  lacking  the  prescribed 
powers  and  modus  operandi  of  performing  its  functions, 
gave  place  in  1644  to  the  General  Court,  having  two 
distinct  bodies  with  a  negative  upon  each  other. 

The  Colonial  condition  of  Rhode  Island,  from  1644 
to  1663,  under  the  Charter  obtained  by  Roger  Wil 
liams,  during  the  contest  between  the  King  and  Par 
liament  for  the  supremacy  in  Britain,  was  a  pure  De 
mocracy;  but  on  the  restoration  of  the  Kingdom  to 
Charles  II,  in  1663,  they  received  a  new  Charter  not 
materially  reducing  their  powers.  The  spirit  of  Re 
publicanism  had  already  asserted  itself,  and  the  New 
England  Colonies  had,  imperceptibly  to  the  Mother 
Country,  established  a  system  of  representative  gov 
ernment,  which  contained  the  germ  of  America's 
Freedom,  and  which  no  power  on  earth  could  destroy. 

The  league  formed  by  the  Colonies  of  Massachusetts, 
Plymouth,  Connecticut,  and  New  Haven,  in  1643,  by 
the  name  of  the  "  United  Colonies  of  New  England," 


II.]  COLONIAL   CHARTERS.  29 

was  the  first  practical  union  of  forces  to  accomplish 
their  objects  of  resistance  from  without  ever  attempted 
in  America;  and  although  the  purposes  set  forth  in 
the  articles  of  compact  were  to  insure  mutual  protec 
tion  against  the  Indians,  and  the  Dutch  at  Manhattan, 
yet  it  is  fair  to  conclude  that  a  future  union  for  their 
political  rights  was  in  the  minds  of  the  leaders  in  this 
project;  still,  by  this  compact,  each  Colony  was  only 
to  provide,  in  time  of  war,  soldiers  in  proportion  to  its 
population,  and  the  internal  affairs  of  each  Colony 
were  to  be  conducted  by  itself. 

The  general  affairs  of  the  Confederacy  were  to  be 
conducted  by  a  Congress  composed  of  two  .Commis 
sioners  from  each  Colony.  The  times  were  auspicious 
for  the  development  of  Republican  ideas  in  the  new 
world.  In  fact,  the  colonists  of  New  England,  since 
their  Constitution,  signed  on  board  the  Mayflower, 
showed  upon  many  occasions  a  tending  toward  larger 
liberties  than  those  granted  them  by  their  Charters  and 
by  the  English  Parliament. 

The  civil  wars  in  England,  by  which  the  King  was 
deposed,  and  the  Government  declared  Republican,  the 
subsequent  overthrow  by  Cromwell,  and  the  liberal 
treatment  of  the  colonists  by  the  Parent  Country  dur 
ing  this  period,  were  well  calculated  to  inspire  them 
with  the  spirit  of  their  own  freedom ;  and  the  children 
and  grand-children  of  the  colonists  of  these  times,  when 
they  stepped  into  the  arena,  sword  in  hand,  in  1776, 
were  but  following  the  instincts  and  teachings  of  their 
ancestors  for  broader  liberties. 

The  Royal  or  Provincial  Governments  of  the  Colonies, 

or  a  portion  of  them,  were  distinguished  from  those  of 

the  Colonial,  particularly  in  this,  that  the  Royal  Charters 

gave  the  individuals  to  whom  the  grant  was  made,  the 

3 


30  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

almost  exclusive  power  to  make  and  enforce  all  laws  as 
to  them  might  seem  best. 

Those  Colonies  or  Plantations,  under  Royal  Charters 
at  the  breaking  out  of  the  Revolution,  were  Virginia, 
New  York,  New  Jersey,  the  Carolinas,  Georgia,  and  New 
Hampshire;  but  these  Colonies  had,  since  their  settle 
ment,  passed  through  many  phases,  particularly  New 
Hampshire,  whose  spasmodic  political  somersaults  ren 
der  her  early  history  a  little  ludicrous,  placing  herself 
under  the  Government  of  Massachusetts  in  1641,  and 
in  1680  becoming  a  separate  Royal  Province.  In  1686 
the  authority  of  Massachusetts  was  again  extended  over 
her.  Soon  after,  the  people  took  the  government  into 
their  own  hands,  but  again  returned  to  their  first  love 
and  placed  themselves  under  the  protection  of  Massa 
chusetts  in  1690;  separated  again  in  1692,  and  united 
in  1699;  and  again  separated  in  1741,  it  is  to  be  hoped 
for  the  last  time. 

Virginia  from  1607  to  1619,  had  had  three  Charters 
and  as  many  forms  of  rule  applied  to  her — all,  however, 
under  the  direct  control  of  the  Home  Government;  but 
a  growing  desire  for  more  liberty,  aided  by  the  liberal 
spirit  of  their  Governor,  caused  them  in  1619,  to  enter 
upon  a  system  of  government  almost  Republican  in 
form;  and  the  first  Colonial  Assembly  ever  held  in 
America,  was  called  and  held  at  Jamestown,  June  29, 
1619;  but  the  jealousy  of  the  ruling  monarch,  King- 
James  I,  was  aroused,  and  dreading  the  consequences 
of  this  liberty,  demanded  their  Charter  to  be  surren 
dered,  and  upon  refusal  of  this,  issued  his  order  of  quo 
warranto.  Judgment  was  rendered  against  the  com 
pany,  their  Charter  declared  forfeited,  and  all  its  pow 
ers  reverted  to  the  Crown  in  1624.  Under  the  rule  of 
James  I,  and  his  successor  Charles  I,  the  most  oppres- 


II. ]  COLONIAL   CHARTERS.  31 

give  laws  were  mercilessly  inflicted  upon  Virginia,  and, 
crushed  to  desperation  by  the  tyranny  of  these  laws, 
mercilessly  carried  into  execution  by  their  Governor, 
Sir  John  Harvey,  the  people  in  1636,  seized  him,  made 
him  a  prisoner,  and  sent  him  to  England,  sending 
agents  with  him  to  represent  their  grievances.  Harvey 
was,  however,  returned  with  renewed  measures  of  op 
pression  to  govern  Yirginia. 


CHAPTER  III. 


THE  REVOLUTIONAKY  WAR.— THROWING  THE  TEA.  INTO  BOSTON  HAEBOR.— BAT 
TLE  OF  LEXINGTON.— BATTLE  OF  BUNKER  HILL.— DECLARATION  OF  INDE 
PENDENCE.— ARTICLES  OF  CONFEDERATION. 


Bur  little  doubt  remains  that  the  oppressive  laws  of 
Great  Britain,  in  subjecting  the  colonists  to  pay  tribute 
to  the  Mother  Country,  whilst  they  were  denied  a  voice 
in  the  legislative  department,  led  to  the  actual  out 
break  and  hostilities,  and  the  condition  of  their  liber 
ties  instead  of  improving  with  the  advancement  of  the 
age,  were  more  circumscribed  and-  shackled  down  by 
the  Home  Government.  As  early  as  the  first  settle 
ment  at  Plymouth  a  spirit  of  Republican  Freedom  ex 
isted  ;  still,  with  that  veneration  for  the  ties  and  cus 
toms  that  bound  them  to  the  laws  and  institutions  of 
England,  they  long  endured,  with  calm  resignation,  the 
heavy  hand  of  the  English  Government. 

But  this  state  of  affairs  at  last  developed  amongst  the 
masses  a  spirit  of  discontent,  and  soon  energetic  and 
patriotic  leaders  were  found  to  protest  against  the  dom 
ination  of  English  rule.  They  claimed  for  the  colonists 
the  rights  of  freemen,  as  granted  to  them  by  the  Magna 
Charta  and  Bill  of  Rights,  whilst  England  claimed  the 
right  of  canceling  the  Colonial  Charters,  and  reducing 
them  to  the  absolute  rule  of  the  British  Parliament, 
without  their  haying  a  voice  in  the  making  of  the  laws 
by  which  they  were  governed.  The  Colony  of  Ply 
mouth  as  early  as  the  year  1636,  and  Maryland  in 
1650,  and  again  Massachusetts  in  1661,  declared  by 


III.]  BRITISH   TYRANNY.  33 

their  Legislatures,  that  taxes  should  not  be  levied 
upon  them,  but  by  the  consent  of  the  colonists. 
Other  States  followed  these  examples.  Rhode  Island, 
in  1664;  Massachusetts  and  New  York,  in  1672,  passed 
laws  by  their  Legislatures,  declaring  it  to  be  the  ex 
clusive  right  of  the  colonists  to  levy  taxes,  as  also  to 
legislate  for  the  whole  affairs  of  the  Colonies.  Vir 
ginia,  in  1676,  claimed  the  same  privileges,  and  New 
Jersey,  in  1680,  demanded  that  their  consent  should 
be  given  to  all  laws,  before  they  could  be  binding  on 
the  people. 

From  a  very  early  period  in  the  history  of  America 
the  general  power  of  the  British  Parliament  to  legislate 
upon  the  general  policy  of  commerce,  was  acknowl 
edged  by  the  colonists.  From  quite  an  early  date  it 
was  contended,  tliat  as  to  taxation  and  the  general  in 
ternal  affairs  of  the  Colonies,  the  Parliament  had  no 
right  to  legislate.  The  Charters  under  which  they  held 
their  existence  were  indefinite  and  vague  as  to  the  ex 
tent  of  powers  granted,  and  limit  having  been  set  or 
defined  as  to  where  the  power  rested  to  legislate,  the 
colonists,  at  each  act  of  the  Parliament,  tending  to 
abridge  their  liberties  as  Englishmen,  became  restive 
and  turbulent;  whilst  the  Parliament,  at  each  com 
plaint  and  resentment,  became  indignant  and  malig 
nant,  until  at  the  time  of  the  revolt,  the  Home  and 
Colonial  Governments  stood  arrayed  in  bitter  antag 
onism  against  each  other. 

The  Colonies  were  filled  with  the  dependent  hire 
lings  of  the  British  King,  in  the  collection  of  customs 
and  taxes  levied  for  the  support  of  royalty  in  the  Brit 
ish  Empire,  contrary  to  the  will  of  the  colonists ;  but 
the  most  oppressive  of  all  were  the  Acts  of  Parliament, 
prohibiting  the  importation  and  exportation  of  certain 


34  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

classes  of  goods  under  many  pains  and  penalties.  Mas 
sachusetts,  owing  to  her  large  commercial  interests, 
felt  more  keenly  than  any  other  the  burden  of  these 
most  unjust  acts,  and  made  common  cause  against  the 
tyranny  of  her  unnatural  parent.  English  troops  were 
constantly  kept  quartered  on  the  citizens  of  Boston,  to 
coerce  them  into  subjection.  Importation  leagues  were 
formed  in  Boston,  New  York,  and  many  other  cities, 
and  a  determination  formed  not  to  pay  the  heavy 
duties  imposed  by  England — all  of  which  went  into 
the  royal  coffers.  The  continued  petitions  of  the  col 
onists  had  the  duties  abolished  in  1773,  upon  many 
leading  articles.  They  were  continued,  however,  on 
tea,  large  shipments  of  which  were  made  to  Charles 
ton,  New  York,  Philadelphia,  and  Boston.  In  Decem 
ber,  1773,  cargoes  of  tea  arrived  at  Boston.  The  peo 
ple  called  public  meetings,  and  declared  that  it  should 
not  be  landed — that  no  duties  should  be  paid  on  it. 
These  meetings  determined  that  it  should  be  returned 
to  England  in  the  same  ships  in  which  it  was  brought 
to  America.  This  was  refused,  and  the  people  en 
masse  boarded  the  ships,  breaking  open  the  boxes  and 
emptying  large  quantities  of  tea  into  the  ocean.  This 
act  incensed  the  Parliament,  which  in  the  following 
spring  passed  a  bill  called  the  "Boston  Port  Bill," 
which  provided  "for  discontinuing  the  landing  and 
shipping  of  goods,  wares,  and  merchandise  at  Boston, 
or  the  harbor  thereof,  and  for  the  removal  of  the  Cus 
tom  House  with  its  dependencies  to  the  town  of  Sa 
lem."  This  Act  was  to  continue  during  the  pleasure 
of  the  King,  and  was  certainly  ill-calculated  to  allay 
the  irritations  of  the  citizens  of  Boston.  Carrying 
the  stern  dictates  of  the  Crown  still  further  on,  an 
Act  was  next  passed  "for  the  better  regulating  the 


III.]  BRITISH   TYRANNY.  35 

government  of  the  Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay." 
By  this  Act  all  legislation  by  the  Colony  ceased,  and  all 
officers  were  to  be  appointed  by  the  King.  The  people 
were  not  allowed  to  hold  public  meetings,  and  were 
deprived  of  the  selection  of  juries.  These  were  to  be 
selected  by  the  Sheriffs,  who  were  appointed  by  the 
King.  Massachusetts  had  become  the  special  subject 
of  English  hatred  and  oppression,  and  her  people  now 
to  a  man  took  a  determined  stand  against  the  tyranny 
of  the  Parliament,  and  invoked  the  sympathy  and  coop 
eration  of  her  sister  Colonies  in  a  combined  resistance. 

On  the  arrival  of  the  news  of  the  "  Boston  Port  Bill," 
the  Legislature  of  Yirginia,  being  in  session,  extended 
its  sympathies  toward  Massachusetts,  at  which  the 
Governor  taking  offense,  dissolved  the  Assembly ;  they, 
however,  before  they  dispersed,  recommended  to  their 
sister  Colonies  the  meeting  of  deputies  annually,  in  a 
general  Congress,  for  deliberation  and  general  coopera 
tion,  and  action  in  all  measures  pertaining  to  the  gen 
eral  welfare  of  the  Colonies.  And  here  was  the  start 
ing  point  of  the  legislative  branch  of  the  American 
nation.  The  other  Colonies  gladly  acquiesced  in  the 
proposition.  The  House  of  Representatives  of  Massa 
chusetts,  being  assembled  at  Salem,  entered  into  the 
idea  of  calling  the  proposed  Congress,  and  passed  reso 
lutions  urging  upon  the  people  of  the  Colony  the  neces 
sity  of  such  cooperation,  and  appointed  five  delegates 
to  the  Convention;  the  Governor,  on  learning  of  this 
action,  dissolved  the  Assembly. 

The  colonists  proceeded  with  the  election  of  delegates 
to  this  Convention,  or  Congress,  and  their  meeting  was 
held  at  Philadelphia,  on  the  5th  day  of  September,  1774 ; 
to  this  Congress  the  leading  men  of  the  Colonies  were 
elected,  with  instructions  to  make  no  concessions  until 


36  REPUBLICANISM  IN  AMERICA.  [Chap! 

the  grievances  complained  of  should  be  redressed,  and 
the  oppressive  legislation  of  Parliament  be  repealed. 
An  agreement  was  entered  into  and  signed  by  this  body, 
for  themselves  and  their  constituents,  that  if  the  op 
pressive  laws  of  Great  Britain  in  relation  to  the  Colo 
nies  should  not  be  repealed  before  the  10th  clay  of 
September,  1775,  no  merchandise  should  be  exported 
to  England.  An  address  to  the  people  of  the  Colonies, 
as  also  an  address  to  the  King,  was  presented  by  this 
body,  and  on  the  26th  of  October  the  Congress  dis 
solved,  having  recommended  that  another  Congress 
should  meet  on  the  llth  of  May,  should  their  griev 
ances  not  be  redressed.  Parliament  was  not  disposed, 
however,  to  listen  to  the  supplications  or  petitions  of 
those  whom  they  regarded  as  their  vassals,  but  declared 
the  intention  of  reducing  these  refractory  colonists  to 
a  completely  dependent  and  servile  condition.  News 
of  this  determination  at  once  dispelled  all  hope  of  any 
amicable  adjustment,  and  the  colonists  at  once  entered 
upon  a  vigorous  preparation  for  defense,  in  case  of  en 
croachments  on  the  part  of  England.  Their  operations 
were  much  retarded  by  the  officious  interposition  of 
the  many  appointees  of  the  King  throughout  the  Col 
onies  ;  still  the  preparations  went  on,  arms  and  ammu 
nition  were  manufactured  and  accumulated,  and  the 
people  were  determined  to  make  a  death  struggle  to 
obtain  what  they  called  the  rights  of  Englishmen — not 
to  be  taxed  without  representation.  The  British  troops 
and  officers  were  cruel  and  tyrannical. 

April  18th,  1775,  a  detachment  of  about  eight  hun 
dred  regulars  were  dispatched  by  Governor  Gage,  to 
proceed  to  Concord,  and  destroy  the  military  stores 
accumulated  there  by  the  colonists.  On  the  19th,  hav 
ing  reached  Lexington,  about  six  miles  distant  from 


III.]  WAR  COMMENCES.  37 

Concord,  they  were  met  by  a  company  of  about  one 
hundred  militia  and  citizens ;  the  English  troops  found 
little  resistance,  however,  and  marched  on  to  Concord. 
There,  and  along  the  road  on  their  return  to  Boston, 
they  were  met  by  fierce  opposition  from  the  militia  and 
citizens,  who  formed  in  squads,  some  making  direct 
attack,  others  in  ambush,  firing  upon  the  soldiers,  who 
were  fearfully  harassed  and  demoralized,  having  lost 
about  two  hundred  and  seventy  men,  whilst  the  colo 
nists  lost  eighty-eight  in  all. 

Things  in  Boston  were  leading  to  a  crisis;  1765  wit 
nessed  one  riot,  1770  another  between  the  citizens  and 
the  British  troops;  1773  another,  known  as  the  Bos 
ton  Massacre.  On  the  20th  of  May,  1774,  her  Charter 
was  taken  by  royal  authority,  but  never  replaced,  for 
on  the  19th  of  April,  1775,  the  Boston  militia  met  the 
English  troops  at  Lexington,  and  the  result  is  known. 
New  England  was  in  a  blaze.  Boston  was  a  scene  of 
wildest  activity,  fighting  the  well  equipped  English 
regulars  in  hand  to  hand  conflict.  Soon  came  on  the 
battle  of  Bunker  Hill.  During  this  time,  the  second 
Congress  of  the  Colonies  was  sitting  at  Philadelphia. 
Its  first  act  was  to  approve  the  conduct  of  Massachu 
setts,  which  alone  took  up  the  gauntlet  thrown  down 
by  England,  and  was  now  single  handed  fighting  it  out. 
As  yet  the  Colonies  had  no  army  —  not  a  General,  a 
gun,  nor  a  pound  of  powder.  This  Congress  resolved 
that  the  "  Colonies  be  placed  in  a  state  of  defense," 
and  George  Washington,  who  had  shown  great  military 
skill  under  Braddock,  was  appointed  Commander-in- 
Chief  of  the  armies  then  raised  and  to  be  raised. 

But  no  aid  was  yet  in  the  field ;  the  English  troops 
were  harassing  the  people  of  Boston,  and  delay  was 
defeat.  Putnam,  Warren,  and  Pomeroy,  took  posses- 


38  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

sion  of  Bunker  Hill  on  the  evening  of  June  16th,  and 
entrenched  thereon,  and  on  the  morning  of  the  17th 
met  Generals  Howe  and  Pigot  at  the  head  of  8,000  well 
equipped  soldiers,  with  field  artillery.  Thus  the  war 
was  raging.  George  Washington  was  appointed  to  com 
mand  the  armies,  June  15th,  1775,  just  two  days  before 
this  important  battle.  But  he  was  still  in  Yirginia. 
Prescott  and  Warren,  and  Samuel  Adams,  and  Cotton 
Mather,  John  Adams,  Benjamin  Franklin,  and  John 
Hancock,  all  of  Massachusetts,  and  the  latter  Presi 
dent  of  the  Continental  Congress  from  1775  to  1779, 
and  whose  name  appears  first  upon  the  Declaration  of 
Independence,  were  leading  the  fearless  spirits  to  vic 
tory.  Two  long  months  passed  from  the  battle  of  Lex 
ington  until  the  2d  of  July,  the  day  upon  which 
Washington  arrived  at  Cambridge.  At  this  time  the 
population  of  Virginia  was  about  746,000,  and  the  whole 
number  of  men  that  she  contributed  to  the  war  was 
32,288.  The  population  of  Massachusetts  at  the  same 
time  was  about  375,000,  just  half  the  population  of  Vir 
ginia.  She  contributed  83,162  men;  thus,  we  see  that 
Massachusetts,  with  half  the  population,  sent  about 
three  times  the  number  of  men,  or  six  times  as  many 
as  Virginia,  in  proportion  to  her  population.  The 
Southern  States  represented  in  the  war  were  Delaware, 
Maryland,  Virginia,  North  Carolina,  South  Carolina,  and 
Georgia.  All  these  States  together  supplied  69,377 
men  to  the  Revolutionary  War,  whilst  Massachusetts 
alone  sent  83,162,  or  13,825  more  than  all  the  South. 
Virginia  at  this  time  (as  her  people  said)  had  to  remain 
at  home  to  take  care  of  her  "  niggers,"  for,  at  this 
time,  she  had  about  290,000  of  them — the  crop  that 
sprang  from  the  twenty  that  she  imported  into  James 
town  in  1620,  when  she  cursed  our  land  with  that  in- 


III.]  REVOLUTIONARY  WAR.  39 

cubus,  which  has  so  completely  disturbed  the  whole 
fabric  of  our.  Government  to  this  day. 

The  struggle  for  independence  continued  for  seven 
years,  under  difficulties  and  privations  unparalleled; 
and  the  accomplishment  and  establishment  of  our  Re 
publican  system  of  government  forms  one  of  the  most 
brilliant  chapters  in  the  history  of  an  oppressed  people, 
battling  for  equal  justice  and  manhood  freedom. 

During  the  time  the  dreadful  line  met  in  conflict,  and 
the  combatants  in  the  field  were  reaping  their  harvest 
of  death,  and  while  the  Colonial  soldier  cast  himself 
upon  the  altar  of  liberty  to  insure  victory,  the  Conti 
nental  Congress  was  moulding  and  giving  vitality  to 
that  political  system,  whose  corner-stone  is  based  upon 
the  political  and  religious  liberty  that  to-day  places  the 
American  Republic  in  the  foremost  rank  of  nations, 
and  her  citizens  the  first  in  freedom  on  the  globe. 

In  accordance  with  the  proposition  of  the  first  Con 
gress,  the  second  met  at  Philadelphia  on  the  10th  day 
of  May,  1775 ;  and  Peyton  Randolph,  who  was  the  Pres 
ident  of  the  first,  was  again  elected  President.  This 
Congress  took  active  measures  to  induce  all  the  Colonies 
to  enter  upon  a  combined  practical  system  of  defense. 
The  King  had  declared  the  Colonies  in  a  state  of  rebel 
lion,  and  had  interdicted  all  trade  with  them.  The 
last  hope  of  reconciliation  had  vanished,  and  now,  for 
the  first  time,  thoughts  of  a  separation  from  the  Mother 
Country  began  to  take  hold  of  the  minds  of  the  people. 
England  during  this  time  was  sending  troops  to  Amer 
ica,  and  the  colonists,  by  their  representatives  in  Con 
gress,  on  the  10th  day  of  June,  1776,  appointed  a  com 
mittee  consisting  of  Thomas  Jefferson,  John  Adams, 
Benjamin  Franklin,  Roger  Sherman,  and  Robert  R. 
Livingston,  who  presented  a  resolution,  "tJiat  these 


40  REPUBLICANISM  IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

Colonies  are,  and  of  right  ought  to  le,  free  and  independ 
ent  States.'1  This  resolution  was  adopted  on  the  2d 
of  July,  and  on  the  4th  of  July,  1776,  the  Congress 
adopted  the  Declaration  of  Independence.  Randolph  hav 
ing  in  the  meantime  resigned  the  Presidency  of  the 
Congress,  John  Hancock  of  Massachusetts  was  elected, 
and  in  his  official  position  placed  his  name  first  to  the 
Declaration  of  Independence. 

As  yet,  no  political  form  had  been  adopted  for  the 
government  of  the  New  Nation;  Congress  had  elected 
Washington  to  be  Commander-in-Chief  of  all  the  armies, 
and  had  issued  three  millions  of  dollars  in  bills,  pledg 
ing  each  Colony  to  pay  its  proportion,  and  the  United 
colonists  were  pledged  for  any  amounts  delinquent  in 
the  pro  rata  of  any  Colony.  A  treasury  department 
was  established,  and  laws,  were  passed  regulating  the 
army  and  navy. 

At  this  time  there  was  no  union  of  the  Colonies,  and 
the  want  of  some  system  or  Constitution  of  a  national 
character,  to  enable  the  various  departments  of  the 
embryo  Government  to  execute  their  functions,  was 
much  needed.  Just  what  kind  of  a  Constitution  it 
should  be  was  not  well  understood;  some  propositions 
soon  after  the  adoption  of  the  Declaration  of  Independ 
ence  were  suggested,  but  not  acted  upon.  On  the  8th 
day  of  July,  1778,  a  compact,  or  solemn  league,  was 
adopted  by  Congress,  which  was  styled  " Articles  of 
Confederation  and  Perpetual  Union  between  the  States." 
(See  Appendix — Articles  of  Confederation.) 

The  name  of  the  Confederacy  was  to  be,  "The  Uni 
ted  States  of  America."  It  was  left  to  the  several  States 
to  adopt  and  ratify  these  articles,  or  to  reject  them. 
A  majority  of  the  States  adopted  them,  some  proposing 
amendments.  Delaware,  New  Jersey,  and  Maryland, 


III.]  DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  41 

offered  serious  objections  to  their  ratification,  unless 
their  proposed  amendments  were  adopted  by  Congress, 
and  Maryland  did  not  ratify  them  until  March,  1781. 

It  must  be  kept  in  mind  that  the  Revolutionary  War 
was  now  raging,  and  that  the  circumstances  of  the  times 
were  fast  developing  important  events  demanding  *a 
well  regulated  system  and  form  of  government. 

The  Congress,  composed  of  delegates  from  the  sev 
eral  States,  elected  by  their  Legislatures,  had  the  power 
to  declare  war  and  conclude  peace,  to  raise  men  and 
money;  and  although  the  powers  were  not  so  numer 
ous  as  under  the  present  Constitution,  there  can  be 
but  little  doubt  that  the  "  perpetual  union  of  the 
States,"  and  the  prohibition  of  any  State  to  secede  from 
the  Union,  without  the  consent  of  Congress,  was  as 
binding  on  the  States  as  is  the  Constitution,  or  any  of 
the  laws  of  Congress  enacted  since  the  commencement 
of  the  late  rebellion. 

Article  6,  Section  1,  says: 

"  No  State,  without  the  consent  of  the  United  States  in  Con 
gress  assembled,  shall  send  any  embassy  to,  or  receive  any  em 
bassy  from,  or  enter  into  any  conference,  agreement,  alliance  or 
treaty,  with  any  King,  Prince,  or  State,  nor  shall  any  person 
holding  any  office  of  profit  or  trust  under  the  United  States,  or 
any  of  them,  accept  any  present,  emolument,  office,  or  title  of 
any  kind  whatever,  from  any  King,  Prince,  or  foreign  State;  nor 
shall  the  United  States  in  Congress  assembled,  or  any  of  them, 
grant  any  title  of  nobility. 

' '  SECTION  2.  No  two  or  more  States  shall  enter  into  any  treaty, 
confederation,  or  alliance  whatever,  between  them,  without  the 
consent  of  the  United  States  in  Congress  assembled,  specifying 
accurately  the  purposes  for  which  such  is  to  be  entered  into,  and 
how  long  it  shall  continue. 

"ARTICLE  13.  Every  State  shall  abide  by  the  determination 
of  the  United  States  in  Congress  assembled,  in  all  questions 
which  by  this  Confederation  are  submitted  to  them;  and  the  Ar- 


42  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

tides  of  this  Confederation  shall  be  inviolably  observed  by  every 
State;  and  the  Union  shall  be  perpetual.  Nor  shall  any  alteration 
at  any  time  thereafter  be  made  in  any  of  them,  unless  such  alter 
ation  be  agreed  to  in  a  Congress  of  the  United  States,  and  be  af 
terwards  confirmed  by  the  Legislature  of  every  State." 

From  the  date  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence, 
and  during  the  Revolutionary  War,  up  to  the  date  of 
the  adoption  of  the  Constitution — for  twelve  years — 
the  whole  Government  of  the  United  States  was  con 
ducted  under  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  and  the 
Articles  of  Confederation. 

But  the  life  that  had  been  infused  into  the  new  na 
tion;  the  growing  legislative  wants  to  regulate  trade 
and  commerce,  and  to  more  specifically  define  and  es 
tablish  the  various  branches,  legislative,  executive, 
and  judicial,  pressed  constantly  upon  the  minds  of  the 
leading  statesmen  of  the  times.  The  necessity  of  some 
change  in  the  Articles  of  Confederation,  to  meet  the  al 
tered  condition  of  the  national  wants,  seemed  apparent. 
Virginia  took  a  leading  part  in  suggesting  plans  of 
amendment,  and  the  calling  of  Conventions,  to  enlarge 
and  enact  modes  by  which  the  functions  of  the  Gov 
ernment  might  be  carried  on  by  the  prescribed  and 
enacted  laws  of  the  nation. 


CHAPTER  FV. 

PERIOD  IMMEDIATELY  IHECEDING  THE  ADOPTION  OF  THE  CONSTITUTION.— 
CESSION  OF  TERRITORY  TO  THE  UNITED  STATES.  —  ORDINANCE  OF  1784.— 
VOTE  ON  THE  SLAVE  QUESTION.— ONE  VOTE  ONLY  WANTED  TO  PROHIBIT 
SLAVERY. 

THE  period  from  the  adoption  of  the  Articles  of  Con 
federation  to  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution,  forms  a 
most  important  and  interesting  chapter  in  the  history 
of  America,  and  opens  a  field  for  speculation  as  to 
what  extent  the  various  States  might  legislate  upon 
matters  not  specifically  delegated  in  the  Articles  of 
Confederation.  The  cooperation  of  each  of  the  thirteen 
Colonies  in  prosecuting  the  war  (see  Appendix  for 
troops  furnished  by  each) ,  left  their  people  but  little 
time  to  reflect  or  mature  elaborate  forms  of  govern 
ment.  Some  of  the  States,  during  this  period,  had 
adopted  Constitutions,  whilst  others  worked  under 
their  Colonial  Charters,  long  after  the  ratification  of 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States.  (See  Constitu 
tions.) 

The  war  had  ended  by  the  surrender  of  Cornwallis 
at  Yorktown,  October  19th,  1781,  and  the  treaty  of 
peace  was  signed  at  Paris,  November  30th,  1782.  Still 
the  British  troops  did  not  evacuate  New  York  till  No 
vember  25th,  1783.  The  ninth  Continental  Congress 
had  adjourned  from  Philadelphia  to  Annapolis,  the  at 
tendance  of  members  being  small,  and  little  business 
being  done  until  March,  1784. 

What  disposition  should  be  made  of  the  public  lands 
claimed  by  the  States,  presented  a  subject  of  deep  in- 


44  REPUBLICANISM  IN  AMERICA.  [Chap. 

terest.  Virginia,  having  appointed  a  delegation  headed 
by  Jefferson,  presented  to  Congress  on  the  1st  day  of 
March,  1784,  a  deed  to  all  the  territory  she  claimed 
northwest  of  the  Ohio,  which  was  accepted,  and  a  mo 
tion  made  by  Jefferson  for  the  appointment  of  a  Select 
Committee,  to  report  a  plan  for  its  government.  A 
Committee  of  three  was  appointed,  with  Jefferson  at 
its  head,  which  Committee  reported  an  ordinance  for 
the  government  of  "the  territory  ceded  already,  or  to 
be  ceded,  by  individual  States  to  the  United  States." 
The  ordinance  provided  that  this  territory  should  be 
divided  into  States,  and  admitted  into  the  Union,  upon 
the  assent  of  two-thirds  of  the  States.  Their  tempo 
rary  and  permanent  Governments  were  to  be  founded 
upon  the  following  express  conditions  of  the  ordinance 
alluded  to — 

' '  1st.  That  they  shall  forever  remain  a  part  of  the  United  States 
of  America. 

"  2d.  That,  in  their  persons,  property  and  territory,  they 
shall  be  subject  to  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  in  Con 
gress  assembled,  and  to  the  Articles  of  Confederation,  in  all 
those  cases  in  which  the  original  States  shall  be  so  subject. 

"  3d.  That  they  shall  be  subject  to  pay  a  part  of  the  Federal 
debt  contracted,  or  to  be  contracted,  to  be  apportioned  to  them 
by  Congress,  according  to  the  same  common  rule  and  measure 
by  which  apportionments  thereof  shall  be  made  in  the  other 
Stated. 

"  4th.  That  their  respective  Governments  shall  be  in  Repub 
lican  forms,  and  shall  admit  no  person  to  be  a  citizen  who  holds 
an  hereditary  title. 

"  5th.  That  after  the  year  1800,  of  the  Christian  Era,  there 
shall  be  neither  Slavery  nor  involuntary  servitude  in  any  of  the 
said  States,  otherwise  than  in  punishment  of  crimes,  whereof  the 
party  shall  have  been  duly  convicted  to  have  been  personally 
guilty. 

"  That  all  the  preceding  articles  shall  be  formed  into  a  charter 
of  compact;  shall  be  duly  executed  by  the  President  of  the 


IV.]  ORDINANCE   OF    1784.  45 

United  States  in  Congress  assembled,  under  his  hand  and  the 
seal  of  the  United  States;  shall  be  promulgated,  and  shall  stand 
as  fundamental  conditions  between  the  thirteen  original  States 
and  those  newly  described,  unalterable  but  by  the  joint  consent 
of  the  United  States  in  Congress  assembled,  and  of  the  particu 
lar  States  within  which  such  alteration  is  proposed  to  be  made." 

On  April  19,  1784,  the  ordinance  came  before  the 
Continental  Congress  for  action,  and  as,  under  the  Ar 
ticles  of  Confederation,  the  votes  on  all  questions  in 
the  Congress  had  to  be  taken  by  States,  each  State  hav 
ing  not  less  than  two  nor  more  than  seven,  who  were 
appointed  annually  by  the  Legislature,  having  the 
power  to  recall  them  at  any  time,  and  elect  and  send 
their  successors.  In  acting  upon  any  question,  each 
State  had  one  vote,  which  vote  was  determined  by  a 
majority  of  the  Representatives  from  said  State,  but  at 
least  two  members  must  vote  on  one  side  of  a  question 
before  the  State  was  entitled  to  a  vote. 

At  this  date,  every.  State  in  the  Union,  except  Mas 
sachusetts,  had  Slavery  in  it;  for,  in  1620,  the  institu 
tion*  had  been  introduced  into  the  Colonies  by  the  ar 
rival  of  twenty  negroes  on  board  a  Dutch  ship  at  James 
town,  Virginia,  where  they  were  sold  into  Slavery. 
And  now,  after  the  lapse  of  a  hundred  and  sixty-four 
years,  this  germ  of  discord  had  spread  over  the  thirteen 
Colonies;  and,  although  the  people  of  Massachusetts, 
as  early  as  1621,  pronounced  the  traffic  a  "heinous 
crime,"  yet  this  giant  had  reared  its  head  amongst  the 
sons  of  the  Pilgrims,  and  stood  upon  the  hills  of  New 
England,  and,  like  Banquo's  ghost,  would  not  down; 
for  one  State  only  in  the  Union  had  abolished  the  in 
stitution.  Massachusetts,  on  adopting  her  new  Consti 
tution,  in  1-780,  had  added  a  Bill  of  Rights,  which  the 
Supreme  Court  soon  after  decided  had  abolished  Slavery. 


46  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

Thus,  after  a  century  and  a  half  of  bondage,  "  Fore 
fathers'  Rock"  was  washed  of  the  unholy  sin,  and 
one,  at  least,  of  the  States  had  taken  the  first  step  to 
assume  the  high  duties  of  fitting  herself  for  a  Republi 
can  form  of  Government. 

Pennsylvania,  too,  was  marching  up  the  highway  of 
her  future  greatness.  The  Legislature,  in  1780,  had 
passed  an  act  of  gradual  Emancipation.  At  this  time, 
many  of  the  leading  Statesmen  of  the  Confederacy,  in 
all  parts  of  the  country,  were  protesting  against  the 
maintenance  of  Slavery;  and  many  of  them  felt  an 
abiding  faith  in  the  spirit  of  Liberty  that  actuated  the 
hearts  of  their  countrymen  in  freeing  themselves  from 
English  oppression,  that  they  might  see  the  justice  of 
liberating  their  slaves;  particularly  so  was  this  the 
case  in  New  England. 

Jefferson's  Ordinance  was  now  before  Congress,  and 
for  the  first  time  in  the  history  of  America,  do  we  find 
the  issue  joined,  and  the  friends  of  Freedom  and  the 
upholders  of  Slavery  confronting  each  other  upon  a 
national  question,  the  decision  of  which  was  of  so  much 
importance  to  those  interested,  and  the  results  of  which 
have  been  of  such  vital  interest  to  the  whole  Republic. 
It  is  interesting  at  this  time  of  our  national  greatness 
and  freedom,  to  look  back  to  those  early  days,  and  see 
with  what  tenacity  the  late  rebellious  States  held  on  to 
the  institution  of  Slavery. 

The  Ordinance  being  before  Congress,  a  resolution  was 
offered  by  Mr.  Spaight,  of  North  Carolina,  seconded  by 
Mr.  Read,  of  South  Carolina,  that  the  fifth  Article,  the 
one  prohibiting  Slavery  after  the  year  1800,  be  stricken 
out,  the  question  being  put  in  the  following  form: 
" Shall  the  words  moved  to  be  stricken  out  stand?" 
The  ayes  and  noes  were  taken  by  States,  as  follows: 
Ayes — Pennsylvania,  New  Hampshire,  Rhode  Island, 


IY.]  VOTE   ON   SLAVERY.  47 

Massachusetts,  New  York  and  Connecticut,  Noes — 
Yirginia,  Maryland,  South  Carolina. 

The  votes  of  the  States  stood — six  for  the  Ordinance 
and  prohibition  of  Slavery,  three  against  it,  Jefferson, 
of  Yirginia,  voting  for  it,  but  his  vote  was  overpowered 
by  two  of  his  associates,  Hand  and  Montgomery  7  voting 
against  it.  New  Jersey  having  b.ut  one  representative 
present,  that  State  did  not  cast  any  vote ;  one  represen 
tative,  however,  Mr.  Dick,  voted  aye.  North  Carolina 
having  only  two  representatives  present — one  voting 
aye,  the  other  no — she  did  not  cast  a  vote.  Georgia 
and  Delaware  were  not  represented.  An  affirmative  vote 
of  a  majority  of  the  States  was  necessary,  under  the  Arti 
cles  of  Confederation,  to  sustain  a  proposition,  and  the 
Ordinance  having  received  the  votes  of  six  States,  and 
half  the  vote  of  New  Jersey,  we  can  easily  see  that, 
(admitting  Delaware  and  Georgia  had  been  present,  and 
had  voted  against  the  Ordinance,)  the  vote  of  one  more 
representative  from  New  Jersey  would  have  sustained 
the  Ordinance ;  and  no  doubt  remains,  that  if  the  other 
representative  from  that  State  had  been  present,  he 
would  have  cast  his  vote  for  the  Ordinance. 

Those  who  have  studied  the  passing  and  conflicting 
political  scenes  of  the  last  thirty  years — the  terrible 
struggle  of  life  and  death  waged  between  Slavery  and 
Freedom  for  the  possession  of  the  Territories,  to  the  neg 
lect  of  all  national  legislation,  such  as  was  carried  on 
under  the  heat  and  influence  of  the  interests  of  sec 
tional  strife,  engendered  by  the  demon  of  Slavery — or 
those  who  can  contemplate  the  bloody  drama  of  the 
Slaveholders'  Rebellion,  can  realize  the  importance  of 
the  gentleman's  vote  from  New  Jerse}^,  who  was  not  in 
the  Continental  Congress  on  the  19th  of  April,  1787, 
and  see  what  awful  results  may  hang  upon  the  vote  of 
a  single  individual. 


CHAPTER    Y. 

CONVENTION  TO  AMEND  THE  ARTICLES  Of  CONFEDERATION.  —  THEY  FRAME  A 
CONSTITUTION.— DEBATES  AND  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE  CONVENTION.— THE 
NEGRO  IN  THE  BASIS  OF  REPRESENTATION.— SERMON  OF  THE  REV.  JONA 
THAN  EDWARDS.— LETTER  OF  WASHINGTON  TO  LAFAYETTE.— ORDINANCE 
OF  1787.— HARRISON  ADVOCATES  SLAVERY. 

FROM  the  adoption  of  the  Articles  of  Confederation, 
July  8th,  1778,  up  to  the  year  1787,  the  increased  re 
quirements  for  national  legislation,  through  the  imper 
fection  and  inadequacy  of  the  Articles  of  Confederation, 
were  daily  developing  themselves.  The  Continental 
Congress -was  now  in  session  at  the  city  of  New  York, 
(this  being  its  last  session).  A  Convention  of  delegates 
from  the  States  had  been  appointed  to  amend  or  alter  the 
Articles  of  Confederation.  The  Convention  met  at  Phil 
adelphia  on  the  25th  day  of  May,  1787,  when  the  fol 
lowing  States  were  found  to  be  represented  by  their 
delegates:  New  York,  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Dela 
ware,  Virginia,  North  Carolina,  and  South  Carolina; 
and  in  a  few  days  delegates  from  the  other  States  pre 
sented  themselves.  Rhode  Island  did  not  appoint  dele 
gates;  and  those  from  New  Hampshire  did  not  take 
their  seats  until  July  23d.  Amongst  the  many  dis 
tinguished  men  in  this  Convention  were  Washington 
and  Franklin. 

The  difference  of  opinion  and  suggestions  offered  by 
the  members  plainly  indicated  that  the  framing  of  a 
Constitution ,  or  the  centralizing  of  any  more  powers  in 
the  General  Government,  than  might  be  done  by 
amending  the  Articles  of  Confederation,  did  not  enter 


V.]  FRAMING   THE   CONSTITUTION.  49 

into  the  minds  of  many  of  the  delegates ;  yet  the  de 
termined  position  taken  by  many,  including  Wash 
ington,  to  form  a  "move perfect  Union"  and  to  enlarge 
and  centralize  the  powers — legislative,  executive,  and 
judicial — in  a  National  Union,  and  the  intelligent  posi 
tions  taken  by  them  in  exposing  the  insecurity  of  their 
liberties,  if  left  to  the  jobbing  political  caprice  and  lo 
cal  jealousies  of  the  thirteen  Colonies — unaided  by  the 
general  forms  of  government,  possessed  of  all  the  pow 
ers  of  nationality  in  the  legislation  and  exocutioii  of 
its  laws  and  authority — plainly  showed  the  necessity 
of  Union. 

The  Convention,  we  have  seen,  met  on  Friday,  May 
25th,  1787.  The  first  act  was  a  motion  by  Robert 
Morris,  of  Pennsylvania,  that  George  Washington  be 
elected  Chairman  of  the  Convention,  which  was  unani 
mously  agreed  to.  Upon  taking  the  chair,  he  modestly 
declared  his  embarrassment,  never  having  been  in  a 
similar  position  before,  and  hoped  his  errors  would  be 
excused,  as  they  would  be  unintentional. 

And  now  the  third  great  drama  in  the  liberties  of 
America  was  enacted.  The  Declaration  of  Independence 
had  proclaimed  to  the  world  that  a  spirit  of  freedom 
had  taken  hold  of  the  hearts  of  the  colonists;  and  the 
triumphal  armies  of  America,  now  flushed  with  glorious 
victory,  having,  against  overwhelming  numbers,  con 
quered  the  most  powerful  nation  of  the  earth ;  and  the 
chief  of  victory,  and  also  of  the  army  of  freedom,  now 
installed  as  Chairman  of  this  august  assemblage,  con 
sisting  of  many  of  the  most  illustrious  statesmen,  war 
riors  and  patriots  of  the  New  Nation,  and  guiding  the 
offspring  of  his  valor  and  patriotism  into  its  new  bap 
tism  and  into  the  foremost  ranks  of  free  nations,  was  a 
sublime  spectacle. 


50  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

The  Convention  continued  to  meet  daily  for  almost 
four  months — from  May  25th,  1787,  to  September  17th, 
of  the  same  year — amidst  conflicts  and  discouragements 
almost  dispelling  the  hopes  of  the  friends  of  National 
Government.  The  Convention  missed  the  able  services 
and  wise  counsels  of  two  of  America's  ablest  States 
men,  John  Adams  and  Thomas  Jefferson,  both  being  in 
Europe  as  Embassadors.  Especially  did  the  friends  of 
freedom  miss  their  influence,  for  their  well  known  lov£ 
of  human  liberty  would  have  insured  their  voices  in 
favor  of  the  broadest  measures  of  equal  rights.  The 
Resolutions  of  1784,  drawn  up  by  Jefferson  in  relation 
to  the  government  of  the  public  lands,  and  interdicting 
Slavery  within  all  the  Northwestern  Territory,  was  well 
calculated  to  inspire  his  friends  with  the  belief  of  his 
hearty  cooperation  in  limiting  the  influence  of  the  Slave 
Power  in  national  political  affairs. 

Early  in  the  Convention,  Edmund  Randolph,  of  Vir 
ginia,  made  a  lengthy  and  elaborate  speech,  showing 
the  defects  of  the  existing  Confederation,  and  on  the 
29th  of  May  presented  a  set  of  fifteen  resolutions,  as  a 
basis  for  the  form  of  a  new  Government.  He  declared 
that  they  were  not  intended  for  a  Federal  Government, 
but  "for  &  strong,  consolidated  Union"  Randolph's  plan 
being  of  a  character  to  invest  enlarged  powers  in  the 
national  legislative  branch, .  found  fierce  opposition 
from  the  " State  Rights  Party;"  for  such  a  party  had 
already  begun  to  develop  itself  in  the  Convention. 
These  resolutions  were  discussed  for  about  two  weeks, 
and  objected  to.  In  the  meantime,  other  members  pre 
sented  other  plans  of  government. 

On  May  30th,  the  Convention  being  in  committee  of 
the  whole  on  the  u  state  of  the  Union,"  the  following 
resolutions  were  offered; 


V.]  FRAMING   THE   CONSTITUTION.  51 

"  1.  Resolved,  That  a  union  of  the  States  merely  Federal,  will 
not  accomplish  the  objects  proposed  by  the  Articles  of  Confedera 
tion,  namely:  the  common  defense,  security  to  liberty,  and  gen 
eral  welfare. 

"  2.  Resolved,  That  no  treaty  or  treaties  among  any  of  the 
States  as  sovereign,  will  accomplish  or  secure  their  common  de 
fense,  liberty,  or  welfare. 

"3.  Resolved,  That  a  National  Government  ought  to  be  es 
tablished,  consisting  of  a  supreme,  judicial,  legislative,  and  ex 
ecutive  department." 

These  resolutions  met  with  bitter  opposition  from 
Mr.  Pinckney,  delegate  from  South  Carolina,  on  the 
ground  that  the  Convention  had  no  power  to  create  a 
new  Government,  as  they  were  there  only  to  amend  and 
revise  the  Articles  of  Confederation;  the  word  supreme 
in  the  third  resolution  wanted  explanation — was  it 
" intended  to  annihilate  State  Governments?'1 

Suffrage  was  the  next  great  subject  before  the  Con 
vention;  and  here  was  the  point  that  brought  the 
friends  of  Liberty  and  the  friends  of  Slavery  square  to 
the  issue.  Every  State  in  the  Union  at  this  time  had 
Slavery  in  it,  except  Massachusetts;  for,  as  we  have 
already  seen,  by  the  Bill  of  Rights  to  the  new  Consti 
tution  of  1780,  she  had  abolished  it. 

If  a  new  Government  was  to  be  established,  with 
three  distinct  departments — one  executive,  one  judicial, 
and  one  legislative,  divided  into  three  branches — how 
should  the  " Sovereign  States "  be  represented?  '  Some 
of  those  advanced  in  wealth  were  in  favor  of  a  property 
basis ;  others  were  in  favor  of  basing  the  representation 
on  population.  But  here  it  was  objected  that  the  large 
States  would  swallow  up  the  small  ones.  Some  mem 
bers  favored  that  one  branch  be  elected  by  the  people, 
and  that  that  branch  then  elect  the  second  branch. 
But  discord  presented  itself  at  every  step ;  no  harmony 


52  REPUBLICANISM  IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

could  be  obtained,  and  it  became  evident  to  all,  that 
upon  one  question  raised  by  members  from  the  South, 
there  was  an  element  yet  unreconciled,  that  must  either 
break  up  the  Convention,  prevent  some  States  from  en 
tering  into  the  Union,  or  that  concessions  must  be 
made,  and  an  element  of  future  discord  incorporated 
into  the  fundamental  laws  of  the  New  Nation.  The 
veil  was  drawn  aside  from  this  colossus,  and  the  Negro 
stood  forth,  backed  by  an  undivided  Southern  support, 
to  thrust  him  into  the  material  upon  which  the  new 
edifice  of  liberty  was  to  have  its  foundation.  The 
large  Southern  slave  interests  made  the  institution  a 
power  amongst  them;  and  if  the  national  representa 
tion  was  to  be  based  upon  "  property,"  then  the  slaves 
should  be  calculated,  and  if  based  upon  population 
then  enumerated.  The  delegates  from  New  England 
and  other  States  asked  the  Southern  representatives  if 
they  calculated  their  slaves  as  property ;  to  -which  they 
replied  that  they  did.  "Then,"  said  they,  "we  do  not 
desire  that  our  merchandise  be  represented  in  the  coun 
cils  of  the  New  Nation."  "Are  they  men?"  asked  the 
Northern  delegates;  "are  they  admitted  as  citizens?" 
Then,  why  not  on  an  equality  with  citizens.  "Are 
they  admitted  as  property? — then,  why  not  other  prop 
erty  be  admitted  into  the  Confederation?"  asked  James 
Wilson,  delegate  from  Pennsylvania. 

There  being  no  hopes  of  the  Convention  coming  to 
any  terms  upon  the  subject  of  framing  a  Constitution 
that  would  accord  with  the  general  expressed  views  of 
the  majority,  without  some  compromise  being  made,  Mr. 
Sherman,  of  Connecticut,  moved  that  a  committee  of 
one  delegate  from  each  State  be  appointed  to  advise 
and  report  upon  the  subject  of  the  manner  of  represen 
tation.  The  friends  of  manhood  representation  knew 


V.]  FRAMING  THE   CONSTITUTION.  53 

the  awful  situation  into  which  they  were  drifting ;  they 
knew  that  the  perpetuation  of  their  liberties  rested 
upon  the  formation  of  a  Central  Government,  vested 
with  full  powers  to  legislate  and  execute  laws,  untram- 
meled  by  the  dictation  of  "Sovereign  States;"  they 
also  felt  assured  that  now,  as  the  Southern  slaveholder 
demanded  representation  for  his  slaves,  either  as  a  chat 
tel  or  as  a  man,  that  a  Republican  Union  could  not  be 
formed  with  this  great  inequality  of  representation — 
that  Slavery  was  obnoxious  to  the  principles  of  Repub 
licanism,  and  if  these  men  were  to  be  enumerated  in 
the  population,  and  the  basis  forming  a  representation, 
they  ought  to  be  free. 

Equally  evident  it  was,  that  if  the  slaveholders  of 
the  South  did  not  receive  a  representation  for  their 
slaves,  the  delegates  would  withdraw  from  the  Conven 
tion,  and  refuse  to  join  the  balance  of  the  States  in  any 
form;  for  threats  to  this  effect  were  already  made,  as 
the  spirit  of  Secession  had  already  entered  the  hall  of 
the  Convention,  and  was  planting  the  seeds  of  sedition 
and  disunion. 

The  Committee  alluded  to  had  entered  upon  their 
duties,  and,  as  in  the  General  Assembly  of  the  dele 
gates,  so  now  in  the  Committee  Room,  the  herculean 
form  of  the  negro  presented  itself,  and  in  the  midst  of 
that  august  body,  presided  over  by  the  venerable  Dr. 
Franklin,  demanded  in  thunder  tones  an  admission  in 
national  representation,  although  in  his  own  State  he 
was  the  subject  of  barter  and  sale,  and  stood  mute  as 
a  mummy,  whilst  his  master  tightened  his  chains  by 
State  legislation. 

Few  persons  familiar  with  the  affairs  of  the  American 
Republic,  and  influenced  by  the  spirit  of  liberty  and 
equality  before  the  law,  will  doubt  but  that  the  duties 


54  REPUBLICANISM  IN  AMERICA.  [Chap. 

resting  upon  the  Committee  were  of  a  character  fraught 
with  greater  interest,  not  only  to  the  people  of  Amer 
ica,  but  to  the  general  liberties  of  mankind,  than  ever 
devolved  upon  any  body  of  men  since  the  history  of 
civilization. 

The  past  contentious  debate  upon  this  vexed  ques 
tion  of  representation  assured  the  friends  of  liberty  and 
equal  rights,  that  the  fate  of  America's  national  exist 
ence  depended  upon  concessions  tempered  with  mod 
eration;  but  the  concessions  had  to  be  all  on  one  side, 
for  the  upholder  of  Slavery,  true  to  his  instincts,  re 
doubled  his  demands  for  representation  for  his  "  chat 
tels,"  as  the  friends  of  nationality  and  liberty  relaxed 
their  claims;  and  freedom's  defenders  grew  pale  in 
the  presence  of  bloated  arrogance,  flushed  with  the 
hope  of  victory.  The  slave  party  violently  struggled 
to  hold  the  balance  of  power  in  the  legislative  depart 
ment  of  the  Republic,  upon  the  threat,  that  if  their 
terms  were  not  acceded  to,  they  would  sever  the  com 
pact  of  confederation,  and  maintain  their  position  as 
"  Sovereign  States."  The  battle  in  General  Assembly 
and  in  Committee  was  raging,  and  at  its  close  Slavery 
stood  triumphant  and  Liberty  bowed  in  silent  acqui 
escence. 

The  report  of  the  Committee,  made  on  the  5th  day 
of  July,  was:  that  in  the  first  branch  of  the  Legisla 
ture,  each  State  should  have  one  representative  for 
each  forty  thousand  inhabitants  (three-fifths  of  the 
slaves  being  counted) ;  that  in  the  second  branch  (the 
Senate)  each  State  should  have  one  vote.  From  this 
report  emanated  the  representation  as  defined  in  Article 
I,  Sections  2  and  3,  of  the  Federal  Constitution.  Some 
of  the  remarks  of  delegates  upon  this  subject  of  repre 
sentation  are  given  here,  which  only  more  fully  show 
the  reader  the  spirit  that  animated  their  authors: 


Y.]  FRAMING   THE   CONSTITUTION.  55 

Rufus  King,  of  Massachusetts, 

"Desired  to  know  what  influence  the  vote  just  passed  was 
meant  to  have  on  the  succeeding  part  of  the  report,  concerning 
the  admission  of  slaves  into  the  rule  of  representation.  The 
admission  of  slaves  was  a  most  grating  circumstance  to  his  mind. 
*  *  "What  are  the  great  objects  of  the  general  system?  First, 
defense  against  foreign  invasion;  second,  against  irfternal  sedi 
tion.  Shall  all  the  States,  then,  be  bound  to  defend  each;  and 
shall  each  be  at  liberty  to  introduce  a  weakness  which  will  ren 
der  defense  more  difficult?  If  slaves  are  to  be  imported,  shall 
not  the  exports  produced  by  their  labor  supply  a  revenue,  the 
better  to  enable  the  General  Government  to  defend  their  mas 
ters?  *  *  *  He  never  could  agree  to  let  them  be  imported, 
without  limitation,  and  then  be  represented  in  the  National  Leg 
islature;  indeed,  he  could  so  little  persuade  himself  of  the  recti 
tude  of  such  a  practice,  that  he  was  not  sure  that  he  could  assent 
to  it  under  any  circumstances. >r 

Gouverneur  Morris,  of  Pennsylvania^  moved  to  insert 
the  word  "free"  before  "inhabitant," 

"Much,"  he  said,  "would  depend  on  this  point.  He  never 
could  concur  in  upholding  domestic  Slavery;  it  was  a  nefarious 
institution;  it  was  the  curse  of  heaven  in  the  States  where  it  pre 
vailed.  Compare  the  free  regions  of  the  Middle  States,  where  a 
rich  and  noble  cultivation  marks  the  prosperity  and  happiness  of 
the  people,  with  the  misery  and  poverty  which  overspreads  the 
barren  wastes  of  Virginia,  Maryland,  and  the  other  States  having 
slaves;  travel  through  the  whole  continent,  and  you  behold  the 
prospect  continually  changing,  varying  with  the  appearance  and 
disappearance  of  Slavery.  *  *  *  Upon  what  principle  is  it, 
that  the  slaves  shall  be  computed  in  the  representation?  Are 
they  men? — then  make  them  citizens,  and  let  them  vote.  Are 
they  property?1 — why,  then,  is  no  other  property  included  ?  The 
houses  in  this  city  (Philadelphia)  are  worth  more  than  all  the 
wretched  slaves  that  cover  the  rice  swamps  of  South  Carolina. 
The  admission  of  slaves  into  the  representation,  when  fairly  ex 
plained,  comes  to  this:  that  the  inhabitant  of  Georgia  or  South 
Carolina,  who  goes  to  the  coast  of  Africa,  and,  in  defiance  of  the 
most  sacred  laws  of  humanity,  tears  away  his  fellow  creatures 


56  REPUBLICANISM  IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

from  their  dearest  connections  and  dooms  them  to  the  most  cruel 
bondage,  shall  have  more  votes  in  a  Government  instituted  for 
the  rights  of  mankind,  than  the  citizen  of  Pennsylvania  or  New 
Jersey,  who  views  with  a  laudable  horror  so  nefarious  a  practice. 
He  would  add  that  domestic  Slavery  is  the  most  prominent  fea 
ture  in  the  aristocratic  countenance  of  the  proposed  Constitu 
tion  .  *  *  *  He  would  sooner  submit  himself  to  a  tax  paying 
for  all  the'  negroes  in  the  United  States,  than  saddle  posterity 
with  such  a  Constitution." 

"  Charles  Pinckney,  of  South  Carolina,  considered  the  Fisheries 
and  the  Western  Frontier  more  burdensome  to  the  United  States 
than  the  slaves.  He  thought  this  could  be  demonstrated  if  the 
occasion  was  a  proper  one."  (Madison's  Papers,  Vol.  Ill,  page 
1261.) 

"  August  21. — Luther  Martin,  of  Maryland,  was  in  favor  of  a 
tax  on  slaves.  In  the  first  place,  as  five  slaves  are  to  be  counted 
as  three  freemen  in  the  apportionment  of  representation,  such  a 
clause  would  have  an  encouragement  to  this  traffic;  in  .the  sec 
ond  place,  Slavery  weakened  one  part  of  the  Union,  which  the 
other  parts  were  bound  to  protect — the  privilege  of  importing 
was  therefore  unreasonable;  and  in  the  third  place,  it  was  incon 
sistent  with  the  principles  of  the  Revolution,  and  dishonorable  to 
the  American  character,  to  have  such  a  feature  in  the  Constitu 
tion." 

"Mr.  Rut]  edge,  of  South  Carolina,  did  not  see  how  the  im 
portation  of  slaves  could  be  encouraged  by  this  section.  He  was 
not  apprehensive  of  insurrections,  and  would  readily  exempt  the 
other  States  from  the  obligation  to  protect  the  Southerner  against 
them.  Religion  and  humanity  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  question; 
interest  alone  is  the  governing  principle  with  nations." 

4 'Mr.  Pinckney,  of  South  Carolina,  can  never  receive  the  plan, 
if  it  prohibits  the  slave  trade."— Ibid.,  1388. 

August  22. — The  debate  still  going  on,  George  Ma 
son,  of  Virginia  (grandfather  of  James  M.  Mason,  late 
Rebel  Embassador  to  England),  who  was  a  strong  advo 
cate  of  human  liberty,  said : 

"  This  infernal  traffic  originated  with  the  avarice  of  British 
merchants;  the  British  Government  has  constantly  checked  the 
attempts  of  Virginia  to  put  a  stop  to  it  The  present  question 


V.]  FRAMING  THE   CONSTITUTION.  57 

concerns  not  the  importing  of  slaves  alone,  but  the  whole  Union. 
The  evil  of  having  slaves  was  experienced  during  the  late  war. 
Had  slaves  been  treated  as  they  might  have  been  by  the  enemy, 
they  would  have  proved  dangerous  instruments  in  their  hands. 
*  *  *  Slavery  discourages  the  arts  and  manufactures.  The 
poor  despise  labor  when  performed  by  slaves;  they  prevent  the 
emigration  of  whites,  who  really  enrich  and  strengthen  the 
country;  they  produce  the  most  pernicious  effects  on  manners. 
Every  master  of  a  slave  is  born  a  petty  tyrant;  they  bring  the 
judgment  of  heaven  on  the  country — as  nations  cannot  be  pun 
ished  in  the  next  world,  they  must  be  in  this.  *  *  *  The 
General  Government  should  have  the  power  to  prevent  the  in 
crease  of  Slavery."— Ibid.,  p.  1390. 

Following  up  this  subject, 

"  General  Pinckney,  of  South  Carolina,  declared  it  to  be  his 
firm  conviction  that,  if  himself  and  all  his  colleagues  were  to 
sign  the  Constitution,  and  use  their  personal  influence,  it  would 
be  of  no  avail  toward  obtaining  the  consent  of  their  constituents. 
South  Carolina  and  Georgia  cannot  do  without  slaves.  *  *  * 
He  admitted  it  to  be  reasonable,  that  slaves  should  be  dutied 
like  other  imports,  but  should  consider  a  rejection  of  the  clause 
as  an  exclusion  of  South  Carolina  and  Georgia." 

"Mr.  Sherman  said  it  was  better  to  let  the  Southern  States 
import  slaves,  than  to  part  with  them,  if  they  made  that  a  sine 
qua  non."— Ibid.,  p.  1392. 

The  last  remarks  above  were  made  on  the  debate 
relating  to  the  prohibition  of  the  importation  of  slaves. 

In  the  Convention,  August  29th,  1787,  South  Caro 
lina,  still  fierce  on  the  scent  of  the  slave — not  satisfied 
with  having  them  enumerated  in  the  basis  of  represen 
tation,  and  having  the  right  to  import  them  and  thus 
overpower  the  non-importing  States  in  the  halls  of 
Congress — and  dreading  the  claim  of  the  escaped  to  his 
freedom,  so  soon  as  he  might  touch  free  soil,  her  repre 
sentative,  Pierce  Butler,  moved  to  insert  after  Article 
XV,  of  the  Constitution,  "If  any  person  bound  to 


58  .        REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

service  or  labor  in  any  of  the  United  States  shall  escape 
into  another  State,  he  or  she  shall  not  be  discharged 
from  such  service  or  labor,  in  consequence  of  any 
regulation  existing  in  the  State  to  which  they  escape, 
but  shall  be  delivered  up  to  the  person  justly  claiming 
their  service  or  labor,"  which,  after  some  verbal  modi 
fication,  was  agreed  to.  (Madison's  Papers,  Yol.  Ill, 
p.  1456.) 

The  Constitution  completed,  it  was  plain  that  the 
friends  of  the  slave  traffic  had  at  every  point  gained 
ground.  The  three  great  principles  upon  which  were 
founded  the  elements  of  the  modern  Democratic  doc 
trines — the  elements  that  have  so  long  afflicted  the 
Union  with  sectional  hostility  and  strife,  that  brought 
reproach  upon  our  Government,  and  that  engendered 
the  factious  tyranny  of  the  late  rebellion,  and  fur 
nishes  sustenance  to  the  morbid  appetite  and  brutal 
passions  of  the  rebel  Democratic  faction  of  to-day — 
namely :  the  importation  of  the  negro ;  his  use  in  form 
ing  a  basis  of  representation  in  Congress ;  his  capture 
and  return,  should  he  escape  into  any  State  or  Terri 
tory  of  the  United  States — now  became  fastened  upon 
the  Government. 

The  following  extract  is  from  a  speech  of  Charles 
C.  Pinckney,  delivered  in  the"  ratification  meeting  of 
South  Carolina,  January  17th,  1788,  and  will  give  the 
reader  a  fair  insight  into  this  subject: 

"  I  am  of  the  same  opinion  now  that  I  was  two  years  ago — 
that,  while  there  remained  one  acre  of  swamp  land  uncleared  in 
South  Carolina,  I  would  raise  my  voice  against  restricting  the 
importation  of  negroes.  *  *  *  The  Middle  States  and  Vir 
ginia  were  for  an  immediate  and  total  prohibition;  we  endeav 
ored  to  obviate  the  objections,  which  were  urged  in  the  best  man 
ner  we  could,  and  assigned  reasons  for  our  insisting  on  the  im 
portation,  which  there  is  no  occasion  to  repeat,  as  they  must  and 


V.]  SLAVERY.  59 

can  appear  clear  to  every  gentleman  in  this  house.  A  Committee 
of  States  was  appointed,  in  order  to  accommodate  the  matter,  and, 
after  a  great  deal  of  difficulty,  it  was  settled  on  the  footing  of 
the  Constitution.  By  this  settlement  we  have  secured  an  un 
limited  importation  of  negroes  for  twenty  years;  nor  is  it  de 
clared  when  that  importation  shall  be  stopped — it  may  be  con 
tinued.  We  have  a  right  to  recover  our  slaves,  in  whatever  part 
of  America  they  may  take  refuge.  In  short,  considering  all  cir 
cumstances,  we  have  made  the  best  terms  for  the  security  of 
this  species  of  property  it  was  in  OUT  power  to  make;  we  would 
have  made  better  if  we  could,  but,  on  the  whole,  I  do  not  think 
them  had."— Elliott's  Debates,  Vol.  IV,  p.  285. 

A  few  more  examples  of  the  abhorrence  in  which 
the  slave  traffic  was  held  by  the  purest  men  of  the 
revolutionary  period/  may  tend  to  awaken  a  spirit  of 
reverence,  in  the  mind  of  the  reader  of  these  pages, 
for  the  illustrious  dead. 

The  following  quotation  is  from  a  sermon  preached 
by  the  Rev.  Jonathan  Edwards  at  New  Haven,  Con 
necticut,  September  15th,  1791.  Connecticut  at  this 
time  was  a  Slave  State : 

"African  Slavery  is  exceedingly  impolitic,  as  it  discourages 
industry.  Nothing  is  more  essential  to  the  political  prosperity  of 
any  State,  than  industry  in  the  citizens;  but,  in  proportion  as 
slaves  are  multiplied,  every  kind  of  labor  becomes  ignominious, 
and,  in  fact,  in  those  of  the  United  States  in  which  slaves  are  the 
most  numerous,  gentlemen  and  ladies  of  any  fashion  disdain  to 
employ  themselves  in  any  business,  which  in  the  other  States  is 
consistent  with  the  dignity  of  the  first  families  and  the  first  offi 
cers.  In  a  country  filled  with  negro  slaves,  labor  belongs  to 
them  only,  and  a  white  man  is  despised  in  proportion  as  he  ap 
plies  to  it.  Now,  how  destructive  of  industry  in  all  of  the  lowest 
and  middle  classes  of  citizens  such  a  situation,  and  the  prevalence 
of  such  ideas  will  be,  you  can  easily  conceive.  The  consequence 
will  be,  that  some  will  nearly  starve;  others  will  betake  them 
selves  to  the  most  dishonest  practices,  to  obtain  a  means  of  liv 
ing.  As  Slavery  produces  an  indolence  in  the  white  population, 
so  it  produces  all  those  vices  which  are  naturally  connected  with 


60  .          REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

it,  such  as  intemperance,  lewdness,  and  prodigality.  These  vices 
enfeeble  both  the  body  and  the  mind,  and  unfit  men  for  any  vig 
orous  action  and  employment,  either  external  or  mental;  and 
those  who  are  unfit  for  such  exertion  are  already  very  degener 
ate — degenerate  not  only  in  a  moral,  but  a  natural  sense;  they 
are  contemptible,  too,  and  will  soon  be  despised,  even  by  the 
negroes  themselves. 

"  Slavery  tends  to  lewdness,  not  only  as  it  produces  indolence, 
but  as  it  affords  abundant  opportunity  for  that  wickedness,  with 
out  either  the  danger  or  difficulty  of  an  attack  on  the  virtue  of  a 
woman  of  chastity,  or  the  danger  of  a  connection  with  one  of  ill 
fame.  A  planter,  with  his  hundred  wenches  about  him,  is  in 
some  respect,  at  least,  like  the  Sultan  in  his  seraglio;  and  we 
learn  too  frequently  the  influence  and  effect  of  such  a  situation, 
not  only  from  common  fame,  but  from  a  multitude  of  mulattoes 
in  countries  where  slaves  are  numerous. 

"  Slavery  has  a  most  direct  tendency  to  haughtiness  also;  and 
a  domineering  spirit  and  conduct  in  the  proprietors  of  slaves,  in 
their  children,  and  in  all  who  have  control  of  them.  A  man  who 
has  been  brought  up  in  domineering  over  negroes  can  scarcely 
avoid  contracting  such  a  habit  of  haughtiness  and  domination  .as 
will  express  itself  in  his  general  treatment  of  mankind,  whether 
in  his  private  capacity,  or  any  office,  civil  or  military,  with  which 
he  may  be  vested.  Despotism  in  economics  naturally  leads  to 
despotism  in  politics;  and  domestic  Slavery  in  a  free  Government 
is  a  perfect  solecism  in  human  affairs. 

' '  How  baneful  all  these  tendencies  and  effects  of  Slavery  must 
be  to  the  public  good,  and  especially  to  the  public  good  in  such 
a  free  country  as  ours,  I  need  not  inform  you."  —  Sermons, 
1775-99,  p.  10. 

The  following  is  an  extract  from  a  letter  written,  by 
Washington  to  Lafayette,  dated  April  5th,  1783: 

"The  scheme,  my  dear  Marquis,  which  you  propose  as  a  pre 
cedent  to  encourage  the  emancipation  of  the  black  people  in  this 
country,  from  that  state  of  bondage  in  which  they  are  held,  is  a 
striking  evidence  of  the  benevolence  of  your  heart.  I  shall  be 
happy  to  join  you  in  so  laudable  a  work,  but  will  defer  going  into 
detail  of  the  business  until  I  have  the  pleasure  of  seeing  you." — 
Sparks'  Washington,  Vol.  VIII,  p.  414. 


V.]  SLAVERY.  61 

During  the  session  of  the  Convention  at  Philadel 
phia,  which  framed  the  Federal  Constitution,  the  last 
session  of  the  Continental  Congress  was  being  held  at 
the  city  of  New  York.  Many  lovers  of  Freedom  in  that 
illustrious  body  had  seriously  felt  the  importance  of 
some  riational  legislation  upon  the  subject  of  the  spread 
of  Slavery  into  the  unorganized  Territories  lying  to  the 
north  and  west.  Especially  were  the  men  of  the  New 
England  States  active  in  this.  They  had  at  an  early 
day  taken  steps  to  prevent  its  spread  or  development 
within  their  own  limits  •  and  soon  after  the  first  impor 
tation  into  Virginia,  had  pronounced  the  traffic  in  men 
a  heinous  offense  against  God,  As  early  as  the  year 
1703,  they  laid  a  duty  of  four  pounds  (£4)  upon  each 
negro  imported  into  the  Colony  of  Massachusetts. 

The  Congress  now  in  session  had  seen  the  impend 
ing  evil.  The  black  cloud  at  the  South,  at  first  so 
small,  was  fast  developing  into  limitless  proportions. 

Mr.  Jefferson's  Ordinance,  of  1784,  had  been  shorn 
of  its  efficiency,  by  having  the  clauses  prohibiting 
Slavery  stricken  out,  to  please  the  Democracy. 

This  Congress  had  appointed  a  Committee  to  provide 
some  remedy  for  the  evil.  Nathan  Dana,  of  Massachu 
setts,  was  Chairman;  and  on  the  llth  day  of  July, 
1787,  a  plan  was  reported,  promulgating  "An  Ordi 
nance  for  the  government  of  Territories  of  the  United 
States  northwest  of  the  Ohio." 

Nothing  had  been  said  about  the  Territory  south  of 
the  Ohio ;  so  that,  by  making  a  distinction  in  this  Or 
dinance,  or  being  silent  as  to  any  action  in  relation  to 
the  Southern  Territory,  it  was  soon  agitated  by  the 
Democracy,  that  this  field  was  to  be  left  open  to  Slavery. 

The  following  is  the  Ordinance,  Article  YI  being  the 
only  one  relating  to  Slavery: 
5 


62  REPUBLICANISM  IN  AMERICA.  [Chap. 

THE    OEDINANCE    OF   1787, 

Passed  by  Congress  previous  to  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution, 
and  subsequently  adopted  by  Congress,  August  1th,  1789,  entitled, 
"An  Ordinance  for  the  Government  of  the  Territory  of  the  United 
States  northwest  of  the  Elver  Ohio." 

ARTICLE  VI.  —  There  shall  be  neither  Slavery  nor  involuntary 
servitude  in  the  said  Territory,  otherwise  than  in  punishment  of 
crimes  whereof  the  party  shall  have  been  duly  convicted:  Pro 
vided  always,  that  any  person  escaping  into  the  same,  from  whom 
labor  or  service  is  lawfully  claimed  in  any  one  of  the  original 
States,  such  fugitive  may  be  lawfully  reclaimed  and  conveyed  to 
the  person  claiming  his  or  her  labor  or  service,  as  aforesaid. 

Done  by  the  United  States  in  Congress  assembled,  the  thir 
teenth  day  of  July,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  1787,  and  of  the  Sov 
ereignty  and  Independence  the  twelfth. 

WILLIAM  GRAYSON,  Chairman* 
CHARLES  THOMPSON,  Secretary 

This  Ordinance  soon  became-  a  great  stumbling-block 
in  the  road  of  the  Democracy. 

After  the  admission  of  Ohio,  in  1803,  the  vast  ter 
ritory  to  the  north,  known  as  Indian  Territory,  began 
to  fill  up  with  settlers  from  the  Slave  States.  Of 
course,  they  must  take  their  property  with  them.  To 
this  the  party  of  freedom  objected,  and  invoked  the 
stern  letter  of  the  Ordinance.  William  H.  Harrison, 
subsequently  President  of  the  United  States,  being  Gov 
ernor  of  the  Territory,  petitioned  Congress  to  suspend 
the  Ordinance,  and  allow  slaves  to  enter  the  Territory 
without  hindrance. 

Memorials  and  petitions  from  the  emigrants,  with 
prayers  and  supplications  from  Harrison,  were  con 
stantly  before  Congress,  imploring  it  to  relax  the  sixth 
article,  and  allow  them  to  deal  in  men.  These  peti 
tions  met  with  but  little  success;  and  soon  counter  peti- 


V.]  ORDINANCE   OF    1787.  63 

tions  were  sent  to  the  National  Congress  by  citizens 
from  the  Free  States,  now  settling  in  the  Territory. 

For  four  years,  the  Slave  Party  agitated  the  repeal 
of  this  Ordinance ;  but,  by  the  well  timed  interposition 
of  the  friends  of  freedom,  the  extensive  territory,  out 
of  which  the  States  of  Illinois,  Michigan,  Indiana,  and 
Wisconsin  were  formed,  was  dedicated  to  Freedom. 


CHAPTER   VI. 

MEETING  OF  FIKST  CONGRESS  UNDER  THE  CONSTITUTION.— GEORGE  WASHING 
TON  ELECTED  PRESIDENT. —JOHN  ADAMS  VICE-PRESIDENT.— VOTE  AT  THE 
ELECTION.— FIRST  BUSINESS  OF  CONGRESS.  —  POWERS  OF  THE  PRESIDENT 
TO  REMOVE  FROM  OFFICE.  —  DEBATES  UPON  THE  POWERS  OF  THE  PRES 
IDENT.— TENURE  OF  CIVIL  OFFICE.— AMENDMENTS  TO  THE  CONSTITUTION. 

THE  first  Congress  under  the  Constitution  met  at  New 
York,  on  the  4th  day  of  March,  1789;  but  not  until 
the  1st  of  April  was  a  quorum  present,  and  no  quorum 
of  the  Senate  until  the  6th.  On  this  day,  the  creden 
tials  of  the  members  present  being  read  and  ordered 
on  file,  the  Senate  proceeded  by  ballot  to  the  choice 
of  a  President  to  preside  over  that  body,  for  the  sole 
purpose  of  opening  and  counting  the  votes  for  Presi 
dent  of  the  United  States.  John  Langdon  was  elected. 

The  Members  of  Congress  and  the  Senate  assembled 
in  the  Senate  Chamber,  and  proceeded  to  count  the 
vote  of  the  Electors  for  President  and  Yice-President 
of  the  United  States,  which  was  as  follows :  George 
Washington,  69;  John  Adams,  34;  Samuel  Hunting- 
ton,  2;  John  Jay,  9;  John  Hancock,  4;  Robert  H. 
Harrison,  6;  George  Clinton,  3;  John  Rutledge,  6; 
John  Milton,  2 ;  James  Armstrong,  1 ;  Edward  Telfair, 
1;  Benjamin  Lincoln,  1. 

George  Washington  having  received  all  the  votes 
cast,  and  John  Adams  the  next  highest  number,  were 
declared  President  and  Yice-President  of  the  United 
States;  and  on  the  30th  of  April,  the  President  and 
Yice-President,  attended  by  the  Members  of  Congress, 
were  joined  by  the  Senators;  the  Chancellor  of  New 


VL]  THE   FIRST   PRESIDENT.  65 

York  administered  to  the  President  the  constitutional 
oath  of  office,  concluding  with,  "Long  live  George 
Washington,  President  of  the  United  States." 

The  President,  having  taken  his  seat,  after  a  brief 
pause,  proceeded  to  deliver  his  Inaugural  Address. 

The  wheels  of  the  new  Government  were  being  fast 
put  into  motion.  But,  so  far,  the  Union  consisted 
of  only  eleven  States.  Georgia  had  not  yet  ratified  the 
National  Constitution,  and  Rhode  Island  had  neither 
sent  delegates  to  the  Convention,  nor  made  any  move 
toward  entering  the  Union;  so  that  Rhode  Island  and 
Georgia  were  foreign  nations,  and  were  now  acknowl 
edged  as  such,  by  Congress  passing  special  laws  exempt 
ing  their  goods — the  growth  or  manufacture  of  these 
States — from  foreign  duty,  and  their  vessels  to  be  en 
tered  on  the  same  privileges  as  those  of  the  United 
States,  until  the  15th  of  January,  1790.  Georgia  and 
Rhode  Island  subsequently  adopted  the  Constitution, 
and  became  members  of  the  Union.  (See  States,  Ap 
pendix.) 

The  first  business  attended  to  was  the  rates  of  tariff 
on  imports,  and  the  presentation  of  the  application  of 
the  Legislature  of  Virginia,  proposing  amendments  to 
the  Constitution,  which  brought  on  a  warm  debate  upon 
the  constitutional  manner  of  proposing  and  enacting  such 
amendments.  The  next  subject  demanding  constitutional 
application  was  the  question  raised  upon  the  appointment 
and  removal  of  the  heads  of  the  three  departments  cre 
ated  by  the  Congress — the  department  of  State,  of  the 
Treasury,  and  of  War ;  and  upon  the  question  now 
raised,  as,  to  whether  the  power  rested  in  the  President 
alone  to  remove  the  heads  of  these  departments,  or 
whether,  as  in  their  appointments,  the  concurrence  of 
the  Senate  was  necessary,  involved  the  same  principles 


66  REPUBLICANISM  IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

and  inquiry  that  have  agitated  the  executive  and  legis 
lative  departments  of  the  National  Government,  upon 
the  removal  of  Mr.  Stanton,  Secretary  of  War,  by  the 
Executive  alone,  during  the  session  of  the  fortieth 
Congress,  and  while  the  Senate  was  still  in  session. 

The  differences  of  opinion  entertained  and  expressed 
in  this  first  Congress,  upon  this  vital  question,  have  been 
happily  settled  by  the  legislative  'department  of  the 
nation  defining  and  regulating  the  powers,  and  the  man 
ner  of  removal  from  civil  office,  by  the  law  passed  at 
the  second  session  of  the  thirty-ninth  Congress,  known 
as  the  Tenure  of  Office  Bill.  This  law  settles  the  ques 
tion  of  removal,  in  making  it  imperative  upon  the  same 
power  that  appoints  to  remove — namely,  the  President, 
ly  and  with  the  consent  and  advice  of  the  Senate.  Below 
are  the  leading  features  of  this  law: 

CHAPTER  CLIV. TENURE  OF  CIVIL  OFFICE. 

SECTION  1.  Persons  holding,  or  appointed  to  any  civil  office 
by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate,  shall  be  en 
titled  to  hold  such  office  until  a  successor  shall  have  been  in  like 
manner  appointed  and  duly  qualified.  The  Secretaries  of  State, 
of  the  Treasury,  of  War,  of  the  Navy,  and  of  the  Interior,  the 
Postmaster-General  and  the  Attorney-General,  shall  hold  their 
offices  respectively  for  and  during  the  term  of  the  President  by 
whom  they  may  have  been  appointed,  and  for  one  mofth  there 
after,  subject  to  removal  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of 
the  Senate. 

SEC.  2.  When  civil  officers,  excepting  Judges  of  the  United 
States  Courts,  shall,  during  a  recess  of  the  Senate,  be  shown  by 
evidence  satisfactory  to  the  President,  to  be  guilty  of  misconduct 
in  office,  or  crime,  or  for  any  reason  shall  become  incapable,  or 
legally  disqualified  to  perform  its  duties,  in  such  a  case  the  Pres 
ident  may  suspend  such  officer  and  designate  some  suitable  per 
son  to  perform  temporarily  the  duties  of  such  office,  until  the 
next  meeting  of  the  Senate.  Such  persons  shall  take  the  oath, 
and  give  the  bonds  required  by  law.  In  such  cases,  it  shall  be 


VI.]  REMOVAL  PROM   OFFICE.  67 

the  duty  of  the  President,  within  twenty  days  after  the  meeting 
of  the  Senate,  to  report  to  that  body  such  suspension,  with  the 
evidence  and  reasons  for  his  action  in  the  case,  and  the  name-  of 
the  person  so  designated  to  perform  the  duties  of  such  office.  If 
the  Senate  concurs,  the  President  may  remove  the  officer  and  ap 
point  a  successor;  if  the  Senate  does  not  concur,  the  suspended 
officer  resumes  his.  office,  and  receives  .again  the  official  salary 
and  emoluments. 

The  following  extracts  from  the  debates  at  the  first 
session  of  the  American  Congress  under  the  Constitu 
tion,  relative  to  the  power  of  removal  from  office,  may 
be  read  with  profit  and  interest. 

In  the  House  of  Representatives,  during  the  first 
session  of  the  first  American  Congress  under  the  Con 
stitution,  on  the  19th  day  of  May,  1789,  upon  the  dis 
cussion  arising  upon  the  power  of  the  Executive  under 
the  Constitution  to  appoint  to  or  remove  from  office 
any  of  the  heads  of  departments  of  the  National  Gov 
ernment,  a  resolution  was  introduced  by  Mr.  Madison: 

"That  there  should  be  established  an  Executive  Department, 
to  be  denominated  the  Department  of  Foreign  Affairs;  at  the 
head  of  which  there  shall  be  an  officer,  to  be  called  the  Secretary 
of  the  Department  of  Foreign  Affairs,  who  shall  be  appointed  by 
the  President,  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate, 
and  to  be  removed  by  the  President." 

The  establishment  of  the  office  of  Foreign  Affairs, 
with  an  officer  at  its  head,  denominated  the  Secretary 
of  Foreign  Affairs,  was  agreed  to  in  Committee.  When 
they  came  to  the  mode  of  appointing  and  removing 
such  officer,  there  arose  a  discussion  upon  the  constitu 
tional  powers  to  effect  this.  Mr.  Smith,  of  South  Caro 
lina,  moved  to  strike  out  the  words  "who  shall  be 
appointed  by  the  President,  by  and  with  the  advice 
and  consent  of  the  Senate."  He  conceived  the  words 


68  REPUBLICANISM  IN  AMERICA.  [Chap. 

to  be  unnecessary;  besides,  it  looked  as  if  they  were 
conferring  power,  which  was  not  the  case,  for  the  Con 
stitution  had  expressly  given  the  power  of  appoint 
ment  in  the  words  there  used.  He  also  objected  to 
the  subsequent  part  of  this  paragraph,  because  "it 
declared  the  President  alone  to  have  the  power  of 
removal."  Mr.  Madison  remarked: 

"  That,  as  there  was  a  discretionary  power  in  the  Legislature 
to  give  the  privilege  to  the  President  alone  of  appointing  officers, 
there  could  be  no  injury  in  declaring  in  the  resolution  the  con 
stitutional  mode  of  appointing  the  heads  of  departments;  how 
ever,  if  gentlemen  were  uneasy,  he  would  not  abject  to  striking 
it  out." 

Mr.  Lee  thought  there  was  no  objection  to  the  words 
in  the  resolution, 

Mr.  Smith,  of  South  Carolina,  said: 

"  This  officer  is  at  the  head  of  a  department,  and  one  of  those 
who  are  to  advise  the  President ;  the  inferior  officers  mentioned 
in  the  Constitution  are  clerks  and  other  subordinate  persons. 
The  words  are  only  a  repetition  of  the  words  in  the  Constitution, 
and  are  consequently  superfluous," 

The  question  was  taken  on  striking  out  the  words 
alluded  to,  and  carried  in  the  affirmative:  then  followed 
a  lengthy  discussion  upon  the  power  of  the  President 
to  remove  from  office  the  heads  of  departments,  which 
was  participated  in  by  Madison,  Smith,  Lee,  Benson, 
Vincing,  Bland,  Jackson,  Boudinot,  White,  Thatcher, 
Sylvester,  Goodhue,  Gerry,  Livermore,  Clymer,  and 
others.  Mr.  Bland  said: 

"  The  power  given  by  the  Constitution  to  the  Senate,  respect 
ing  the  appointment  to  office,  would  be  rendered  almost  nuga 
tory,  if  the  President  had  the  power  of  removal.  If  the  first 
nomination  of  the  President  should  be  disapproved  by  the  Sen- 


VLJ  REMOVAL  FROM   OFFICE.  69 

ate,  and  the  second  agreed  to,  the  President  would  have  nothing 
to  do  but  wait  the  adjournment  of  Congress,  and  then  fill  the 
vacancy  with  his  favorite,  who,  by  thus  getting  into  possession 
of  the  office,  would  have  considerable  chance  of  permanency  in 
it.  He  thought  it  consistent  with  the  nature  of  things  that  the 
power  which  appointed  should  remove  ;  and  would  not  object  to 
a  declaration  in  the  resolution,  if  the  words  were  added  '  that 
the  President  shall  remove  from  office,  by  and  with  the  advice 
and  consent  of  the  Senate/  He  agreed  that  the  removal  by 
impeachment  was  a  supplementary  aid  in  favor  of  the  people; 
but  he  was  clearly  of  the  opinion  that  the  same  power  that 
appointed  had,  and  ought  to  have,  the  power  of  removal." 

Mr.  Jackson  said: 

"  He  agreed  with  the  gentleman  in  the  general  principles,  that 
the  body  who  appointed  ought  to  have  the  power  of  removal,  as 
the  body  which  enacts  laws  can  repeal  them," 

Mr.  White: 

"Thought  no  office  under  the  Government  was  to  be  held 
during  pleasure,  except  those  which  are  to  be  constituted  by  law; 
but  all  the  heads  of  departments  are  to  be  appointed  by  the 
President,  and  with  the  consent  and  advice  of  the  Senate.  He 
conceived  that  in  all  cases  the  party  who  appointed  ought  to 
judge  of  the  removal,  except  in  those  cases  which,  by  the  Con 
stitution,  are  exceptec1 ,  and  in  those  cases  impeachment  and 
conviction  are  the  only  mode  by  which  they  can  be  removed." 

Mr.  Sylvester  said: 

"  He  inclined  to  the  sentiments  of  the  gentleman  from  Vir 
ginia  (Mr.  Bland),  who  thought  the  Senate  ought  to  be  joined 
with  the  President  in  the  removal,  as  they  were  joined  by  the 
Constitution  in  the  appointment  to  office." 

Mr.  Gerry: 

"  The  Constitution  provides  for  the  appointment  of  the  public 
officers  in  this  manner:  The  President  shall  nominate,  and  by 
and  with  the  consent  and  advice  of  the  Senate,  shall  appoint 
Embassadors,  other  public  Ministers  and  Consuls,  Judges  of  the 


70  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

Supreme  Court,  and  all  other  officers  of  the  United  States,  whose 
appointments  are  not  herein  otherwise  provided  for,  and  which 
shall  be  established  by  law.  Now,  if  there  be  no  other  clause 
respecting  the  appointment,  I  shall  be  glad  to  see  how  the  heads 
of  departments  are  to  be  removed  by  the  President  alone.  What 
clause  is  it  that  gives  this  power  in  express  terms?  I  believe 
there  is  no  such.  If  there  is  a  power  of  removal  besides  that  by 
impeachment,  it  must  rest  somewhere;  it  must  vest  in  the  Presi 
dent,  or  in  the  President  and  the  Senate,  or  in  the  President, 
Senate,  and  House  of  ^Representatives.  Now  there  is  no  clause 
which  expressly  vests  it  in  the  President.  I  believe  that  no  gen 
tleman  contends  that  it  is  in  the  House,  because  that  would  be 
that  mingling  of  the  executive  and  legislative  powers  gentlemen 
deprecate.  I  presume  the  gentleman  will  grant,  that  if  there  is 
such  a  power,  it  vests  with  the  President  by  and  with  the  advice 
and  consent  of  the  Senate,  who  are  the  body  that  appoints.  I 
think  we  ought  to  be  cautious  how  we  step  in  between  the  Presi 
dent  and  the  Senate,  to  abridge  the  power  of  one  or  increase  the 
other," 

Mr.  Livermore; 

"  Considered  this  a  constitutional  question,  and  was  of  opin 
ion  that  the  same  power  which  appointed  to  office  had  the  right 
of  removal  also,  unless  it  was  restrained  by  an  express  declara 
tion  to  the  contrary.  As  the  President  by  and  with  the  advice 
and  consent  of  the  Senate  is  empowered  to  appoint  Embassa- 
dors,  certainly  they  have  a  right  to  remove  them  and  appoint 
others.  *  *  *  *  He  took  it,  therefore,  in  the  present 
case,  that>the  President  and  the  Senate  would  have  the  power  to 
remove  the  Secretary  of  Foreign  Affairs.  The  only  question, 
therefore,  which  appears  to  be  before  the  Committee,  is,  whether 
we  shall  give  this  power  to  the  President  alone  ?  " 

Mr.  Bland: 

"Their  inquiries  were  then  reduced  to  this  point:  Does  it 
reside,  agreeably  to  the  Constitution,  in  the  President,  or  in 
the  President  and  the  Senate  ?  The  Constitution  declares,  that 
the  President  and  the  Senate  shall  appoint;  and  it  naturally 
follows  that  the  power  which  appoints  shall  remove  also.  What 
would  be  the  consequence  of  the  removal  l^y  the  President  alone  ? 


VI.]  REMOVAL   FROM  OFFICE.  71 

He  had  already  mentioned  and  need  not  repeat.  A  new  Presi 
dent  might,  by  turning  out  of  the  great  offices,  bring  about  a 
change  of  the  ministry  and  throw  the  affairs  of  the  Union  into 
disorder ;  would  not  this  in  fact  make  the  President  a  monarch, 
and  give  him  absolute  power  over  all  the  great  departments  of 
the  Government?  It-  signifies  nothing,  that  the  Senate  has  a 
check  over  the  appointments,  because  he  can  remove  and  tire 
out  the  good  disposition  of  the  Senate." 

The  arguments  in  favor  of  the  power  of  removal 
being  in  the  President  alone  were  urged  with  great 
earnestness,  and  a  majority  of  the  House  seemed  to 
favor  that  view,  for  on  the  question  being  put  on  the 
resolution,  that  "by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent 
of  the  Senate"  be  added,  it  was  lost — more  upon  the 
ground,  however,  that  as  it  was  left  to  the  Congress  to 
place  the  appointing  power  where  it  saw  fit;  that  it 
might  also  regulate  the  manner  of  removal,  if  any 
should  be  deemed  necessary,  in  addition  to  those  meth 
ods  prescribed  by  the  Constitution.  The  "Tenure  of 
Civil  Office  Act"  puts  to  rest  this  agitating  question. 

At  the  time  alluded  to  above  (the  meeting  of  the 
first  Congress),  twelve  amendments  were  proposed  to 
the  Constitution,  ten  of  which  were  soon  adopted  ;  and 
upon  these  amendments  have  depended  much  of  our 
greatness  and  liberty  as  a  nation,  as  also  upon  the  sub 
sequent  amendments;  but,  as  these  amendments,  to 
gether  with  the  entire  Constitution,  will  be  made  the 
subject  of  comment  in  a  subsequent  chapter,  I  refer 
the  reader  to  it,  as  also  to  the  Constitution  itself,  in  the 
Appendix  to  this  book. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

SLAVERY.— ITS  ORIGIN.— LAWS  CONCERNING-  SLAVERY.— ABOLITION  OF.— SLAV 
ERY  AMONGST  THE  ANCIENTS.— ADDRESS  OF  THE  ANTI-SLAVERY  ASSOCIA 
TION.— DIVINITY  OF  SLAVERY. 

THE  history  of  human  Slavery  dates  back  to  the 
earliest  knowledge  of  the  human  race,  and  a  species 
of  this  iniquity  seems  to  have  existed  in  mild  forms, 
brought  about  by  distinction  of  physical  power,  the 
possession  of  some  species  of  wealth,  or  by  the  vol 
untary  act  of  men  selling  themselves,  and  even  their 
wives  and  children,  for  the  liquidation  of  some  debt, 
perhaps  contracted  on  the  throw  of  a  dice  in  the  lot 
tery;  but  the  selling  by  force,  and  against  the  will  of 
the  victims,  had  its  origin  by  the  captors  selling  the 
conquered. 

Nimrod  seems  to  have  been  the  first  dealer  in  slaves 
after  the  deluge,  for  on  his  invasion  of  the  territories 
of  Ashur,  the  son  of  Shem,  in  the  territory  of  Shinar, 
having  seized  upon  Babylon,  he  compelled  the  captives 
to  be  employed  in  building  and  repairing  the  Capitol. 
Abraham,  who  was  born  about  seventy  years  after  the 
death  of  Mmrod,  had  three  hundred  and  eighteen 
slaves,  lorn  in  his  own  house. 

The  practice  of  buying  and  selling  slaves  was  upheld 
by  the  Jewish  laws.  They  were  to  be  bought  only  of 
the  heathen,  and  if  any  of  the  Jewish  people  sold  them 
selves  into  Slavery,  they  were  to  be  liberated  at  the 
year  of  Jubilee;  and  their  Great  Lawgiver  had  said: 
"He  that  stealeth  a  man  and  selleth  him  shall  surely 


VII.]  HISTORY  OF   SLAVERY.  73 

be  put  to  death;"  but  this  applied  only  to  their  own 
race. 

Soon  the  evil  spread  into  Egypt-,  Arabia,  Chaldea, 
and  into  every  region  of  the  earth.  The  Phoenicians 
and  Greeks,  in  the  age  of  Homer,  were  kidnapping 
their  own  countrymen  and  selling  them  into  bondage, 
and  Ulysses  himself  barely  escaped  capture  and  being 
sold  as  a  slave. 

When  Philip  of  Macedonia  conquered  the  Thebans, 
he  made  all  the  captives  slaves,  and  Alexander,  when 
he  took  the  city  of  Thebes,  sold  'the  whole  inhabitants 
— men,  women,  and  children.  In  Athens  and  Rome 
all  prisoners  were  held  as  slaves.  The  representation 
of  the  beautiful  Hecuba,  wife  of  Priam,  complaining, 
as  she  is,  like  a  dog  chained  at  the  gate  of  Agamemnon, 
shows  the  extent  of  the  practice  amongst  those  who 
afterwards  claimed  a  place  amongst  the  lovers  of  human 
freedom. 

Fabius,  when  he  subdued  Sarentum,  sold  thirty  thou 
sand  of  the  citizens  to  the  highest  bidder;  and  the 
generous  man,  orator,  statesman  and  General,  Julius 
Caesar,  sold  at  one  time  fifty-three  thousand  slaves,  his 
captives  in  war.  By  the  laws  of  the  twelve  tables, 
creditors  were  empowered  to  seize  their  insolvent  debt 
ors  and  hold  them  until  they  discharged  by  their  labor 
the  sums  due ;  the  children  of  all  slaves  were  the  prop 
erty  of  their  masters. 

A  species  of  Slavery  existed  among  the  ancient  Ger 
mans  and  in  England,  as  will  appear  by  a  commission 
issued  by  Queen  Elizabeth,  as  late  as  the  year  1574. 
Anglo-Saxons  were  held  in  a  species  of  Slavery. 

In  Scotland,  also,  the  Slavery  of  their  own  kin  in 
the  form  of  vassalage,  service,  and  homage  to  the  Laird, 
long  kept  their  people  behind  in  the  march  of  liberty. 


74  REPUBLICANISM  IN  AMERICA.  [Chap. 

There  is  no  fixed  date  at  which  to  place  the  begin 
ning  of  the  Slavery  of  the  negro;  no  doubt  remains 
but  that  Slavery  existed  amongst  themselves  as  early 
as  the  creation  of  their  race;  and  centuries  before  a 
European  ever  saw  an  African,  the  Mohammedan  Arabs 
were  receiving  slaves  from  Africa.  Nor  is  the  Slavery 
of  man  confined  to  the  enslavement  of  the  negro  to 
the  white  man  or  of  his  own  race ;  for  to  this  day  the 
enslavement  of  the  white  by  the  colored  races  of  Africa, 
although  of  rare  occurrence,  still  has  existence.  Nei 
ther  can  we  well  understand  that  the  enslavement  of 
the  white  race  in  this  Republic  did  not  exist  to  a  very 
great  extent  up  to  the  close  of  the  late  rebellion;  in 
deed,  since  the  passage  of  the  national  laws  prohibit 
ing  the  importation  of  slaves,  and  making  it  a  felony, 
the  proprietors  of  the  original  African  stock  held  it  in 
such  affectionate  embrace  that  it  grew  pale  by  degrees, 
and  although  the  chattel  bore  a  strong  family  resem 
blance  to  the  ancestors  and  present  proprietors  of  the 
plantation,  and  the  microscope  had  to  be  applied  to 
his  head  to  determine  his  status  in  the  Courts  of  law, 
two  facts  alone  were  necessary  to  place  him  on  the 
schedule  of  the  insolvent,  on  the  list  of  the  bankrupt 
or  forced  sale,  and  liable  for  the  debts  of  his  master, 
viz :  Had  he  any  African  blood  in  hinij  and  was  he  born  in 
Slavery — was  his  mother  a  slave?  Either  one  of  these 
facts  alone  was  sufficient  to  establish  the  proprietor 
ship  of  the  master  who  followed  him  into  the  Free 
States,  and  to  cause  a  delivery  of  him,  under  the  Fugi 
tive  Slave  laws,  and  to  proclaim  him,  under  the  decis 
ions  of  the  highest  judicial  power  of  the  nation,  "not 
entitled  to  any  of  the  rights  of  the  citizen." 

We  have  seen  in  preceding  chapters  the  abhorrence 
in  which  the  traffic  in  men  was  held  by  the  leading 


for  tht$  ethtijjH  of  Jt&'&s 


VII.]  HISTORY   OF   SLAVERY.  75 

statesmen  and  patriots  of  the  revolutionary  times,  and 
in  our  own  day,  how  the  common  humanity  of  our 
nature  rebels  against  such  a  practice.  The  very  idea 
that  a  Government  could  be  Republican  in  form  and 
maintain  within  its  Constitution  and  laws  a  force  hold 
ing  certain  classes  of  its  inhabitants  as  merchandise,  is 
an  inconsistency  at  once  palpably  at  variance  with  the 
meaning  of  the  word  Republic,  and  inconsistent  with 
the  theory  and  principles  of  a  free  nation;  but  the 
Constitution  upheld  this  practice,  and  with  each  suc 
ceeding  year,  with  the  increase  of  the  interests  of  the 
slave  population,  their  increase  in  numbers,  and  their 
political  influence  in  the  representation  in  the  National 
Legislature,  came  forth  the  stern  demands  of  the  pro 
prietor  for  protection  of,  and  guarantees  against  any 
interference  with  the  institution,  either  State  or  Na 
tional.  These  demands  involved  two  subjects  of  vital 
importance,  which  for  the  last  thirty  years  had  ab 
sorbed  the  whole  public  attention,  and  diverted  the 
legislative  branch  of  the  nation  from  the  consideration 
of  all  things  not  interested  with  them — Slavery,  its 
protection  within  the  Slave  States,  and  its  rights  in  the 
public  territory. 

The  humane  Thomas  Jefferson,  soon  after  his  acces 
sion  to  the  Presidency,  in  his  message  to  Congress  in 
1806  and  1807,  recommended  to  that  body  the  passage 
of  laws  prohibiting  the  importation  of  persons  of  color 
and  abolishing  the  slave  trade;  which,  by  the  Consti 
tution,  might  be  terminated  at  the  end  of  the  year 

1807.  A  law  was  passed,  taking  effect  January  1st, 

1808,  prohibiting  the  slave  trade,  or  importation  of 
persons  of  color,  for  the  purpose  of  selling  or  holding 
them  as  slaves,  and  making  it  a  high  crime,  subject  to 
fine  and  imprisonment,     this  was  a  step  in  the  for- 


76  REPUBLICANISM  IN  AMERICA.  [Chap. 

ward  march  of  liberty.  By  this  the  great  supply  fount 
ains  of  the  raw  material  were  cut  off  from  the  South, 
and  a  careful  husbandry  of  the  stock  on  hand  had  to  be 
resorted  to  in  order  to  propagate  the  species ;  and  from 
this  period  dates  the  marked  discoloration  and  assimila 
tion  of  the  American  negro  to  the  American  citizen. 

The  abomination  of  this  new  feature — of  men,  women 
and  children,  born  on  American  soil,  and  white  as  their 
masters,  being  the  subjects  of  sale,  sold  and  separated 
regardless  of  the  ties  of  affinity  and  consanguinity  that 
bound  them  together — had  excited  the  just  indigna 
tion  of  the  masses  of  the  Free  States,  where  a  love  of  in 
dustry  and  honest  gain  from  the  results  of  their  toil  had 
broken  down  the  ancient  landmarks  of  class  and  family 
prestige,  and  where  a  new  field  of  unbounded  activity 
and  prosperity  drew  the  masses  more  closely  together, 
upon  a  common  platform,  than  had  been  reached  in 
any  land,  since  the  introduction  of  civilization. 

This  growing  feeling  of  resentment,  as  might  have 
been  expected,  began  to  take  practical  form  under  the 
shadow  of  the  Charter  Oak — beside  the  towering  col 
umn  of  Bunker  Hill  Monument — by  the  side  of  Fan- 
euil  Hall — at  the  schools  of  learning  at  Cambridge— 
on  the  altar  dedicated  to  the  service  of  Grod — upon 
the  same  soil  and  by  the  descendants  of  those  fearless 
patriots  who  bearded  the  British  lion  and  wrenched 
from  English  tyranny  the  jewel  of  American  liberty. 

Following  in  the  march  of  freedom,  soon  all  the 
Free  States,  or  the  greater  portion  of  their  people, 
joined  in  sympathy  and  cooperation  with  the  party  of 
emancipation,  and  formed  the  Anti-Slavery  organiza 
tion,  which,  from  1833-5,  so  agivated  the  Slave  States 
against  the  operations  of  these  societies.  Powerful 
combinations  of  men  at  the  North  were  formed  to 


VII.]  HISTORY   OF    SLAVERY.  77 

oppose  them;  and  the  South,  after  enacting  severe  pen 
alties  for  the  crime  of  "agitating"  the  subject,  the  cir 
culation  of  papers  and  tracts,  and  after  offering  large 
rewards  for  the  heads  of  leading  Abolitionists  at  the 
North,  South  Carolina,  by  public  meetings,  declared 
that,  unless  the  Free  States  put  an  end  to  these  Anti- 
Slavery  Societies,  at  their  next  meeting,  she  would 
secede  from  the  Union.  From  this  date  forward,  until 
the  opening  of  the  late  rebellion,  an  active  contest  and 
bitter  hostility  existed  between  the  Slave  and  Free 
States,  all  growing  out  of  the  altered  condition  of  the 
North  and  South,  and  the  incompatibility  of  Slavery 
existing  in  a  Republic.  The  issue  was  fairly  joined  in 
this:  The  South  said  Anti-Slavery  agitation  must  be 
stopped;  that  all  papers  advocating  the  emancipation 
of  the  slaves  were  destructive  of  Southern  interests 
and  seditious,  and  ought  to  be  prohibited  from  being 
circulated  in  the  mails,  and  charged  the  Anti-Slavery 
Societies  as  being  disturbers  of  the  public  peace,  and 
in  favor  of  a  dissolution  of  the  Union;  to  which  the 
American  Anti- Slavery  Association,  in  August,  1835, 
issued  the  following  declaration  of  principles: 

To  THE  PUBLIC. 

"  In  behalf  of  the  American  Anti-Slavery  Society,  we  solicit 
the  candid  attention  of  the  public  to  the  following  declaration 
of  our  principles  and  objects.  Were  the  charges  which  are 
brought  against  us  made  only  by  individuals  who  are  interested 
in  the  continuance  of  Slavery,  and  by  such  as  are  influenced 
solely  by  unworthy  motives,  this  address  would  be  unnecessary  ; 
but  there  are  those  who  merit  and  possess  our  esteem  who  would 
not  voluntarily  do  us  injustice,  and  who  have  been  led  by  gross 
misrepresentations  to  believe  that  we  are  pursuing  measures  at 
variance,  not  only  with  the  constitutional  rights  of  the  South, 
but  with  the  precepts  of  humanity  and  religion ;  to  such  we  offer 
the  following  explanations  and  assurances ; 
6 


78  REPUBLICANISM   IN    AMERICA.  [Chap. 

"1st.  We  hold  that  Congress  has  no  more  right  to  abolish 
Slavery  in  the  Southern  States  than  in  the  French  West  India 
Islands ;  of  course,  we  desire  no  national  legislation  upon  the 
subject. 

"  2d.  We  hold  that  Slavery  can  only  be  lawfully  abolished  by 
the  Legislatures  in  the  several  States  in  which  it  prevails,  and 
that  the  exercise  of  any  other  than  moral  influence  to  induce 
such  abolition  is  unconstitutional. 

"3d.  We  believe  that  Congress  has  the  same  right  to  abolish 
Slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia  that  the  State  Governments 
have  within  their  respective  jurisdictions,  and  that  it  is  their 
duty  to  efface  so  foul  a  blot  from  the  national  escutcheon. 

' '  4th.  We  believe  that  American  citizens  have  the  same  right 
to  express  and  publish  their  opinions  of  the  Constitution,  laws 
and  institutions  of  any  and  every  State  and  nation  under  heaven ; 
and  we  mean  never  to  surrender  the  liberty  of  speech,  of  the 
press,  or  of  conscience — blessings  we  have  inherited  from  our 
fathers,  and  which  we  intend,  as  far  as  we  are  able,  to  transmit 
unimpaired  to  our  children. 

"  5th.  We  have  uniformly  deprecated  all  forcible  attempts  on 
the  part  of  the  slaves  to  recover  their  liberty ;  and  were  it  in  our 
power  to  address  them,  we  would  exhort  them  to  observe  a  quiet 
and  peaceful  demeanor,  and  would  assure  them  that  no  insur 
rectionary  movements  on  their  part  would  receive  from  us  the 
slightest  aid  or  countenance. 

"  6th.  We  would  deplore  any  servile  insurrection,  both  on 
account  of  the  calamities  which  would  attend  it,  and  on  ac 
count  of  the  occasion  it  might  furnish  of  increased  severity  and 
oppression. 

£C7th.  We 'are  charged  with  sending  incendiary  publications 
to  the  South ;  if  by  the  term  incendiary  is  meant  publications 
containing  arguments  and  facts  to  prove  Slavery  to  be  a  moral 
and  political  evil,  and  that  duty  and  policy  require  its  imme 
diate  abolition,  the  charge  is  true ;  but  if  this  charge  is  used  to 
imply  publications  encouraging  insurrection,  and  designed  to 
excite  the  slaves  to  break  their  fetters,  the  charge  is  utterly  and 
unequivocally  false.  We  beg  our  fellow  citizens  to  notice,  that 
this  charge  is  made  without  proof,  and  by  many  who  confess 
that  they  have  never  read  our  publications,  and  that  those  who 
make  it  offer  to  the  public  no  evidence  from  our  writings  in 
support  of  it. 


VII.]  ANTI-SLAVERY   ASSOCIATION  79 

tc  8th.  We  are  accused  of  sending  our  publications  to  the 
slaves,  and  it  is  asserted  that  their  tendency  is  to  excite  insur 
rections.  Both  of  the  charges  are  false.  These  publications  are 
not  intended  for  the  slaves,  and  were  they  able  to  read  them, 
they  would  find  in  them  no  encouragement  to  insurrection. 

"  9th.  "We  are  accused  of  employing  agents  in  the  Slave  States 
to  distribute  our  publications.  We  have  never  had  one  such 
agent ;  we  have  sent  no  packages  of  our  newspapers  to  any  per 
son  in  those  States  for  distribution,  except  to  respectable  resi 
dent  citizens,  at  their  own  request ;  but  we  have  sent  by  mail 
single  papers  addressed  to  public  officers,  editors  of  newspapers, 
clergymen,  and  others ;  if,  therefore,  our  object  is  to  excite  the 
slaves  to  insurrection,  the  masters  are  our  agents. 

' '  We  believe  Slavery  to  be  sinful,  injurious  to  this  and  to 
every  other  country  in  which  it  prevails  ;  we  believe  immediate 
emancipation  to  be  the  duty  of  every  slaveholder,  and  that  the 
immediate  abolition  of  Slavery,  by  those  who  have  a  right  to 
abolish  it,  would  be  safe  and  wise ;  these  opinions  we  have  freely 
expressed,  and  we  certainly  have  no  intention  to  refrain  from 
expressing  them  in  future,  and  urging  them  upon  the  consciences 
and  hearts  of  our  fellow  citizens  who  hold  slaves  or  apologize 
for  Slavery. 

"  We  believe  the  education  of  the  poor  is  required  by  duty, 
and  by  a  regard  for  the  permanency  of  our  republican  institu 
tions.  There  are  thousands  and  tens  of  thousands  of  our  fellow 
citizens,  even  in  the  Free  States,  sunk  in  abject  poverty,  and  who, 
on  account  of  their  complexion,  are  virtually  kept  in  ignorance, 
and  whose  instruction  in  certain  cases  is  actually  prohibited  by 
law.  We  are  anxious  to  protect  *he  rights,  and  to  promote  the 
virtue  and  happiness  of  the  colored  portion  of  our  population, 
and  on  this  account,  we  have  been  charged  with  a  design  to 
encourage  intermarriages  between  the  whites  and  blacks.  This 
charge  has  been  repeatedly,  and  is  now  again  denied,  while  we 
repeat  that  the  tendency  of  our  sentiments  is  to  put  an  end  to 
the  criminal  amalgamation  that  prevails  wherever  Slavery  exists. 

"We  are  accused  of  acts  that  tend  to  a  dissolution  of  the 
Union,  and  even  of  wishing  to  dissolve  it.  We  have  never 
'  calculated  the  value  of  the  Union/  because  we  believe  it  to 
be  inestimable,  and  that  the  abolition  of  Slavery  will  remove  the 
chief  danger  of  its  dissolution;  and  one  of  the  many  reasons  why 
we  cherish  and  will  endeavor  to  preserve  the  Constitution  is, 


80  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

that  it  restrains  Congress  from  making  any  law  abridging  the 
freedom  of  speech  or  of  the  press. 

"  Such,  fellow  citizens,  are  our  principles.  Are  they  unworthy 
of  Republicans  and  Christians?  or  are  they  in  truth  so  atrocious, 
that  in  order  to  prevent  their  diffusion  you  are  yourselves  willing 
to  surrender,  at  the  dictation  of  others,  the  invaluable  privilege 
of  free  discussion;  the  very  birthright  of  Americans  ?  "Will  you, 
in  order  that  the  abominations  of  Slavery  may  be  concealed  from 
public  view,  and  that  the  Capitol  of  your  Republic  may  continue 
to  be,  as  it  now  is,  under  the  sanction  of  Congress,  the  great 
slave  mart  of  the  American  Continent,  consent  that  the  general 
Government,  in  acknowledged  defiance  of  the  Constitution  and 
Law's,  shall  appoint  throughout  the  length  and  breadth  of  your 
land,  ten  thousand  censors  of  the  press,  each  of  whom  shall  have 
the  right  to  inspect  every  document  you  may  commit  to  the 
Post  Office,  and  to  suppress  every  pamphlet  and  newspaper, 
whether  religious  or  political,  which  in  his  sovereign  pleasure,  he 
may  adjudge  to  contain  an  incendiary  article  ?  Surely  we  need 
not  remind  you,  that  if  you  submit  to  such  an  encroachment  on 
your  liberties,  the  days  of  our  Republic  are  numbered;  and 
that,  although  Abolitionists  may  be  the  first,  they  will  not  be 
the  last  victims  offered  at  the  shrine  of  arbitrary  power." 

The  principles  enunciated  in  the  above  resolutions, 
were  not  alone  the  sentiments  of  the  body  in  whose 
name  they  were  issued,  but  were  echoed  from  the  silent 
tomb  by  the  departed  friends  of  freedom,  who,  in  the 
Constitutional  Convention  of  1787,  bartered  the  Afri 
can  away  for  the  sake  of  establishing  a  Union,  which 
could  not  otherwise  have  been  accomplished  under  the 
stern  threats  of  Georgia  and  South  Carolina — "no  Slav 
ery,  no  Union;"  nor  could  it  be  thus  accomplished, 
under  the  solemn  announcement  of  the  American 
people,  when  they  declared  their  independence,  that 
"  we  hold  these  truths  to  be  self-evident;  that  all  men 
are  created  equal;  that  they  are  endowed  by  their 
Creator  with  certain  inalienable  rights;  that  among 
these  are  life,  liberty  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness." 


YIL]  INFLUENCE    OF   SLAVERY.  81 

Could  the  principles  advocated  oy  both  parties  live, 
and  the  American  Republic  live  ?  In  their  first  aspect 
they  are  arrayed  against  each  other  as  opposite  ele 
ments.  One  came  from  the  Occident,  stern  as  an  ice 
berg,  his  heart  cold  as  the  North  Pole,  bearing  chains 
and  scourge,  full  of  profane  oaths,  passion  and  lust; 
with  locks  hoary  with  frost,  the  breath  of  whose  stern 
command  strikes  terror  to  the  hearts  of  the  oppressed, 
and  whose  lightest  word  chills  the  soul  of  the  captive. 

The  other  came  from  the  fair  land  of  hope,  the  hand 
maid  of  equal  justice,  smiling  upon  the  fair  prospect 
of  Spring,  distributing  with  a  liberal  hand  the  fragrant 
flowers  whose  leaves  glowed  with  morning's  warm  sun, 
and  whose  petals  emitted  inspiring  perfumes,  singing 
choral  notes  that  were  echoed  back  by  celestial  hosts 
and  touched  with  magic  wand  the  heart  of  the  slave, 
and  his  soul  glowed  with  hope — she  smiled  upon  the 
captive  in  his  cell,  and  the  closed  doors  were  flung 
open  and  his  shackles  fell. 

Avarice  and  crime  called  to  their  aid  the  influence 
of  wealth,  wrung  from  the  toil  and  tears  of  poor 
humanity,  bound  to  a  doom  more  terrible  than  the  car 
of  Juggernaut,  and  invoked  the  passions  of  ignorance 
and  prejudice,  the  barbarism  of  caste,  and  even  called 
upon  sectarian,  intolerant  bigotry,  in  the  name  of  what 
was  called  religion,  to  bind  fast  the  shackles  upon  the 
captive,  and  the  hosts  of  Slavery  rallied  to  the  standard, 
and  lent  willing  aid  to  perpetuate  the  bondage  of  the 
slave,  whose  feeble  voice,  crying  for  deliverance,  was 
drowned  in  the  jubilant  shout  of  the  captor,  as  he 
riveted  anew  the  chains  of  his  victims. 

During  all  these  long  years,  the  elements  of  the  de 
struction  of  this  mighty  crime  and  blot  upon  the  fair 
name  of  American  Liberty,  were  slowly  and  surely  pro- 


82  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

gressing.  "  Forefather's  Rock  "  had  been  washed  of  this 
sin.  Massachusetts,  always  in  the  front  ranks  of 
equal  justice,  had  declared  that  no  child  of  God  could 
stand  upon  her  soil,  or  look  upon  the  towering  monu 
ments  erected  to  the  memory  of  her  illustrious  sons 
who  fell  in  defense  of  liberty,  and  be  a  slave.  All  the 
New  England  States  had  declared  the  same,  and  others 
soon  followed ;  a  new  era  in  the  history  of  the  race  had 
dawned,  and  the  wheels  of  equal  justice  began  to  move 
the  car  of  liberty,  and  up  from  the  sea-side,  wherein 
the  Pilgrim  Fathers  had  cast  the  anchor  of  hope,  came 
the  voice  of  intelligence  and  reason,  proclaiming 
against  the  iniquity  of  the  traffic  in  man.  The  engine 
of  its  destruction  was  already  in  motion;  the  potent 
power  of  education  was  digging  at  its  roots;  each 
reverberation  of  the  press  cast  missiles  of  destruction 
into  the  camp  of  the  u  peculiar  institution;"  each 
sermon  preached  and  each  hymn  sung  in  the  houses  of 
worship,  wafted  hope  to  the  oppresssd;  every  school- 
house  erected  was  an  intrenchment  of  the  army  of 
conquest;  and  each  troop  of  children  "with  satchel 
and  shining  morning  face,"  on  their  march  to  school, 
was  but  the  prelude* to  the  hosts  of  the  armies  of  free 
dom,  who  marched  upon  the  citadel  of  the  slave 
holder,  and  crushed  the  strongholds  of  bondage,  and 
lifted  the  unfortunate  subject  of  oppression  upon  the 
broad  platform  of  manhood  equality  before  the  law. 

The  doctrines  advocated  by  the  slave-holders  of 
America  as  promulgated  by  the  expounders  of  their 
institutions,  John  C.  Calhoun,  Jefferson  Davis,  Alex 
ander  H.  Stephens,  and  others,  of  the  divine  right  to 
hold  slaves,  seems  to  have  had  advocates  at  earlier 
periods  of  our  history ;  but  this  divine  doctrine  did  not 
apply  alone  to  the  colored  races,  but  also  to  barbarians; 


VII.  J  BARBARISM   OF    SLAVERY.  83 

a  term  not  applicable  to  the  colored  more  than  to  the 
white  race  of  men;  the  meaning  of  the  word  being 
foreign,  wild,  or  things  in  their  normal  condition. 
The  Greeks  and  Romans  called  all  foreigners — such  as 
lived  without  their  countries,  and  were  ignorant  of  their 
language,  laws  and  customs — barbarians.  The  word 
barbarian  with  them  was  not  reproachful  as  with  us ;  they 
applied  it  to  things,  as  to  manufactures  made  abroad, 
as  Barbaricw  Vestes,  embroidered  garments  from  foreign 
nations ;  Barbaricum  Aurum,  gold  from  Africa.  When 
applied  to  man,  it  meant  a  foreigner;  and  all  such  were 
considered  slaves,  and  the  Greeks  and  Romans  con 
sidered  themselves  their  masters  so  soon  as  they  en 
tered  their  countries. 

At  a  later  period,  it  was  thought  by  other  nations, 
that  to  hold  men  in  Slavery,  would  aid  in  teaching 
them  the  Christian  religion ;  and  to  this  end,  the  pious 
King  Louis  XIII  signed  a  law,  declaring  all  negroes 
within  his  dominions  slaves.  Who  knows,  but  that  it 
was  from  a  reading  of  this  Christian  law,  and  the  pure 
piety  of  the  Vice-President  of  the  late  Southern  Con 
federacy,  A.  H.  Stephens,  that  he  conceived  the  philo 
sophical  ideas,  advocated  by  him,  Of  the  divine  right  of 
Slavery. 

The  anti-Christian  operations  of  the  armies  of  the 
Republic  of  America,  and  the-  anti- Christian  Proclama 
tion  of  Emancipation,  issued  by  Abraham  Lincoln,  no 
doubt  entitle  the  whole  Republican  party  to  the  name 
of  barbarians,  in  the  estimation  of  the  slave-breeders  of 
the  South  and  their  Democratic  brethren  of  the  North. 

The  doctrines  and  notions  of  Slavery  and  barbarians, 
as  practiced  and  understood  in  Europe,  had  found 
early  advocates  in  the  Colonies  of  America.  Virginia, 
(the  mother  of  Presidents,  and  the  mother  of  Slavery 


84  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

in  the  United  States)  not  satisfied  with  introducing 
Slavery  of  the  negro  into  America,  (twenty  having 
arrived  at  Jamestown,  Virginia,  on  board  of  a  Dutch 
ship  in  1620,  the  first  in  America)  soon  conceived  the 
idea  of  enslaving  the  barbarian,  and  to  this  end  enacted 
a  code  of  laws,  that  has  been  in  strict  conformity  with 
the  sentiments  of  the  leaders  in  the  Slave  States  up  to 
the  date  of  Emancipation.  With  this  exception,  the 
slave-breeder  of  the  latter  days,  neither  discriminated 
between  his  own  child  (if  a  little  mixed)  and  the 
negro,  nor  between  "  Christian  and  barbarian." 

As  early  as  the  year  1679,  the  chivalry  of  Virginia 
passed  laws,  turning  over  to  the  soldiers  the  absolute 
possession  of  all  Indians  captured  by  them.  The 
statute  reads:  "For  the  better  encouragement  of 
soldiers,  that  all  Indians  taken  prisoners  in  war  in  the 
Colony,  should  be  the  property  of  their  captors." 

Soon  after  this,  it  was  held  that  all  persons  not 
Christians,  could  be  held  as  slaves.  In  the  case  of 
Hudgins  v.  Wright,  it  was  held  by  Judge  Tucker  in 
1682,  "  That  all  servants  brought  into  Virginia  by  sea 
or  land,  not  being  Christians,  whether  negroes,  Moors, 
mulattoes,  or  Indians ;  and  all  Indians  which  shall 
hereafter  be  sold  by  neighboring  Indians,  or  any  other 
trafficking  with  us,  as  slaves,  shall  be  slaves  to  all 
intents  and  purposes." — Hamirag  and  Mumford's 
ports,  p.  139. 


CHAPTER    TUT. 


TERRITORY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  —  GOVERNMENT  OF  THE  TERRITORY.— 
SLAVERY  IN  THE  TERRITORY.— ADMISSION  OF  MISSOURI.— OPPOSITION  TO 
HER  ADMISSION.— MISSOURI  COMPROMISE.— POSITION  OF  THE  FRIENDS  OF 
FREEDOM  AND  OF  SLAVERY.— SPEECHES  UPON  BOTH  SIDES. 


ONE  of  the  subjects  agitating  the  public  mind  during 
the  past  thirty  years,  was  in  relation  to  the  government 
of  the  public  domain,  the  great  cause  of  which  had  its 
origin  in  the  interests  of  the  Slavery  question.  The 
Territories  stretching  westward  from  the  Missouri  to 
the  Pacific,  were  filling  up  with  a  population  chiefly 
from  the  Free  States,  carrying  with  them  all  their  love 
of  liberty  and  hatred  of  Slavery.  Ohio,  Illinois, 
Michigan  and  Iowa,  had  planted  themselves  upon  the 
territorial  domain,  reaching  from  the  Ohio  to  the 
great  lakes  in  the  west,  and  had  been  admitted  as  Free 
States.  Minnesota  was  still  further  northward;  Wis 
consin  entered  the  Union  from  the  west,  in  1848,  with 
a  prohibition  of  Slavery;  and  now,  in  1850,  the*  jewel 
of  the  Republic,  California,  with  an  area  greater  than 
that  of  all  the  New  England  and  Middle  States,  and 
with  a  climate,  natural  mineral  and  agricultural  re 
sources,  unequaled  in  the  world,  came  with  Neptune's 
trident  from  the  shores  of  the  Pacific,  and  the  golden 
harvest  of  her  mountains,  proclaiming  that  her  hardy 
sons  had  planted  the  flag  of  liberty  where  the  aurora 
borealis  reflects  back  departed  day,  and  demanded 
admission  into  the  family  of  States.  Her  Constitution 
was  examined,  to  see  if  it  was  Republican  in  form. 

Article  I.  Section  18,  reads:    "  Neither  Slavery  nor 


86  REPUBLICANISM  IN  AMERICA.  [Chap. 

involuntary  servitude,  unless  for  the  punishment  of 
crimes,  shall  ever  be  tolerated  in  this  State."  The 
Constitution  in  all  its  forms  seemed  to  be  Republican; 
indeed  too  much  so  to  suit  the  Senators  and  Represen 
tatives  from  the  Slave  States.  The  friends  of  freedom 
were  anxious  for  her  admission,  but  they  were  met 
early  in  the  proceedings  with  bitter  opposition  from 
the  South.  The  emaciated  form  of  the  leading  spirit 
of  "  State  Rights,"  ever  true  to  his  instincts,  was  in 
the  Senate  Chamber — the  sands  of  life  fast  running 
through  the  glass,  and  the  kingdom  of  Slavery  crum 
bling  before  his  gaze,  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific — 
all  the  heresies  of  his  youth  unrepented,  and  the  accu 
mulated  sins  of  half  a  century  fresh  blown  upon  him; 
still,  with  a  fiendish  propensity  clinging  to  the  relics 
of  barbarism,  he  exerted  every  physical  and  mental 
effort  at  his  command,  to  delay  the  admission  of  the 
new  State,  upon  the  specious  argument  of  her  coming 
into  the  Union  without  having  gone  through  the  pro 
bationary  process  of  a  Territorial  Government,  and  her 
unwieldy  proportions.  Nor  was  the  voice  of  John  C. 
Calhoun,  the  only  one-  raised  against  the  admission  of 
California;  for  now,  a13  in  1820,  on  the  application  of 
Missouri  for  admission  into  the  Union,  the  powerful 
combination  of  the  entire  South  stood  arrayed  against 
her ;  but  unlike  that  contest,  the  South  did  riot  pretend 
to  feel  disposed  to  enter  into  any  "Compromise"  for 
the  interdiction  of  Slavery  in  the  western  territory. 
The  act  called  the  " Missouri  Compromise,"  had  already 
proved  inoperative,  as  Slavery  was  extending  itself  into 
the  whole  western  territory.  Compromise  had  passed 
from  the  thought  of  the  leaders  of  the  South,  who, 
now  that  they  had  violated  the  Missouri  compact, 
claimed  that  Congress  had  no  right  to  legislate  upon 


YIIL]  MISSOUEI  COMPROMISE.  87 

Slavery  in  the  Territories ;  in  fact  this  was  their  doctrine 
when  they  entered  into  the  solemn  agreement  as  follows, 
in  1820,  on  the  admission  of  Missouri,  which  is  known. 
as  the  MISSOURI  COMPROMISE: 

"  That  in  all  that  territory  ceded  by  France  to  the  United 
States,  under  the  name  of  Louisiana,  which  lies  north  of  thirty- 
six  degrees  and  thirty  minutes,  north  latitude,  not  included 
within  the  limits  of  the  State  contemplated  by  their  act,  Slavery 
or  involuntary  servitude,  otherwise  than  in  the  punishment  of 
crimes,  whereof  the  parties  shall  be  duly  convicted,  shall  be,  and 
is  hereby  forever  prohibited.  Provided  always,  That  any  person 
escaping  into  the  same,  from  whom  labor  or  service  is  lawfully 
claimed,  in  any  State  or  Territory  of  the  United  States,  such 
fugitive  may  be  lawfully  reclaimed  and  conveyed  to  the  person 
claiming  his  or  her  labor  as  aforesaid." 

Some  of  the  positions  taken,  and  arguments  made, 
by  the  friends  and  opponents,  at  the  time  of  this  com 
pact,  to  fasten  the  sin  of  Slavery  upon  Missouri  by 
National  sanction,  will  serve  to  aid  the  reader  in  deter 
mining  upon  the  justice  or  injustice  of  this  league  with 
the  traders  in  men. 

On  the  16th  day  of  March,  1818,  a  petition  from  the 
inhabitants  of  Missouri,  for  admission  into  the  Union, 
was  presented  to  Congress.  The  petition  for  the  ad 
mission  of  Maine  was  now  also  before  that  body ;  little 
objection  was  offered  to  her  admission,  save  by  mem 
bers  from  the  South,  who  were  anxious  that  certain 
doctrines  which  had  arisen  regarding  the  admission  of 
States  from  territory  west  of  the  Mississippi  should  be 
settled,  " which,"  said  Mr.  Clay,  "if  persevered  in,  no 
man  can  tell  where  they  will  end.  If  conditions  were 
to  be  demanded  upon  the  admission  of  a  State,  where 
was  the  limit?"  Mr.  Taylor,  of  New  York,  said: 

"  Congress  may  admit  new  States  into  the  Union.     *      *      * 


88  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

The  Constitution  imposes  upon  Congress  no  obligation  to  admit 
new  States;  it  permits  none  to  demand  admission;  it  authorizes 
no  member  of  the  Confederacy  to  require  such  admission.  The 
President  and  Senate  cannot  by  treaty  admit  a  State  into  the 
Union,  nor  can  they  impose  on  Congress  an  obligation  to  do  it. 
The  admission  of  Louisiana,  which  was  part  of  the  same  Terri 
tory  with  Missouri,  was  not  claimed  as  a  matter  of  right;  it  was 
solicited  as  a  favor.  The  propriety  of  imposing  conditions, 
was  then  thought  reasonable  and  Constitutional  too.  A  polit 
ical,  as  well  as  every  other  society,  should  prescribe  the.  manner 
of  obtaining  the  conditions  of  membership.  The  power  of 
admitting  new  States  and  making  the  laws  necessary  and  proper 
therefor,  gives  the  right  for  which  we  contend;  and  according 
to  the  plain  and  natural  interpretation  of  language,  appears 
too  evident  to  need  further  illustration. 

"  By  the  treaty  with  France,  Congress  acquired  an  incontest 
able  title  to  the  domain,  and  possession  of  the  ceded  territory  in 
full  sovereignty,  with  all  its  rights  and  appurtenances.  The 
only  limitation  on  the  exercise  of  this  sovereignty,  must  be 
found  in  the  Constitution.  The  sovereignty  is  general,  but 
must  be  exerted  in  a  manner  consistent  with  the  principles  of 
our  National  Government;  it,  therefore,  becomes  important  to 
ascertain  what  these  principles  are,  in  relation  to  the  amendment 
on  your  table;  in  other  words,  is  the  power  of  holding  slaves  a 
Federal  right  ?  In  discussing  this  question,  we  ought  carefully 
to  distinguish  between  the  principles  of  the  United  States 
Government,  and  those  of  particular  States. 

"  The  doctrines  of  New  Hampshire  and  Georgia  in  regard  to 
Slavery,  are  diametrically  opposite,  and  cannot  both  be  the 
doctrines  of  the  United  States.  The  Federal  Government  is  as 
distinct  from  each  of  these  as  they  are  from  each  other.  All 
these  rightfully  exercise  a  limited  sovereignty  in  their  proper 
sphere.  We  further  premise,  that  in  a  Confederacy  like  ours, 
the  principles  of  a  dominant  State  naturally  acquire  a  currency 
and  artificial  value  from  their  connection  with  honor  and  power. 
It  is  evident  enough  that  the  United  States  Government  does 
not  belong  to  Virginia  any  more  than  to  Ohio, 
and  is  there  less  danger  that  the  principles  of  Virginia  in  regard 
to  Slavery,  will  acquire  popularity,  and  ultimately  pass  for  those 
of  the  nation,  because  she  is  wise  in  her  policy,  and  maintains 
her  consequence  in  every  department  of  your  Government  ? 


VIII.]  ADMISSION   OF    STATES.  89 

"  But  let  us  examine  what  are  the  principles  upon  which  the 
United  States  Government  is  founded.  Do  they  justify  Slavery  ? 
I  answer  they  do  not.  Congress  with  its  sovereignty,  has 
constantly  endeavored  to  prevent  the  extension  of  Slavery,  and 
has  maintained  the  doctrine,  '  that  all  men  are  born  equally 
free;'  but  has  disclaimed,  and  continues  to  disclaim,  any  right 
to  enforce  this  doctrine  upon  State  Sovereignties. 

"  The  first  truth  declared  by  this  nation  at  the  era  of  its  inde 
pendence  was,  '  That  all  men  are  created  equal;  that  they  are 
endowed  by  their  Creator  with  certain  inalienable  rights;  that 
among  these,  are  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness.* 
Are  we  willing  to  pronounce  this  declaration,  for  the  support  of 
which  the  fathers  of  our  Revolution  pledged  their  lives  and  for 
tunes,  a  flagrant  falsehood?  Was  this  declaration  a  solemn 
mockery  ?  Did  such  men  as  Jefferson,  Adams,  Franklin,  Sher 
man  and  Livingston,  proclaim  to  the  world  a  self-evident  truth, 
doctrines  they  did  not  believe  ?  Did  they  lay  the  foundations 
of  this  infant  Republic  in  fraud  and  hypocrisy  ?  The  supposition 
is  incredible.  These  men  composed  the  Committee  which  reported 
the  Declaration  of  Independence;  four  of  them  were  delegates 
from  Massachusetts,  Pennsylvania,  Connecticut,  and  New  York. 
They  expressed  the  opinions  of  the  States  they  represented. 
The  sentiments  of  their  Chairman  on  this  interesting  subject, 
are  not  contained  in  the  Declaration  alone;  if  further  evidence 
be  required  as  to  his  opinions,  it  is  abundantly  furnished  in  his 
'  Notes  on  Virginia.'  His  denunciation  of  Slavery  is  there  ex 
pressed  in  language  too  distinct  to  be  misunderstood;  its  injus 
tice  is  portrayed  in  glowing  colors,  and  its  evils  portrayed  with 
glowing  eloquence.  While  books  are  read  or  truths  revered, 
his  sentiments  on  this  subject  will  insure  to  their  author  unfading 
honor. 

"  In  1803,  Louisiana,  including  the  Territory  of  Missouri,  was 
purchased  from  France.  The  third  is  the  only  article  of  the 
Treaty  relating  to  the  subject  before  us;  it  consists  of  three 
parts.  First. — The  inhabitants  of  the  ceded  Territory  shall  be 
incorporated  into  the  Union  of  the  United  States.  This  promise 
was  to  be  executed  immediately.  It  extended  to  all  the  inhabit 
ants,  wherever  resident,  and  depended  on  no  contingency;  with 
out  it,  they  might  have  continued  aliens,  and  been  treated  like 
the  inhabitants  of  a  conquered  province.  The  obligation  imposed 
by  this  clause,  was  discharged  by  Congress  in  passing  the  act  of 


90  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

1804,  organizing  Louisiana  into  two  Territories,  and  providing 
for  the  temporary  government  thereof.  By  this  act  they  were 
incorporated  into  the  Union,  and  the  laws  of  the  United  States 
were  extended  to  them,  and  they  became  part  of  the  American 
family,  subject  to  its  rules  and  regulations,  and  bound  to  obey 
its  authority.  Their  allegiance  was  transferred  from  France  to 
the  United  States;  they  were  obliged  to  support  our  Constitution 
and  maintain  our  laws;  they  necessarily  acquired  some  new 
privileges,  and  lost  some  formerly  enjoyed.  For  example:  they 
lost  the  privilege  of  employing  ships  in  the  slave  trade — of  buy 
ing  foreign  slaves — of  punishing  heresy — and  in  short,  of  being 
governed  by  the  laws  of  France;  and  they  acquired  the  privilege 
of  being  governed  by  the  American  Congress  on  principles  of 
freedom.  These  consequences  necessarily  followed  their  incor 
poration  into  the  Union.  *  *  * 

"  The  rights  of  United  States  citizenship  are  founded>on  the 
Constitution.  They  are  permanent,  too,  and  cannot  be  taken  away 
or  affected  by  State  laws;  but  the  right  of  holding  slaves  may 
be  taken  away  by  State  laws;  therefore,  it  is  not  a  right  of 
United  States  citizenship,  and  consequently  was  not  guaranteed 
to  the  inhabitants  of  this  Territory  by  treaty.  The  inhabitants 
had  no  right  to  calculate  on  holding  slaves;  neither  the  princi 
ples  of  the  Constitution,  nor  the  practice  of  the  Government, 
justified  that  ^expectation.  Congress  had  allowed  Slavery  to 
exist  in  no  Territory,  where  its  allowance  had  not  been  made  by 
the  State  ceding  it  an  express  condition  of  the  cession.  These 
inhabitants  could  not  reasonably  expect  greater  rights  than  were 
enjoyed  by  those  of  the  original  Territory  of  the  United  States. 
They  were  authorized  to  expect  the  protection  of  self-govern 
ment,  in  the  same  manner  as  it  had  been  granted  to  them.  They 
were  subject  to  the  determination  of  Congress  as  to  time,  manner, 
boundaries,  and  every  other  condition. 

' '  The  third  clause  of  the  article :  That  the  inhabitants  in  the 
meantime,  shall  be  maintained  and  protected  in  the  free  enjoy 
ment  of  their  liberty,  property,  and  their  religion  which  they' 
profess. 

"  Without  stopping  to  inquire  into  the  general  significance  of 
the  word  property,  I  take  it  for  granted  that  it  does  not  include 
the  future  generations  of  men,  who  may  be  born  in  the  Terri 
tory.  *  *  * 

"  The  States  of  Ohio,  Indiana  and  Illinois  were  admitted  into 


VIII.]  SLAVERY   IN  THE   TERRITORIES.  91 

the  Union  in  1802,  1816  and  1818  ;  and  the  restriction  against 
Slavery  was  applied,  without  opposition,  to  all  of  them.  They 
formed  their  Constitutions  accordingly,  and  are  now  reaping  the 
rich  reward  of  civil,  as  well  as  political  freedom. 

"  The  Slave  Trade  was  abolished  by  the  Act  of  1807,  to  take 
effect  on  the  first  day  of  January,  1808;  being  the  earliest  day  on 
which  Congress  could  exercise  that  power.  In  this  manner  Con 
gress  has  respected  the  rights  of  men,  and  has  endeavored,,  in 
pursuance  of  the  principles  of  the  United  States  Government,  to 
limit  the  extension  of  Slavery  as  much  as  possible." 

On  January  28th,  1820,  the  discussion  of  the  admis 
sion  of  Missouri  still  being  under  consideration,  Mr. 
Smyth,  of  Virginia,  said: 

"  Has  the  power  to  legislate  over  Slavery  been  delegated  to 
the  United  States  ?  It  has  not.  Has  it  been  prohibited  to  the 
States  ?  It  has  not.  Then  it  is  reserved  to  the  States  respect 
ively,  or  to  the  people ;  consequently  it  is  reserved  to  the  State 
of  Missouri  or  to  the  people  of  that  State,  and  any  attempt  of 
Congress  to  deprive  them  of  this  reserved  power  will  be  unjust, 
tyrannical,  unconstitutional  and  void.  *  *  * 

"  The  people  of  each  of  the  States  who  adopted  the  Constitu 
tion,  except  Massachusetts,  owned  slaves,  yet  they  considered 
their  own  Constitutions  to  be  Republican;  and  the  Federal  Gov 
ernment  has  not,  by  virtue  of  its  power  to  guarantee  a  Republican 
Constitution  to  each  State  in  the  Union,  required  a  change  of 
the  Constitution  of  any  one  of  these  States. 

"  The  Constitution  recognized  the  right  to  the  slave  property, 
and  it  thereby  appears  that  it  was  intended  by  the  Convention 
and  by  the  people  that  that  property  should  be  secure. 

«  The  representation  of  each  State  in  this  House  is  propor 
tioned  by  the  whole  number  of  free  persons  and  three-fifths  of 
the  number  of  slaves.  In  forming  the  Constitution,  Southern 
States,  Virginia  excepted,  insisted  on  and  obtained  a  provision 
authorizing  them  to  import  slaves  for  twenty  years  ;  and  the 
Constitution  provides  that  slaves  running  away  from  their  mas 
ters  in  one  State  and  going  into  another,  shall  be  delivered  up 
to  their  masters. 

"  It  has  seemed  to  some,  that,  as  Ohio  was  required  to  form  a 
Constitution  agreeing  with  the  Ordinance  of  Congress  of  1787, 


92  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

which  excluded  Slavery  from  the  Territory  northwest  of  the 
Ohio  river,  therefore  Missouri  may  be  likewise  required  to 
exclude  Slavery  by  her  Constitution.  "Whatever  be  the  effects 
of  the  Ordinance  of  1787,  it  has  no  application  to  Missouri;  but 
I  contend  that  Ohio  is  not  bound  by  the  ordinance;  that  she  is 
at  liberty  to  decide  as  she  please  the  question  whether  she  will 
or  will  not  exclude  Slavery." 

The  following  sample  of  Pro-Slavery  eloquence  will 
tend  to  illustrate  the  passions  of  its  advocates.  The 
admission  of  Missouri,  February,  1820,  being  still  un 
der  discussion  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  Mr. 
Reid,  of  Georgia,  among  other  things,  said: 

"But  let  gentlemen  beware!  Assume  the  Mississippi  as  a 
boundary;  say  that  to  the  smiling  Canaan  beyond  its  waters  no 
slave  shall  approach,  and  you  give  a  new  character  to  its  inhab 
itants,  totally  distinct  from  that  which  shall  belong  to  the  people 
thronging  on  the  east  of  your  limits.  You  implant  diversity  of 
pursuits,  hostility  of  feeling,  envy,  hatred  and  bitter  reproaches, 
which,  if  you  remain  inexorable,  if  you  persist  in  refusing  the 
humble,  the  decent  and  reasonable  prayer  of  Missouri  (to  hold 
slaves),  is  there  no  danger  that  her  resistance  will  rise  in  propor 
tion  to  your  oppression  ? 

"  Sir,  the  firebrands  which  are  even  now  cast  into  your  society, 
will  require  blood;  aye,  and  the  blood  of  freedom  for  its  quench 
ing.  Your  Union  shall  tremble  as  under  the  force  of  an  earth 
quake;  while  you  incautiously  pull  down  a  constitutional  barrier, 
you  make  way  for  the  dark  tumultuous  and  overwhelming  waters 
of  desolation.  If  you  now  sow  the  winds  must  you  not  reap  the 
whirlwinds  ?" 

According  to  Mr.  Reid's  ideas,  restricting  Slavery  in 
Missouri  was  sowing  the  winds. 

On  February  4th,  the  Missouri  bill  being  still  before 
the  House,  Mr.  Hardin,  of  Kentucky,  said : 

"  One  portion  of  the  United  States  brings  forward  and  sup 
ports  this  amendment,  under  the  imposing  name  of  humanity, 
sympathy  and  religion,  at  the- same  time  uttering  the  bitterest 


YIIL]  MISSOURI   COMPROMISE.  93 

curses  against  the  odious  and  abominable  practice  of  retaining  a 
part  of  the  human  family  in  bondage.  I  acknowledge  there 
would  be  great  propriety  in  reprobating  the  practice  upon  this 
occasion,  if  we  were  the  authors  of  it,  or  could  get  clear  of  it; 
but  it  has  been  our  misfortune  to  have  it  entailed  upon  us  by 
that  Government  under  which  we  were  colonized;  and  however 
eloquently  gentlemen  may  declaim  upon  the  subject  of  universal 
liberty,  it  proves  nothing  on  the  present  question,  although  it 
may  captivate  and  enlist  all  the  finer  feelings  of  the  sensibili 
ties  of  the  heart.  But  I  fear,  I  greatly  fear,  Mr.  Chairman, 
that  gentlemen  are  fighting  under  false  colors — that  they  have 
not  yet  hoisted  their  true  flag.  As  this  contest  is  upon  the  great 
theatre  of  the  world,  in  the  presence  of  all  the  civilized  nations 
of  the  earth,  and  as  it  is  to  be  viewed  by  an  impartial  posterity, 
would  it  not  be  more  magnanimous  to  haul  down  the  colors  on 
which  is  engraven  humanity,  morality  and  religion,  and  in  lieu 
thereof,  unfurl  the  genuine  banner,  on  which  is  written  a  contest 
for  political  consequence  and  mastery  ? 

"  On  one  side  of  the  House,  Mr.  Chairman,  we  are  contending, 
not  for  victory,  but  struggling  for  our  political  existence.  We 
have  already  surrendered  to  the  non-slaveholding  States,  all 
that  region  of  the  American  Empire  between  the  great  rivers, 
Ohio  and  Mississippi;  and  if  you  tear  from  us  that  immense 
country  west  of  the  Mississippi,  we  may  at  once  surrender  at  dis: 
cretion,  crouch  at  the  feet  of  our  adversaries,  and  beg  mercy  of 
our  proud  and  haughty  victors. 

"  Behold,  Mr.  President,  how  our  tables  groan  with  the  cum 
brous  mass  of  memorials  and  petitions  from  town  meetings, 
Colonization  Societies,  and  Emancipation  Clubs,  together  with 
resolutions  from  all  the  non-slaveholding  States.  This  mode  of 
j>^~r>iTy2r  on  this  House  is  extremely  unfriendly,  and  hostile  to 
tne  enactment  of  good,  wise,  and  salutary  laws.  * 

"  The  amendment  is  fraught  with  great  injustice  to  the  people 
of  Missouri.  Those  who  lived  there  and  had  slaves  when  the 
country  was  transferred  to  the  United  States,  were  told  in  the 
most  solemn  manner,  by  the  very  terms  of  the  Treaty  itself,  that 
they  were  to  be  secured  in  the  free  enjoyment  of  their  property, 
and  it  was  then  well  known  to  the  contracting  parties,  that  a  great 
number  of  the  inhabitants  had  slaves.  To  those  who  have  moved 
there  since,  what  has  been  the  language  of  this  Government 
to  them?  It  was,  that  Slavery  should  be  tolerated  there,  because 

7 


94  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

Congress,  in  the  territorial  administration  of  the  Government  of 
that  country,  did  not  prohibit  it. 

"Under  the  persuasion  that  that  description  of  property  was, 
and  would  continue  to  be  well  secured  to  the  rightful  proprietors, 
we  are  told  that  the  slave  property  which  is  now  there,  shall  be 
secure  to  the  owners. 

' '  I  have  shown  that  the  increase  is  to  be  taken  from  them  if 
the  amendment  be  adopted,  and  the  same  by  necessity  acceded 
to  by  the  people  of  Missouri,  what  will  follow  as  the  conse 
quence?  This — that  emigration  from  the  slaveholding  States 
being  substantially  prohibited,  the  population  will  flow  into  that 
country  exclusively  from  the  North,  and  in  the  course  of  a  few 
years,  by  State  regulations,  their  slaves  will  be  taken  from  them. 
The  gentlemen  who  advocate  this  amendment,  well  know  the 
consequences  that  will  follow  from  the  restriction  as  now  pro 
posed.  Their  declaration  that  the  slave  property  now  there  is  not 
eventually  to  be  effected,  is  insidious;  it  cannot  deceive  us,  the 
nation,  or  gull  the  people  of  Missouri.  If  this  were  not  the 
expected  and  looked-for  consequence,  that  master-stroke  of 
Northern  politics,  to  make  it  a  non-slaveholding  State,  would  be 
an  abortion,  and  fall  short  of  its  mark. 

' '  The  people  of  Missouri  have  sagacity  enough,  if  this  amend 
ment  should  be  adopted,  to  know  upon  what  they  have  to  depend; 
that  is,  their  resistance  to  the  measure,  or  an  abandonment  of 
their  country  and  homes,  because  they  will  never  consent  to  give 
up  and  lose  their  slave  property.  *  *  *  I  call  upon  the 
gentlemen  from  both  sides  of  this  House,  to  tell  me  what  is  to 
be  the  consequence  if  this  question  is  not  settled  in  some  way, 
this  session.  I  may  be  asked  how  is  this  to  be  done  ?  I  answer, 
by  a  Compromise,  and  in  no  other  way.  Can  either  party  be  so 
vain  as  to  expect  a  victory  ?  Behold,  and  see  how  this  nanon 
is  divided!  Eleven  States  against  eleven,  a  small  majority  in 
this  House  in  favor  of  this  amendment,  a  small  one  in  the 
Senate  against  it,  and  the  Cabinet,  perhaps,  not  unanimous. 

"  This  dispute  is  like  no  other  that  ever  came  into  this  House; 
that  was  ever  laid  before  the  legislative  body  of  this  nation. 
Party  spirit,  I  know,  has  at  times  run  high,  but  the  great  danger 
from  this  question,  as  it  relates  to  the  safety  and  integrity  of  the 
Union,  is  this:  That  it  is  not  the  same  State  divided  into  parties; 
it  is  not  the  States  in  the  same  section  of  the  Union  divided 
against  each  other;  it  is  the  North  and  the  East,  against  the 


VIIL]  MISSOURI   COMPROMISE.  95 

South  aiid  the  "West.  It  is  a  great  geographical  line  that  sepa 
rates  the  contending  parties;  and  those  parties,  when  so  equally 
divided,  shake  mighty  empires  to  their  centre,  and  break  up  the 
fountains  of  the  great  deep,  that  sooner  or  later,  if  not  settled, 
will  rend  in  twain  this  Temple  of  Liberty  from  the  top  to  the 
bottom. 

te  My  friends  reply  to  me,  and  say,  how  can  you  compromise? 
How  can  you  surrender  principles  ?  It  strikes  me,  Mr.  Chair 
man,  that  this  matter  can  be  settled  with  great  facility,  if  each 
»arty  be  so  disposed,  and  neither  give  up  any  point  in  this  ques- 
titoi,  which  may  be  called  principle.  Can  it  not  be  done  by 
permitting  Missouri  to  go  into  the  Union  with  the  restriction, 
and  then  draw  a  line  from  the  western  boundary  of  the  proposed 
State  of  Missouri,  due  west  to  the  Pacific — North  of  the  line  pro 
hibit  Slavery,  and  South  permit  it  ?" 

On  February  5th,  the  Missouri  bill  being  still  under 
discussion,  Mr.  Hemphill,  of  Pennsylvania,  said : 

"Mr.  Chairman:  The  present  amendment  does  not  interfei^ 
with  the  slaves  now  held  by  the  inhabitants  of  Missouri;  but  by 
its  operation,  their  offspring  will  be  free.  The  cause  in  which 
we  are  embarked  is  just,  as  its  object  is  to  afford  to  the  descend 
ants  of  an  unhappy  race,  those  enjoyments  that  heaven  intended 
to  give  them;  but  we  are  met  on  the  threshold  of  the  discussion, 
and  told  that  Congress  has  no  right  to  legislate  on  the  subject. 
It  is  said  that  the  power  is  too  large.  It  has  been  compared  to  an 
ocean,  and  that  Congress  ought  not  to  be  entrusted  with  it,  the 
danger  of  it  being  abused  is  so  great.  It  is  contended,  that  if 
Congress  possesses  the  power,  they  might  descend  to  the  minutest 
acts  of  legislation,  and  introduce  new  States  into  the  Union, 
mere  dwarfs,  stripped  of  all  the  grandeur  of  sovereignty.  *  * 

"  But  it  has  been  said,  that  even  this  condition  in  restraint  of 
Slavery,  would  manacle  a  limb  of  the  sovereignty  of  the  proposed 
State  of  Missouri,  and  bring  her  into  the  Union,  as  an  object  of 
scorn,  altogether  unworthy  of  the  association  of  her  sister  States. 
This  picture  is  most  unnaturally  drawn.  It  ought  rather  to  have 
drawn  her  as  the  Goddess  of  Liberty,  a  being  incapable,  from  the 
composition  of  her  nature,  of  doing  wrong  in  this  respect,  and 
yet  deprived  of  no  political  strength.  If  any  of  her  sister  States 
should  disdain  to  associate  with  her,  the  general  spirit  of  the 
age  would  condemn  such  lofty  pretensions. 


96  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

"  Our  ancestors  treated  this  subject  in  the  true  light  in  which 
Liberty  and  Slavery  ought  always  to  be  considered;  but  is  the 
spirit  that  warmed  their  breasts  to  pass  for  nothing?  Is  the 
Ordinance  of  1787  to  be  reproached  as  a  mere  usurpation  and 
nothing  more  ?  Let  us  at  least  condescend  to  inquire  into  these 
first  principles,  and  afterwards  we  can  perceive  whether  they 
apply  to  this  particular  case  or  not. 

"  I  now,  Mr.  Chairman,  beg  leave  to  call  the  attention  of  the 
Committee,  to  the  peculiar  kind  of  sovereignty  that  is  to  be  with 
held  from  the  proposed  State  of  Missouri.  It  is  pretended  that 
she  will  be  deprived  of  the  right  of  holding  men  in  bbnaaj^, 
but  how  can  this  be  deemed  a  right  ?  It  is  nothing  more  than  a 
tyrannical  abuse  of  sovereignty.  All  the  laws  on  earth  cannot 
make  a  right  of  it.  When  a  people  are  overcome  and  enslaved 
for  want  of  ability  to  resist,  they  do  not  lose. their  rights;  the 
laws  of  the  oppressing  country  take  from  them  their  remedy. 
They  are  not  held  as  slaves  because  they  have  no  rights,  but 
they  are  held  by  force,  and  because  there  is  no  remedy  in  their 
power.  ******* 

11  The  contest  for  Liberty  was  bloody  and  expensive,  and  after 
it  terminated  in  the  achievement  of  an  independence,  and  when 
the  Representatives  of  the  people  assembled  to  make  a  Consti 
tution,  among  the  first  difficulties  that  were  presented  to  them, 
was  the  unfortunate  practice  of  Slavery.  It  was  pregnant  with 
every  species  of  embarrassment;  they  had  fought  for  liberty,  but 
were  obliged  to  countenance  within  the  borders  of  their  own 
country,  a  state  of  bondage.  For  themselves,  they  could  not 
bear  political  restraint,  but  their  situation  had  been  a  paradise, 
compared  to  the  condition  of  this  miserable  race. 

"  A  large  portion  of  the  people  at  that  critical  moment,  were 
constrained  to  yield  to  certain  principles  contained  in  the  Con 
stitution,  as  a  Federal  alliance  was  considered  as  the  only  polit 
ical  event,  that  could  effectually  contribute  to  the  tranquillity 
and  future  greatness  of  the  United  States  as  a  nation,  a  Compri- 
mise  was  effected.  *  *  *  ***** 

"  But  to  these  Compromises,  the  people  of  Missouri  were  as- 
strangers.  Could  the  present  question  in  any  shape  have  been 
presented  to  the  Convention?  I  appeal  to  the  candor  of  the 
Committee,  if,  in  their  opinion,  it  would  have  been  sustained 
for  a  moment,  by  the  patriots  of  that  early  day  ?  Slavery  in  the 
old  States  could  not  be  extinguished,  but  as  to  States  that  were 


VIII.]  COMPROMISE  -DISCUSSION.  97 

to  grow  up  out  of  the  Constitution,  it  never  was  intended  that 
they  should  be  inconsistent  with  the  solemn  professions  made 
to  the  world. 

"The  sentiments  of  the  nation  on  this  subject,  were  fairly 
evinced  by  the  disposition  of  the  Territory  northwest  of  the  Ohio; 
and  shall  it  now  be  made  a  serious  question,  whether  we  will  de 
liberately  extend  the  practice  of  Slavery  to  this  boundless  region, 
and  deny  the  blessings  of  liberty  to  nations  unborn,  when  we 
are  left  at  liberty  to  act  according  to  our  own  wishes,  and  when 
there  is  no  plea  of  necessity  for  an  excuse?  I  ardently  hope 
that  a  different  result  will  be  the  effect  of  our  deliberations. 
******  *** 

"Slavery,  in  the  abstract,  strikes  the  heart  with  abhorrence. 
This  life  can  have  no  charms,  if  it  is  not  sweetened  with  liberty; 
and  if  a  slave  has  any  accurate  knowledge  of  his  condition 
nothing  can  appear  before  him  but  sadness,  from  the  dawn  of  the 
morning  to  the  close  of  the  evening.  *  *  The  gentle 
men  on  the  other  side  tell  us,  that  if  the  restriction  is  carried  the 
Union  will  be  dissolved.  *  Will  the  other  slavehold- 

ing  States  join  in  the  contest?  What  is  there  to  justify  such  a 
calamitous  event ?  Wherein  are  we  betraying  our  country?  Do 
we  not  stand  on  the  ground  of  our  ancestors  ?  Are  we  not  main 
taining  the  same  principles  that  animated  their  hearts,  when  like 
a  band  of  patriotic  brothers,  they  unanimously  excluded  Slavery 
from  the  northwestern  territory  ?  I  have  no  wish  to  say,  that  the 
honorable  gentlemen  only  mean  to  intimidate  us;  that  would  be 
unkind;  but  I  beg  leave  to  differ  with  them  on  this  subject.  I 
have  a  more  exalted  opinion  of  the  patriotism  of  the  South. 
They  will  never  cause  American  blood  to  be  spilt,  unless  for 
reasons  that  would  justify  them  in  the  eyes  of  the  world;  and, 
in  the  language  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  '  The  Almighty  has  no  attribute 
that  would  side  with  them  in  such  a  cause  as  this  would  be/ 

"Has  it  come  to  this,  that  the  existence  of  Slavery  is  to  be 
considered  as  one  of  the  pillars  of  our  liberty  ?  This,  indeed, 
•would  be  a  political  paradox." 


CHAPTER    IX. 

ADMISSION  OP  MISSOURI.  —  ANNEXATION  OF  TEXAS.  —WAR  BETWEEN  MEXICO 
AND  TEXAS.  — SANTA  ANNA  IN  THE  FIELD. —HOUSTON  MAKES  HIM  PRIS 
ONER.— WAR  BETWEEN  THE  UNITED  STATES  AND  MEXICO.  —  RESULT  OF 
THE  WAR. 

FROM  the  16th  day  of  March,  1818,  to  the  10th  day 
of  August,  1821,  the  first  date  being  the  day  upon 
which  the  petition  of  the  people  of  Missouri  was  pre 
sented  to  Congress  prating  admission  into  the  Union, 
to  the  latter  date,  the  time  of  the  admission — a  period 
of  three  and  a  half  years — the  almost  entire  business 
of  the  nation  had  been  neglected,  and  the  whole  ener 
gies  of  the  members  expended  upon  the  subject  of 
Missouri ;  the  representatives  from  the  Free  States  urg 
ing  the  prohibition  of  Slavery,  and  the  representatives 
from  the  slaveholding  States  bending  every  energy, 
and  exhausting  every  argument  for  her  admission  with 
out  any  restrictions  as  to  Slavery. 

The  Constitution  was  invoked  by  both  sides — the 
one  to  prove  that  under  it  the  General  Government 
had  the  power  to  legislate  in  all  things  necessary  for 
the  government  of  the  public  domain ;  having  the  right 
to  purchase  or  otherwise  acquire  property;  to  sell  or 
otherwise  dispose  of  it ;  to  govern  it  by  Federal  appoint 
ment  and  Federal  legislation.  The  friends  of  Slavery 
holding  that  the  territory  being  the  common  property 
of  the  people  of  all  the  States,  that  they  could,  and  of 
a  right  ought  to,  take  with  them  their  property  of  any 
description,  and  when  framing  a  Constitution,  they 
should  not  be  debarred  by  Federal  power  from  coming 


IX.]  EXTENSION   OF   SLAVERY.  99 

into  the  Union,  Slavery  or  no  Slavery,  as  to  them  might 
seem  best.  The  friends  of  restriction  held  that  as  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States  empowered  the  Gen 
eral  Government  to  "make  all  needful  rules  and  regu 
lations  respecting  the  Territory,  or  other  property  be 
longing  to  the  United  States,"  (Article  IV,  Section 
3,  Constitution),  that  the  Congress  had  complete  con 
trol  of  the  Territory — could  sell,  convey,  or  in  any 
other  way  that  they  saw  fit  dispose  of  it  to  any  State, 
people  or  foreign  Government,  and  that  the  Congress 
was  to  be  the  judge  of  what  were  " needful  rules  and 
regulations"  for  any  of  the  Territory,  and  that  in  this 
matter  they  were  to  be  the  sole  judges,  and  that  the  leg 
islation  enacted  for  them  by  the  Congress,  was  the  su 
preme  law  of  the  land.  The  compromise,  restricting 
Slavery  within  certain  limits,  did  not  determine  this 
point  of  controversy.  [This  subject  will  be  further 
commented  upon  under  the  head  of  Constitutional 
Powers.] 

The  public  domain  into  which  the  institution  of 
Slavery  would  have  been  extended  under  the  doctrine 
of  the  Pro- Slavery  party  and  the  Squatter  Sovereignty 
doctrine,  forms  at  this  time  a  most  prominent  feature 
of  the  geographical  area  of  the  Union,  the  acquisition 
of  which  forms  a  most  singularly  striking  coincidence 
of  how  circumstances  may  produce  great  results.  The 
acquisition  of  the  Territory  of  Louisiana  is  no  more 
remarkable  in  its  accomplishment  than  it  is  interesting 
in  its  effects.  The  possession  of  the  waters  of  the  great 
artery  of  America,  the  river  Mississippi,  had  long 
claimed  the  attention  of  leading  American  statesmen. 
The  treaty  with  Spain  of  Oct.  27th,  1795,  secured  the 
middle  of  the  Mississippi  as  the  boundary  on  the  west, 
and  also  the  free  use  and  navigation  of  the  whole  river, 


100  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

from  its  source  to  its  mouth,  to  the  citizens  of  both 
countries;  and  the  citizens  of  the  United  States  were 
to  be  permitted  for  three  years  to  use  part  of  the  city 
of  New  Orleans  for  a  place  of  deposit  and  exportation 
for  their  merchandise,  and  this  privilege  might  be  con 
tinued  if  not  injurious  to  Spain;  and  if  discontinued, 
then  another  part  should  be  assigned — some  place  on 
the  banks  of  the  Mississippi.  The  provincial  authori 
ties,  however,  soon  declared  that  by  their  new  rela 
tions  with  the  English  Government  these  privileges 
to  America  had  ceased,  and  that  without  a  new  order 
from  the  King  of  Spain  the  conditions  then  stipulated 
must  end. 

Thomas  Jefferson,  who  had  been  inaugurated  Presi 
dent  of  the  United  States  in  1801,  turned  his  first  at 
tention  to  acquiring  the  Territory  of  Louisiana,  but  it 
was  soon  ascertained  that  all  the  Territory  west  of  the 
Mississippi,  and  that  portion  of  Louisiana  on  the  east, 
with  New  Orleans,  had  been  ceded  to  the  French  by 
the  Spanish  Government  for  the  insignificant  consider 
ation  of  granting  in  succession  to  the  Duke  of  Parma, 
a  Spanish  Prince,  the  grand  duchy  of  Tuscany.  The 
superior  military  power  of  Napoleon  is  considered  to 
have  been  a  convincing  argument  in  this  affair. 

The  apprehensions  of  the  American  people  at  this 
cunning  operation  on  the  jfirt  of  Napoleon,  aroused 
suspicions  for  the  future  safety  of  the  Union.  In  con 
sequence  of  the  close  proximity  of  a  new  neighbor, 
whose  proclivities  for  conquest  and  absorption  were  so 
well  known,  the  loss  of  the  waters  of  the  Mississippi, 
or  their  cooccupation  with  an  uncertain  and  ambitious 
neighbor,  were  equally  embarrassing  and  dangerous, 
and  any  sacrifice  must  be  made  to  possess  them.  The 
cession  of  the  Territory  to  France  had  been  kept  a  se- 


IX.]  TERRITORY  OF  LOUISIANA.  101 

cret  for  some  time,  and  now  that  the  fact  was  known, 
the  American  Government  set  vigorously  to  work  to 
obtain  at  least  a  free  right  of  way  on  the  Mississippi. 
A  commission  was  appointed  for  this  purpose,  as  also 
to  offer  terms  of  purchase  for  the  Louisiana  Territory. 

The  American  Government  still  had  claims  on  Spain, 
for  the  treaty  relating  to  the  navigation  of  the  Missis 
sippi  had  been  ruthlessly  violated,  and  Mr.  Livingston 
and  Mr.  Pinckney,  Ministers  to  France  and  Spain,  were 
instructed  to  inform  those  Governments  of  those  facts. 
Mr.  Monroe  and  the  gentlemen  who  are  named  here, 
constituted  a  commission  to  secure  the  right  of  way  of 
the  Mississippi  by  treaty.  Napoleon  and  his  Ministers 
were  disposed  to  treat  them  at  first  with  but  little  con 
sideration;  but  new  features  were  developing  them 
selves.  Many  of  the  leading  London  papers  advocated 
the  sending  of  an  expedition  of  British  troops  to  take 
possession  of  New  Orleans.  Difficulties  between 
France  and  England  were  assuming  a  grave  aspect,  and 
the  possibility  of  Napoleon  holding  his  newly  acquired 
Territory,  in  opposition  to  the  powerful  navy  of  Great 
Britain,  seemed  hopeless. 

The  certainty  of  difficulties  with  Great  Britain  daily 
relaxed  the  ambition  of  Napoleon  to  hold  on  to  this 
Territory,  and  the  fact  that  cash  would  be  wanting  in 
the  coffers  of  France,  and  the  fears  that  England  might 
in  some  way  become  possessed  of  this  Territory,  a 
proposition  was  made  to  the  American  Commissioners 
to  purchase  it  at  about  one  hundred  million  dollars ;  but 
the  Commissioners  did  not  know  that  they  possessed 
any  power  to  purchase  the  Territory;  nor  indeed  does 
it  appear  that  Jefferson  himself  knew  of  any  power  in 
the  General  Government  by  which  such  an  act  could 
be  done.;  besides,  the  Commissioners  were  only  in- 


102  REPUBLICANISM   IN  AMERICA.  [Chap. 

structed  to  arrange  for  the  occupation,  on  favorable 
terms,  of  that  part  of  Louisiana  east  of  the  Mississippi, 
and  the  navigation  of  that  river;  but  it  was  found  on 
investigation  that  the  Floridas  and  an  almost  limitless 
tract  of  Territory  had  been  ceded  to  France,  and  all 
this  she  was  willing  to  sell  to  America,  owing  to  the 
pressing  circumstances  in  which  she  found  herself. 
Frequent  consultations  with  Messieur  Marbois,  Minis 
ter  of  the  French  Treasury,  brought  the  negotiations 
to  a  close,  upon  the  following  conditions:  Vessels  of 
France  and  Spain,  coming  directly  from  any  part  of 
their  respective  dominions,  loaded  only  with  the  pro 
ducts  of  the  same,  to  have  the  right  for  twelve  years 
to  enter  the  ports  of  the  ceded  Territory  on  the  same 
terms  as  vessels  of  the  United  States.  France  there 
after  to  enjoy  the  privileges  of  the  most  favored 
nations.  The  sum  to  be  paid  was  60,000,000  francs, 
and  the  French  debt  of  about  20,000,000  francs,  the 
whole  purchase  amounting  finally  to  $15,000,000. 

The  treaty  was  signed  on  the  30th  day  of  April,  1803, 
and  thus,  with  a  single  dash  of  his  pen,  for  the  paltry 
sum  of  fifteen  million  dollars,  Napoleon  signed  away  a 
Territory  and  possessions  of  inestimable  value  to  the 
United  States,  and  handed  into  the  possession  of  the 
Republic  the  key  to  the  waters  of  the  king  of  Ameri 
can,  rivers,  upon  whose  bosom  floats  from  the  distant 
West  to  the  waters  of  the  Gulf  the  bread  supply  of 
two  Continents,  and  containing  an  area  of  rich  and 
fruitful  soil  that  at  some  distant  day  may  support  a 
population  three  times  as  great  as  that  of  the  whole  of 
France  at  the  present  time. 

The  acquisition  of  this  vast  Territory  is  one  of  the 
finest  accomplishments  of  American  diplomacy  in  the 
history  of  our  country, 


IX.]  COLONIZING   TEXAS.  103 

« 

The  addition  of  the  Floridas  and  that  great  Territory 
stretching  from  the  Rio  Grande  to  the  waters  of  the 
Pacific,  embracing  California,  Oregon,  and  Washington 
Territory,  forms  a  most  interesting  and  important  link 
in  our  history. 

When  the  purchase  of  Louisiana  was  made,  but  little 
attention  had  been  paid  to  its  geographical  limits,  and 
whether  or  not  it  embraced  the  Territories  of  the  Flor 
idas  was  not  fully  determined — its  lines  were  uncer 
tain.  Subsequent  developments  tended  to  give  shape 
to  this  subject,  when  Spain  laid  claim  to  these  latter 
Territories,  which  she  afterwards  ceded  to  the  United 
States. 

The  vast  region  lying  between  the  Mississippi  and 
Rio  Grande,  known  as  Texas,  soon  called  up  new  diffi 
culties.  The  American  Government  had  not  formerly 
laid  any  claim  to  it,  still  it  was  supposed  that  it  was 
embraced  within  the  area  of  the  purchase  of  Louisiana. 
The  Territory  of  Texas  during  the  period  from  the  ces 
sion  of  Louisiana  up  to  the  organization  of  its  State 
Government,  furnished  an  active  field  for  the  adventur 
ous  American  spirits,  who,  taking  it  for  granted  that 
as  neither  Mexico  nor  the  United  States  had  positively 
asserted  ownership,  and  that  li possession  was  nine 
points  of  the  law,"  began  to  establish  their  individual 
claims  to  it,  prominent  amongst  whom  were  Burr,  La- 
fitte,  Long,  and  Austin. 

The  unsettled  state  of  political  affairs  in  Mexico  gave 
the  people  of  that  country  but  little  time  to  attend  to 
the  affairs  of  Texas.  But  as  time  wore  on,  and  the 
fact  that  Texas  adjoined  the  Mexican  State  of  Coahuila 
on  the  one  side,  and  the  Territory  of  the  United  States 
on  the  other,  and  now  that  the  spirit  of  filibustering 
had  fully  set  in,  the  subject  began  to  agitate  both  Gov- 


104  REPUBLICANISM  IN  AMERICA.  [Chap. 

ernments.  Moses  Austin,  a  Connecticut  Yankee,  who 
had  gone  to  Texas  and  represented  a  band  of  Roman 
Catholics  who  were  supposed  to  be  suffering  from 
Protestant  intolerance,  received  a  grant  from  the  Mex 
ican  Government  to  form  a  colony  in  Texas.  Austin 
died  in  the  same  year — 1821 — the  year  in  which  Mex 
ico  gained  her  independence  from  Spain.  Austin's  son 
succeeded  him  in  the  grant,  but  with  little  effect. 
The  anxiety  of  the  United  States  to  be  in  the  undis 
turbed  possession  of  Texas  was  manifesting  itself. 

By  the  advice  of  John  Quincy  Adams-,  President  of 
the  United  States  in  1827,  it  was  agreed  that  a  propo 
sition  should  be  made  to  the  Mexican  Government  to 
pay  them  one  million  dollars  for  their  claim  on  all 
Territory  east  of  the  Rio  Grande,  but  from  motives  of 
policy  the  proposition  was  not  made. 

The  idea  of  purchase  was  still  prominent  with  the 
American  administration.  President  Jackson's  Secre 
tary  in  1829  made  a  proposition  to  pay  to  Mexico  five 
millions  of  dollars  for  Texas,  but  the  Mexican  Govern 
ment  refused  to  sell.  The  Territory  stood  as  a  bone 
of  contention  between  the  American  and  Mexican  Gov 
ernments.  It  was  a  sweet  morsel  for  the  hungry  man 
of  Slavery,  and  every  effort  was  made  to  colonize  it 
with  a  population  from  the  above  States. 

Sam.  Houston,  one  of  the  most  adventurous  of  Amer 
ican  citizens,  having  passed  many  years  among  the 
Cherokee  Indians,  by  whom  he  was  made  a  Chief,  made 
his  way  into  the  Territory,  and  aided  by  the  slave 
party,  soon  entered  upon  schemes  to  obtain  control  of 
Texas.  A  Convention  of  the  Americans  in  the  Terri 
tory  was  called  to  frame  a  Constitution,  to  which  Hous 
ton  was  elected  a  delegate.  It  met  April  1st,  1833. 
A  Constitution  was  framed,  and  Texas  declared  herself 


IX.]  INDEPENDENCE   OF   TEXAS.  105 

a  free  and  independent  State  March  2d,  1836,  and  hold 
ing  no  allegiance  to  Mexico.  At  this  time  Texas  con 
tained  a  population  of  upwards  of  fifty  thousand,  most 
ly  Americans.  Mexico,  incensed  at  this  act  of  assump 
tion,  at  once  commenced  hostilities  against  Texas. 
Houston,  now  at  the  head  of  the  Americans,  met  the 
Mexicans.  Santa  Anna  took  command  of  the  Mexican 
forces,  who  by  superior  numbers  defeated  Houston,  and 
in  cold  blood  murdered,  on  March  20th,  357  men,  the 
entire  number  captured — Santa  Anna  pursuing  Hous 
ton  in  hot  pursuit.  But  the  wheel  of  fortune  soon 
turned  in  Houston's  favor.  Being  supplied  with  two 
guns  (six-pounders)  he  suddenly  turned  upon  the  en 
emy,  vastly  his  superior  in  numbers,  and  gained  a  de 
cisive  victory,  taking  Santa  Anna  prisoner,  with 
whom  he  concluded  a  treaty  acknowledging  the  inde 
pendence  of  Texas. 

General  Houston  was  soon  after  chosen  President  of 
the  new  Republic,  and  the  "Lone  Star"  became  an  in 
dependent  nation. 

Houston  was  inaugurated  October  22d,  1836.  The 
subject  of  declaring  Texas  an  independent  nation  was 
urged  by  members  of  the  Congress  of  the  United 
States;  but  circumstances  were  developing  difficulties 
between  America  and  Mexico,  and  delay  was  thought 
advisable;  still  her  independence  was  acknowledged 
March  1st,  1836.  Meantime  the  political  complexion 
of  affairs  with  Mexico  was  beginning  to  wear  a  serious 
aspect,  but  the  term  of  President  Jackson's  office  closed 
without  any  outbreak. 

Van  Buren  came  to  the  Presidency  in  1837,  and 
during  his  administration  the  subject  of  the  annexa 
tion  of  Texas  was  a  pr6minent  feature  in  the  Congress. 

The  independence  of  Texas  having  been  declared  in 


106  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

1833,  and  the  fact  that  she  was  not  admitted  into  the 
Union  until  the  3d  day  of  March,  1845,  the  very  last 
day  of  President  Tyler's  administration,  will  show  that 
for  twelve  years  what  is  now  known  as  Texas,  a  State 
in  the  American  Union,  was  an  independent  Republic, 
and  as  much  a  foreign  nation  as  is  Mexico,  or  any  other 
Government.  Still  the  people  who  created  and  gov 
erned  the  country  were  Americans,  and  strong  feelings 
of  attachment  for  their  native  country  directed  their 
attention  and  hopes  towards  the  union  of  Texas  to  the 
American  Republic. 

During  the  last  term  of  Jackson's  office,  which  be 
gan  in  March,  1833,  through  all  of  Van  Buren's  term, 
which  began  in  March,  1837,  and  through  Tyler's  ad 
ministration,  which  began  in  April,  1841 — (he  having 
been  elected  Vice-President  in  the  fall  of  1840,  when 
W.  H.  Harrison  was  elected  President — Harrison  hav 
ing  died  one  month  after  his  inauguration,  and  Tyler 
succeeding  to  the  Presidency) — through  all  those  ad 
ministrations  up  to  the  last  day  of  Tyler's  term,  the 
subject  of  the  admission  of  Texas  formed  a  prominent 
feature  of  Congressional  debate. 

The  situation  of  Texas  was  peculiar.  America  claim 
ed  and  reasoned  upon  the  cession  of  the  territory  by 
Spain  to  France,  and  its  subsequent  cession  by  France 
to  the  United  States.  Still,  although  many  eminent 
Americans  held  to  this  opinion,  others  took  an  oppo 
site  view,  holding  that  the  territory  belonged  to  Mex 
ico,  and  that  Congress  had  no  power  to  admit  her  into 
the  Union-^that  her  acquisition  must  be  by  treaty 
through  the  Executive  Department.  Nor  was  Mexico 
idle  upon  the  subject,  for,  as  she  found  her  neighbors, 
the  American  Republic,  seeking  an  alliance  with  Tex 
as,  she  stoutly  proclaimed  her  title  to  that  territory. 


IX.]  WAR  WITH   MEXICO.  107 

Towards  the  close  of  Tyler's  administration  the  Slave 
Power  at  the  South  became  loud  in  demands  that  the 
Government  should  comply  with  the  request  of  the 
people  of  Texas  for  admission  into  the  Union.  Most 
of  the  Northern  delegates  opposed  the  annexation,  and 
a  high  party  feeling  was  manifested  upon  the  subject. 
Towards  the  last  day  of  Tyler's  administration  resolu 
tions  were  passed  by  both  Houses  of  Congress  for  the 
admission  of  Texas,  and  Tyler,  on  the  3d  day  of  March, 
1845,  the  last  day  of  his  administration,  dispatched  a 
messenger  to  Texas  to  secure  her  immediate  annexa 
tion,  which  was  soon  after  accomplished,  and  the  vexed 
question  was  at  an  end. 

The  annexation  of  Texas  led  to  a  war  with  Mexico, 
which  resulted  in  the  acquisition  of  California  by  the 
United  States.  A  suspicion  existed  between  Mexico 
and  the  United  States  so  soon  as  Texas  was  annexed, 
that  difficulties  would  arise.  Mexican  forces  were  dis 
patched  to  the  Rio  Grande  to  look  after  the  interests 
of  her  boundaries.  The  twenty-ninth  Congress  of  the 
United  States,  which  met  on  December  1st,  1845,  made 
propositions  to  meet  any  emergency  that  might  arise, 
and  in  January  following  General  Zachary  Taylor  was 
sent  at  the  head  of  an  army  to  New  Orleans,  and  in 
April  following  took  up  his  position  on  the  western 
line  of  Texas.  Early  in  March  he  received  orders  to 
march  to  the  Rio  Grande.  Here  he  found  a  strong 
force  of  Mexicans  entrenching,  and  on  the  12th  of 
April,  1846,  the  Mexican  commander  requested  Taylor 
to  retreat  back  forthwith,  warning  him  that  did  he  re 
fuse,  a  declaration  of  war  would  follow.  Taylor  did 
not  retreat,  and  on  the  8th  of  May  following,  the  Mex 
ican  forces  crossed  the  Rio  Grande,  and  with  6,000  men 
attacked  Taylor,  who  had  only  2;300  men.  The  Mex- 


108  REPUBLICANISM  IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

leans  were  defeated,  and  the  next  day  were  followed 
up  by  Taylor's  forces,  who  completely  routed  them, 
driving  them  in  great  confusion  across  the  Rio  Grande. 

The  war  with  Mexico  continued  with  increasing  suc 
cess  to  the  American  arms,  up  to  the  30th  day  of  May, 
1848,  at  which  time  a  treaty  of  peace,  friendship, 
limits,  and  settlement,  between  the  United  States  and 
the  Republic  of  Mexico  was  concluded;  the  ratifica 
tions  of  which  were  duly  exchanged  at  the  City  of 
Queretaro,  in  Mexico. 

By  this  treaty  Mexico  ceded  to  the  United  States  New 
Mexico,  with  an  area  of  281,368  square  miles  (the 
Territory  of  Arizona,  and  a  part  of  the  Territory  of  Colo 
rado  have  since  been  severed  from  it.)  She  also  ceded 
the  Territory  of  California  (now  State)  with  an  area  of 
158,687  square  miles.  By  the  treaty  the  United  States 
agreed  to  pay  to  Mexico  twelve  millions  of  dollars,  and 
also  agreed  to  assume  the  claims  of  citizens  of  the 
United  States:  "  the  claims  already  liquidated  and  de 
cided  against  the  Mexican  Republic  to  an  amount  not 
exceeding  three  and  one  quarter  million  of  dollars." 

The  termination  of  the  war  with  Mexico,  after  two 
years  duration,  marked  by  spirited  victories  by  the 
Americans,  served  to  lend  a  new  impulse  of  chivalry 
to  the  army  of  conquest,  and  tended  to  place  its 
fighting  qualities  pretty  high,  at  least,  in  the  estimation 
of  the  Mexicans,  who  were  quite  willing  to  enter  into 
,the  terms,  by  which,  for  fifteen  millions,  they  relin 
quished  a  territory  of  such  almost  boundless  propor 
tions,  embracing  nearly  ten  degrees  of  latitude,  reach 
ing  from.  Oregon  to  the  Rio  Grande ;  possessing  climate, 
soil,  and  mineral  wealth  unequaled  on  the  globe. 

But  not  alone  did  the  treaty  above  alluded  to  place 
the  United  States  in  the  possession  of  California;  for 


IX.]  ACQUISITION   OF   CALIFORNIA.  109 

as  early  as  1846,  the  American  flag  had  been  planted 
on  the  Pacific  side,  and  the  territory  proclaimed  to  be 
the  property  of  the  United  States.  California  at  this 
period  was  a  Mexican  territory  known  as  Alta  Califor 
nia,  in  contradistinction  from  Baja  California,  which 
was  then,  and  is  still,  a  Mexican  Territory. 


CHAPTER   X 

CONQUEST  AND  SETTLEMENT  OF  CALIFORNIA.— OCCUPATION  OF  BY  AlVT^TCANS. 
—RAISING  THE  BEAR  FLAG.— ESTABLISHMENT  OF  GOVERNMENT.-  ^  ABATES 
IN  CONGRESS  ON.— ADMISSION  OF.— PROTEST  AGAINST.— SPEECHES  OF  CLAY, 
WEBSTER,  JEFFERSON  DAVIS,  AND  OTHERS.— CALHOUN  WILL  MAKE  CALI 
FORNIA  THE  "TEST  QUESTION." 

THE  claims  of  the  United  States  to  the  Territory  of 
Oregon,  had  been  at  this  time  (1846),  pretty  well 
established.  As  early  as  1842  and  1844,  settlers  from 
many  of.  the  Eastern  and  Western  States  had  made 
their  way  kito  Oregon,  and  even  some  few  into  Cali 
fornia.  The  American  Government  became  anxious 
to  know  more  of  the  nature  of  the  soil,  climate,  and 
resources  of  their  possessions  on  the  Pacific,  and  had 
already  sent  exploring  parties  into  the  country. 

John  C.  Fremont,  a  brevet  Captain  in  the  Corps  of 
United  States  Topographical  Engineers,  had  left  Wash 
ington  in  the  spring  of  1845,  on  a  tour  of  exploration 
across  the  plains,  and  over  the  Rocky  Mountains,  to 
the  Pacific ;  and  charged  with  endeavoring  to  find  the 
best  route  from  the  Rocky  Mountains  to  the  mouth  of 
the  Columbia  River.  After  a  most  hazardous  journey,* 
he  arrived  with  his  faithful  guide  and  escort,  Kit  Car 
son,  and  his  men  (six  of  whom  were  Delaware  Indians) 
the  whole  company  consisting  of  sixty-two  men,  within 
a  hundred  miles  of  Monterey,  where  he  halted,  and  pro 
ceeded  in  person  to  the  head-quarters  of  General  Castro, 
the  Mexican  General  in  charge  of  the  Territory.  His 
object  was  to  obtain  a  pass  for  himself  and  company, 
to  go  to  the  San  Joaquin  Valley,  where  hunting  and 


7 


X.]  ACQUISITION   OF   CALIFORNIA.  Ill 

pasture  were  abundant.  He  received  a  verbal  promise 
from  the  General  that  it  would  be  all  right,  to  go 
where  he  desired,  and  that,  on  his  word  of  honor,  "  as 
a  soldier,"  he  would  not  be  molested.  Fremont  and 
his  party  were  soon  on  their  way  to  the  Valley. 

Three  days  after  this,  the  ungallant  General  Castro, 
had  raised  an  army  of  three  hundred  native  Californi- 
ans,  and  sent  a  dispatch  to  Fremont,  notifying  him  to 
quit  the  country  at  once,  else  he  would  inarch  upon 
him,  and  put  to  death  his  whole  company.  This 
treachery  did  not  much  surprise  Fremont  and  his  party, 
who  replied  that  he  would  leave  when  he  was  ready. 
He  prepared  for  action,  entrenched  himself  on  "  Hank's 
Peak,"  about  thirty  miles  from  Monterey,  and  over 
looking  that  village,  where  he  raised  the  American 
flag.  The  whole  company  were  well  armed,  each  with 
a  knife,  a  tomahawk,  two  pistols  and  a  rifle. 

The  warlike  Castro,  now  came  dashing  on,  with 
cavalry,  infantry  and  artillery ;  but  after  making  a  few 
ineffectual  attacks,  always  galloped  off  before  coming 
within  range  of  Fremont's  bullets.  Castro  issued  bulle 
tins  and  proclamations  daily,  of  the  impending  destruc 
tion  of  the  little  band,  but  always  keeping  out  of  rifle 
range  of  the  entrenchments.  After  four  days  of  this 
fighting ,  Fremont  broke  camp  and  started  on  his  jour-- 
ney  towards  Oregon.  Castro  was  not  visible. 

Fremont  had  proceeded  into  Oregon,  and  had  reached 
Klamath  Lake,  when  he  was  overtaken  by  Lieutenant 
Gillespie,  of  the  United  States  Army,  who  had  left 
Washington  the  previous  November,  crossing  the  coun 
try  from  Yera  Cruz  to  Mazatlan,  and  who  arrived 
at  Monterey  in  a  United  States  sloop  of  war,  and 
started  up  the  valley  in  search  of  the  explorers.  Gil 
lespie  had  letters  to  Fremont  from  the  Secretary  of 


< 


112  REPUBLICANISM   IN  AMERICA.  [Chap. 

State,  and  it  is  supposed  they,  or  other  letters  to  him, 
from  friends  at  Washington,  caused  him  to  retrace  his 
steps,  and  return  to  the  valley  of  the  Sacramento. 
This  move  had  been  quickened  by  the  fact,  that  on  the 
very  night  after  receiving  his  dispatches,  and  whilst 
all  were  asleep,  the  Indians  broke  into  his  camp,  and 
assassinated  three  of  his  Delaware  Indians,  and  might 
have  slain  the  whole  company,  had  it  riot  been  for  the 
vigilance  of  Kit  Carson,  who  sounded  the  alarm. 

Fremont  soon  returned  to  the  Sacramento  Yalley, 
and  encamped  near  the  mouth  of  the  Feather  River, 
where  the  settlers  soon  flocked  around  him.  Great 
alarm  was  caused  by  reports  that  General  Castro  was 
on  the  march  to  attack  them,  with  a  strong  force  of 
cavalry.  A  company  of  twelve  volunteers,  headed 
by  Mr.  Mersite,  started  for  the  Mexican  Fort  at 
Sonoma,  in  Sonoma  county,  and  on  the  15th  of  June, 
1846,  entered  and  captured  the  post,  where  they  found 
two  hundred  and  fifty  stand  of  arms,  and  nine  cannon. 
Here  they  captured  General  Yallejo,  and  took  him  a 
prisoner  to  Sutter's  Fort,  at  Sacramento. 

William  B.  Ide,  a  New  England  man,  was  left  to 
garrison  the  fort  at  Sonoma,  with  a  force  of  eighteen 
men.  General  Castro  having  charge  of  the  operations 
at  Sonoma,  issued  his  pronunciadaj  calling  upon  his 
countrymen  to  rise,  and  drive  the  marauders  from  the 
soil.  On  the  18th  of  June,  Ide  issued  his  proclamation, 
to  the  people  of  Sonoma,  to  defend  themselves,  and 
calling  upon  them  to  assemble  at  Sonoma,  and  assist 
in  establishing  a  Republican  Government.  A  flag 
was  improvised,  by  painting  in  rude  form,  the  figure  of 
a  grizzly  bear  on  a  piece  of  white  cotton  cloth ;  it  fol 
lowed  Ide's  proclamation,  and  was  the  first  flag,  after 
California  was  declared  independent  of  Mexico.  It  is 


X.]  ACQUISITION  OF   CALIFORNIA.  113 

still  in  possession  of  the  "  Pioneer  Society"  of  Califor 
nia,  at  San  Francisco. 

Fremont  was  at  Sutter's  Fort  during  these  eventful 
operations ;  but  hearing  that  Castro  intended  a  raid  upon 
Ide  at  Sonoma,  he  reached  there  on  the  23d  of  June, 
at  the  head  of  ninety  riflemen.  He  met  only  a  few 
retreating  Mexicans  of  De  la  Torres'  band,  who  made 
their  way  to  Saucelito,  where  they  escaped  by  boat 
across  the  Bay  to  Yerba  Buena,  (now  San  Francisco.) 
Castro  did  not  appear. 

Fremont  returned  to  Sonoma,  and  on  July  5th,  1846, 
his  party,  consisting  of  one  hundred  and  sixty  mounted 
men,  concluded  to  make  a  Declaration  of  Independ 
ence,  which  they  did,  thus  superseding  the  "  Bear 
Flag."  Fremont  was  at  their  head.  Soon  the  whole 
company  started  for  Sutter's  Fort,  intending  to  attack 
Castro,  who  was  reported  to  .be  at  Santa  Clara;  they 
soon  learned,  however,  that  he  was  on  the  retreat  to 
Los  Angeles,  but  they  determined  to  follow  him, 
(some  five  hundred  miles). 

Soon  news  reached  them  of  a  new  feature  in  affairs. 
On  the  2d  day  of  July,  Commodore  Sloat,  of  the 
United  States  Navy,  with  the  Frigate  Savannah  and 
five  smaller  vessels,  arrived  at  the  Bay  of  Monterey, 
California.  The  Commodore  had  no  instructions  from 
his  Government  to  take  any  hostile  steps  on  the  Pacific 
coast;  on  the  contrary,  his  mission  was  peace.  But 
whilst  he  was  at  Mazatlan,  he  heard  of  the  annexation 
of  Texas,  and  of  the  certainty  of  war  between  the 
United  States  and  Mexico,  but  he  did  not  know  of  the 
declaration  of  war,  by  the  American  Congress,  against 
Mexico,  nor  that  G-eneral  Taylor  was  already  in  the 
field ;  nor  did  he  know  that  instructions  were  on  the 
way  to  him,  from  his  Government  (dated  15th  of  May, 


114  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

1846),  directing  him  to  take  possession  of  Mazatlan, 
Monterey  and  San  Francisco,  and  to  declare  the  country 
the  property  of  the  United  States. 

Sloat  is  supposed  to  have  known  that  the  possession 
of  California  by  the  American  Government  had  been 
much  favored  at  Washington ;  besides  a  strong  English 
fleet,  under  the  command  of  Rear- Admiral  Sir  George 
Seymour,  was  hovering  about  the  coast  of  California 
on  the  same  day  that  the  Savannah  left  Mazatlan. 
Seymour's  flagship,  the  CoUingwood,  sailed  from  San 
Bias;  both  headed  for  Monterey,  under  a- full  press  of 
sail,  the  Savannah  being  the  fastest  reached  Monterey 
first,  where  Sloat  learned  of  the  efforts  being  made  by 
the  British  authorities  to  place  California  under  the 
protection  of  the  English  Government. 

Governor  Pico,  the  Mexican  Governor  of  the  Ter 
ritory  of  California,  and  General  Castro,  were  in  favor 
of  this  scheme.  Mr.  Forbes,  the  English  Vice-Consul 
at  Monterey,  was  active  in  making  the  negotiation ; 
and  the  American  Consul,  Thomas  0.  Larkin,  also  at 
Monterey,  informed  Sloat  upon  his  arrival  of  the  state 
of  affairs;  this,  together  with  the  news  of  the  opera 
tions  of  Fremont  arid  his  party  at  Sonoma  (it  is  sup 
posed  he  heard  of  it),  determined  him  at  once  (July 
7th)  to  dispatch  two  hundred  and  fifty  marines  on 
shore,  to  hoist  the  American  flag  over  the  town  of 
Monterey.  A  salute  of  twenty-one  guns  was  fired,  and 
a  proclamation  issued  that  California  henceforth  was  a 
part  of  the  United  States. 

The  dull  ship  of  the  British  Rear- Admiral  arrived  at 
Monterey  only  to  see  the  Stars  and  Stripes  floating 
over  it,  as  a  part  of  the  Republic  of  America;  the 
Admiral,  too,  read  the  proclamation,  and  saw  that 
he  was  outwitted  by  Sloat,  and  outrun  by  the  Savannah. 


X.]  ACQUISITION    OF   CALIFORNIA.  115 

The  day  following,  July  8th,  by  order  of  Commodore 
Sloat,  a  party  from  the  United  States  sloop  of  war 
Portsmouth,  landed  at  Yerba  Buena,  now  San  Francisco, 
and  hoisted  the  American  flag  on  the  Plaza, 

On  the  10th,  Commander  Montgomery  of  the  Ports- 
mouth,  sent  an  American  flag  to  Sonoma  which  was 
hoisted,  and  the  flag  improvised  by  Ide  and  his 
men,  known  as  the  "  Bear  Flag,"  was  hauled  down,  all 
welcoming  the  Stars  and  Stripes. 

Commodore  Stockton,  on  board  the  United  States 
frigate  Congress,  arrived  at  Monterey,  July  15th,  just 
one  week  after  Sloat  had  taken  possession  of  the  coun 
try,  and  one  week  later,  Commodore  Sloat  sailed  home 
on  board  the  Levant. 

Stockton  was  now  in  full  command  of  the  American 
fleet,  aided  by  Commodore  Dupont.  Meantime,  Gen 
eral  Kearny  had  arrived  at  Monterey,  crossing  by  way 
of  New  Mexico.  He  had  orders  from  the  United  States 
Government  to  take  possession  of,  and  establish  a  Gov 
ernment  for  California;  but  on  his  arrival,  he  found 
that  Sloat,  Stockton,  and  Fremont,  had  already  ac 
complished  these  things.  The  government  of  the 
country  was  conducted  under  the  military  authorities 
until  November  13th,  1849,  at  which  time  a  State  Con 
stitution  was  adopted. 

The  Convention  to  frame  this  Constitution  met  at 
Monterey,  September  1st,  1849.  Amongst  the  per 
sons  who  have  since  acquired  a  national  or  State 
reputation,  who  were  present  at  the  Convention,were 
Captain  H.  W.  Halleck,  since  General-in-Chief  of  the 
Armies  of  the  United  States,  an  accomplished  scholar, 
sound  lawyer,  brave  man  and  true  patriot;  John  A. 
Sutter,  of  gutter's  Fort,  the  friend  of  the  needy;  Thomas 
0.  Larkin,  the  first  and  only  American  Consul  in 


116  REPUBLICANISM  IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

California;  General  Vallejo,  of  Sonoma;  Doctor  Gwin, 
"Duke  De  Gwin,"  of  Maximilian  notoriety;  Edward 
Gilbert,  founder  of  the  Alta  California  newspaper,  and 
first  Member  of  Congress  from  California;  and  last, 
but  not  least,  J.  Ross  Browne,  who  reported  the  pro 
ceedings  of  the  Convention.  Amongst  the  members  of 
the  Convention  also  was  W.  E.  Shannon,  born  in  Ire 
land,  who  came  from  New  York  to  California  in  the 
year  1846;  he  it  was  who  proposed  in  the  Convention 
that  clause  in  the  Constitution  which  brought -up  such 
determined  opposition  from  the  Southern  Democracy 
to  the  admission  of  California:  "Neither  Slavery  nor 
involuntary  servitude,  unless  for  the  punishment  of 
crime,  shall  ever  be  tolerated  in  this  State." 

The  Constitution  was  adopted  November  13th,  1849, 
and  the  State  admitted  by  Act  of  Congress  into  the 
Union  September  9th,  1850;  thus  the  State  of  Califor 
nia  w^as,  from  a  Mexican  Territory,  ushered  into  the 
Union  as  a  State,  without  undergoing  the  probationary 
delay  of  a  Territorial  Government. 

The  reader  has  already  been  referred  to  this  subject 
in  a  preceding  chapter,  in  which  the  strong  desire  to 
have  this  vast  Territory  thrown  into  the  hands  of  the 
slave  power  was  discussed.  A  few  additional  illustra 
tions  of  this  feeling,  as  demonstrated  in  the  Congress 
of  the  United  States  upon  the  subject  of  her  admission 
into  the  Union,  may  be  interesting. 

In  the  United  States  Senate,  January  29th,  1850, 
Mr.  Clay,  Senator  from  Kentucky,  said  (the  subject 
being  the  admission  of  California: — ) 

"  Mr.  President  :  I  hold  in  my  hand  a  series  of  resolutions 
which  I  desire  to  submit  to  the  consideration  of  this  body :  Taken 
together  in  combination,  they  propose  an  amicable  arrangement 
of  all  questions  in  controversy  between  the  Free  and  Slave  States, 
growing  out  of  the  subject  of  Slavery,  *  *  * 


X.]  ADMISSION  OF   CALIFORNIA.  117 

"  It  being  desirable  for  the  peace,  concord,  and  harmony  of 
these  States  to  settle  and  adjust  amicably  all  existing  questions 
of  controversy  between  them,  arising  out  of  the  institution  of 
Slavery,  upon  a  fair,  equitable,  and  just  basis.  Therefore, 

"  1st.  Resolved:  That  California  with  suitable  boundaries 
ought,  upon  her  application,  to  be  admitted  as  one  of  the  States 
of  this  Union,  without  the  imposition  by  Congress  of  any  re 
striction,  in  respect  to  the  extension  or  introduction  of  Slavery 
within  those  bounds. 

"  2d.  Resolved:  That  Slavery  does  not  exist  by  law,  and  is  not 
likely  to  be  introduced  into  any  of  the  territory  acquired  by  the 
United  States  from  the  Eepublic  of  Mexico.  It  is  inexpedient 
for  Congress  to  provide  by  law,  either  for  its  introduction  into 
or  exclusion  from  any  part  of  said  territory;  and  that  appropri 
ate  Territorial  Governments  ought  to  be  established  by  Congress 
in  all  of  the  said  territory  not  assigned  as  the  boundaries  of  the 
proposed  State  of  California,  without  the  adoption  of  any  re 
striction  or  condition  on  the  subject  of  Slavery." 

Mr.  Clay  said,  in  support  of  this  proposition: 

"  This  resolution,  sir,  proposes  in  the  first  instance  a  declara 
tion  of  two  truths;  one  of  law  and  the  other  of  fact.  The  truth, 
of  the  law  which  it  declares  is,  that  there  does  not  exist  at  this 
time  Slavery  within  any  portion  of  the  territory  acquired  by  the 
United  States  from  Mexico.  When  I  say,  sir,  that  it  is  a  truth, 
I  speak  my  own  solemn  and  deliberate  convictions.  I  am  aware 
that  some  gentlemen  now  hold  a  different  doctrine,  but  I  per 
suade  myself  that  they  themselves,  when  they  come  to  review 
the  whole  ground,  will  see  sufficient  reasons  for  a  change,  or  at 
least  a  modification  of  their  opinions;  but  that  at  all  events  if 
they  adhere  to  that  doctrine,  they  will  be  found  to  compose 
a  very  small  minority  of  the  people  of  the  United  States. 

"5th.  Resolved:  That  it  is  inexpedient  to  abolish  Slavery  in 
the  District  of  Columbia  while  that  institution  exists  within 
the  State  of  Maryland,  without  the  consent  of  the  people,  and 
without  just  compensation  to  the  owners  of  slaves  within  the 
District. 

"  7th.  Resolved:  That  more  effectual  provisions  ought  to  be 
made  by  law,  according  to  the  requirement  of  the  Constitution, 
for  the  restitution  and  delivery  of  persons  bound  to  service 
or  labor  in  any  State,  who  may  escape  into  any  other  State 
o-  Territory  in  the  Union." 


118  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

There  were  eight  of  these  resolutions,  but  as  those 
already  given  are  the  only  ones  applicable  to  the  sub 
ject  of  this  chapter,  the  others  are  omitted. 

The  sophistry  of  the  Kentucky  orator  will  be  visible  in 
the  resolutions  above.  The  point  raised  in  the  first  res 
olution  was,  that  Congress  should  neither  prohibit  nor 
introduce  into  the  State,  by  implied  or  express  terms, 
the  system  of  Slavery.  "  Let  it  alone,"  was  his  doctrine. 
He  would  tickle  the  ear  of  the  slaveholder  by  assuring 
him  that  if  the  National  Government  did  not  establish 
and  sustain  the  institution  that  it  would  not  attempt  to 
prohibit  it. 

The  question  raised  in  the  second  resolve  was,  that  it 
was  not  likely  that  Slavery  will  be  introduced  into  any  of 
the  territory  within  the  limits  of  the  Territory  of  Cali 
fornia;  and  that  as  it  was  u  not  likely,"  therefore,  it 
was  a  inexpedient"  for  Congress  to  provide  either  for  its 
"  introduction  or  exclusion"  in  said  Territory.  By  this 
it  was  tacitly  acknowledged  that  Congress  had  the  power 
to  legislate  upon  the  subject,  but  that  it  was  "  inex 
pedient"  for  it  to  do  so.  The  inexpediency  in  the  mat 
ter  was  this;  that  Mr.  Clay  was  endeavoring  to  escape 
a  grave  responsibility — -trying  to  please  the  slaveholder 
at  the  sacrifice  of  cardinal  principles  of  Federal  au 
thority,  and  of  the  laws  of  nations  and  the  rights 
of  man,  while  the  expediency  would  have  been  that  the 
highest  judicial  authority  establish  the  fact,  that  no 
power  existed  under  the  Federal  Constitution  to  cap 
ture  or  return  slaves  who  might  have  escaped  into  the 
territory  of  the  nation;  and  that  so  soon  as  a  slave 
entered  the  Territories  he  was  free.  What  is  here  said 
will  apply  to  the  inexpedient  propositions  in  the  fifth 
resolve. 

The   recommendations  in  the  seventh  resolve  are 


-X.]  ADMISSION   OF   CALIFORNIA.  119 

what  disclose  the  cupidity  of  its  author.  He  advised 
more  effective  laws,  "  according  to  the  requirements  of 
the  Constitution,"  for  the  restitution  and  delivery  of 
persons  bound  to  service  or  labor  in  any  State,  who 
may  escape  into  any  other  State  or  Territory  of  the 
Union. 

Article  IV,  Section  2,  of  the  Constitution,  provides 
that,  "  No  person  held  to  service  or  labor  in  one  State, 
under  the  laws  thereof,  escaping  into  another,  shall,  in 
consequence  of  any  law  or  regulation  therein,  be  dis 
charged  from  such  service  or  labor,  but  shall  be  de 
livered  upon  claim  of  the  party  to  whom  such  service 
or  labor  may  be  due."  This  is  all  that  is  said  in 
the  Constitution  of  the  Union,  in  relation  to  the  re 
turn  of  persons  held  to  service  or  labor;  and  this 
directly  and  in  the  most  positive  terms  applied  to  the 
States  of  the  Union.  Where  did  the  Kentucky  States 
man  find  his  constitutional  requirements  to  return 
escaping  or  other  slaves  in  the  Territories  to  their  mas 
ters  in  either  the  States  or  Territories  ?  Let  the  im 
partial  reader  judge  of  this  expounder  of  the  Con 
stitution. 

Mr.  Foote,  addressing  the  President,  said: 

"  The  resolutions  of  the  honorable  Senator  assert  that  Slavery 
does  not  now  exist  by  law  in  the  Territories  recently  acquired 
from  Mexico;  whereas,  I  am  of  the  opinion  that  the  treaty  with  the 
Mexican  Republic  carried  the  Constitution  with  all  its  guarantees, 
to  all  the  territory  obtained  by  treaty,  and  secured  the  privilege 
to  every  Southern  slaveholder  to  enter  any  part  of  it,  attended 
by  his  slave  property,  and  to  enjoy  the  same  therein,  free  from 
all  molestation  or  hindrance  whatever. 

"  If  all  other  questions  connected  with  the  subject  of  Slavery 
can  be  satisfactorily  adjusted,  I  see  no  objection  to  admitting  all 
California,  above  the  line  of  thirty-six  degrees  and  thirty  minutes, 
into  the  Union,  provided  another  new  Slave  State  can  be  laid  off 
within  the  present  limits  of  Texas,  so  as  to  keep  up  the  present 


120  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

equiponderance  between  the  Slave  and  the  Free  States  of  the 
Union." 

Mr.  Foote,  having  delivered  himself  of  this  exposition 
of  constitutional  powers  and  guarantees,  had  done  full 
justice  to  the  views  of  Southern  Senators  upon  the 
same  subject,  but  in  the  minds  of  constitutional  law 
yers,  untainted  by  the  influence  of  a  pecuniary  interest 
in  the  "  peculiar  institution,"  I  am  inclined  to  the  be 
lief  that  he  will  find  few  admirers  upon  the  question 
which  seemed  to  be  settled  in  the  honorable  Senator's 
mind,  that  Slavery  did  exist  in  the  territory  acquired 
from  Mexico  by  force  of  treaty  stipulations  with  the 
American  Government;  and  that  the  citizens  of  the 
Slave  States  were  guaranteed  protection  in  their  prop 
erty  (slaves),  and  could  enter  any  part  of  said  ter 
ritory,  and  enjoy  protection  from  the  Federal  Govern 
ment.  Four  barriers  stand  in  the  way  of  Mr.  Foote' s 
propositions:  1st.  That  the  normal  condition  of  man  is 
freedom.  2d.  That  Slavery  exists  only  by  the  opera 
tion  of  enacted  laws  or  long  continued  custom  within 
prescribed  territories  or  nations.  3d.  That  the  Mexi 
can  nation,  by  Act  of  Congress,  abolished  Slavery 
in  all  her  States  and  Territories  in  the- year  1829;  and 
that  Slavery  did  not  exist  in  any  of  said  territory 
at  the  time  of  its  acquisition  by  the  United  States,  and 
consequently,  no  conditions  of  that  nature,  nor  of 
property  in  man,  could  have  passed  to  the  incoming 
nation  demanding  its  support  and  protection  to  the 
citizen  in  this  species  of  property.  4th.  As  the  Govern 
ment  of  the  United  States  was  not  slaveholding,  and 
never  had  been,  and  as  Slavery  was  purely  a  creature  of 
St'tfe  laws,  there  were  no  guarantees  in  the  Constitu 
tion  to  that  species  of  property  in  the  Territories. 

Mr.  Mason,  debating  the  resolutions,  said; 


X.]  ADMISSION   OF   CALIFORNIA.  121 

"  But  there  is  another  which  I  deeply  regret  to  see  introduced 
into  this  Senate  by  a  Senator  from  a  slaveholding  State.  It  is 
that  which  assumes,  that  Slavery  does  not  now  exist  by  law 
in  those  countries.  I  understand  one  of  these  propositions 
to  declare,  that  by  law,  Slavery  is  now  abolished  in  New  Mexico 
and  California.  That  was  the  very  proposition  advocated  by 
non-slaveholding  States  at  the  last  session,  combated  and  dis 
proved,  as  I  thought,  by  gentlemen  of  the  slaveholding  States, 
and  which  the  Compromise  Bill  was  framed  to  test." 

The  remarks  upon  Mr.  Foote's  opinions  will  apply 
to  this  constitutional  expounder  (from  a  Southern 
stand-point) . 

Mr.  Davis,  of  Mississippi  (late  President  of  the  late 
Confederacy),  next  addressed  the  Senate  on  the  reso 
lutions.  He  said: 

"  As  with  regret  I  see  this,  the  conservative  branch  of  the 
Government,  tending  towards  that  fanaticism  which  seems  to 
prevail  with  the  majority  in  the  United  States,  I  wish  to  read 
from  the  journals  of  that  date  the  resolutions  thus  adopted,  and 
to  show  that  they  went  further  than  the  honorable  Senator  from 
Kentucky  has  stated.  *  *  *  *  I  will  read  the 
fifth  in  the  series,  that  to  which  the  honorable  Senator  from 
Kentucky  must  have  alluded.  It  is  in  these  words: 

"Resolved :  That  the  intermeddling  of  any  State  or  States,  or 
their  citizens,  to  abolish  Slavery  in  the  District  or  any  of  the  Ter 
ritories,  on  the  ground,  or  under  the  pretext  that  it  is  immoral 
or  sinful,  or  the  passage  of  any  act  or  measure  of  Congress, 
with  that  view,  would  be  a  direct  and  dangerous  attack  on 
the  institutions  of  all  the  slaveholding  States." 

Arguing  upon  these  resolutions  and  the  preceding 
remarks,  he  said: 

"  And  that  I  may  be  understood  upon  this  question,  and  that 
my  position  may  go  forth  to  the  country  in  the  same  columns 
that  convey  the  sentiments  of  the  Senator  from  Kentucky,  I 
here  assert,  that  never  will  I  take  less  than  the  Missouri  Com 
promise  Bill,  extended  to  the  Pacific  Ocean,  with  the  specific 
recognition  of  the  right  to  hold  slaves  in  the  territory  below 


122  REPUBLICANISM   TN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

that  line;  and  that  before  such  Territories  are  admitted  into  the 
Union  as  States,  slaves  may  be  taken  there  from  any  of  the 
United  States,  at  the  option  of  the  owners.  I  can  never  consent 
to  give  additional  power  to  a  majority  to  commit  further  aggres 
sions  upon  the  minority  in  this  Union.  *  *  *  * 
I  have  not  proposed  to  compel  slaveholders  to  take  their 
slaves  to  California,  nor  to  renew  the  African  slave  trade  there. 
*  *  *  *  We  maintain,  that  it  is  the  right  of  the 
people  of  the  South  .  to  carry  this  species  of  property  to  any 
portion  of  the  Territories  of  the  United  States;  that  it  rests 
under  the  Constitution,  upon  the  same  basis  as  other  property." 

Mr.  "Webster,  speaking  upon  Clay's  Compromise  Res 
olutions,  March  7th,  1850,  said: 

"  Mr.  President:  I  wish  to  speak  to-day  not  as  a  monarch,  a 
Southern  man,  nor  as  a  Northern  man,  but  as  an  American,  and 
a  member  of  the  Senate  of  the  United  States.  *  *  * 
Now  as  to  California  and  New  Mexico,  I  hold  Slavery  to  be  ex 
cluded  from  those  Territories  by  a  law  even  superior  to  that 
which  admits  and  sanctions  it  in  Texas.  I  mean  the  law  of  na 
ture.  I  mean  Slavery  as  we  regard  it — slaves  in 
the  gross,  of  the  colored  race,  transferable  by  sale  and  delivery 
like  other  property.  '*  *  I  hear  with  pain,  anguish 
and  distress  the  word  secession.  *  *  Peaceable  seces 
sion!  Sir,  your  eyes  and  mine  are  never  destined  to  see  that 
miracle — the  dismemberment  of  this  vast  country  without  con 
vulsion!  The  breaking  up  of  the  fountains  of  the  great  deep 
without  ruffling  the  surface !  Who  is  so  foolish  as  to  expect  to 
see  such  a  thing  ?  Sir,  he  who  sees  these  States  now  revolving 
in  harmony  around  a  common  centre,  and  expects  to  see  them 
quit  their  places  and  fly  off  without  convulsion,  may  look  the 
next  hour  to  see  the  heavenly  bodies  rush  from  their  spheres  and 
jostle  against  each  other  in  realms  of  space,  without  producing 
the  crash  of  the  universe.  There  can  be  no  such  thing  as  peace 
able  secession.  Peaceable  secession  is  an  utter  impossibility. 
Is  the  great  Constitution  under  which  we  live  here,  covering  the 
whole  country,  is  it  to  be  thawed  and  melted  away  by  secession, 
as  the  snows  of  the  mountains  melt  under  the  influence  of  the 
vernal  sun,  disappear  almost  unobserved  and  die  off?  No,  sir! 
No,  sirl  *  *  I  see  it  as  plainly  as  I  see  the  sun  in 


X.]  ADMISSION   OF  CALIFORNIA.  123 

heaven.  I  see  that  disruption  must  produce  such  a  war  as  I 
will  not  describe  in  its  two-fold  characters. 

"  Peaceable  secession!  peaceable  secession!  The  concurrent 
agreement  of  all  the  members  of  this  great  Eepublic  to  separate 
— a  voluntary  separation,  with  alimony  on  one  side  and  on  the 
other;  why,  what  would  be  the  result  ?  Where  is  the  line  to  be 
drawn  ?  What  States  are  to  secede  ?  What  is  to  remain  Amer 
ica  ?  What  am  I  to  be  ?  An  American  no  longer  ?  Where  is 
the  flag  of  the  Kepublic  to  remain  ?  Where  is  the  eagle  still  to 
tower  ? — or  is  he  to  cower  and  shrink  and  fall  to  the  ground  ? 
*  *  Our  children  and  our  grandchildren  would  cry  out 
shame  upon  us  if  we  of  this  generation  should  dishonor  these 
ensigns  of  the  power  of  the  Government  and  the  harmony  of  the 
Union,  which  is  every  day  felt  among  us  with  so  much  joy  and 
gratitude.  What  is  to  become  of  the  Army  ?  What  is  to  become 
of  the  Navy  ?  What  is  to  become  of  the  public  lands  ?  How  is 
each  of  the  thirty  States  to  defend  itself  ?  I  know,  although  the 
idea  has  not  been  stated  distinctly,  there  is  to  be  a  Southern 
Confederacy.  I  hold  the  idea  of  a  separation  of 

these  States — those  that  are  free  to  form  one  Government,  and 
those  that  are  slaveholding  to  form  another — as  a  moral  impos 
sibility.  *  And  now,  Mr.  President,  instead  of  the 
possibility  or  utility  of  secession,  instead  of  dwelling  in  these 
caverns  of  darkness,  instead  of  groping  with  those  ideas  'so  full 
of  all  that  is  horrid  and  horrible,  let  us  come  into  the  light  of 
day — let  us  enjoy  the  fresh  air  of  Liberty  and  Union — let  us 
cherish  those  hopes  that  belong  to  us — let  us  devote  ourselves 
to  those  great  objects  that  are  fit  for  our  considerations  and  our 
actions." 

Mr.  Calhoun  said: 

"  If  the  .question  is  not  now  settled,  it  Is  uncertain  whether  it 
ever  can  hereafter  be,  and  we,  as  the  representatives  of  the 
States  of  this  Union,  regarded  as  Governments,  should  come  to 
a  distinct  understanding  as  to  our  respective  views,  in  order  to 
ascertain  whether  the  great  questions  at  issue  can  be  settled  or 
not.  If  you  who  represent  the  strong  portion  cannot  agree  to 
settle  them  on  broad  principles  of  justice  and  duty,  say  so,  and 
let  the  States  we  both  represent  agree  to  separate  and  part  in 
peace.  If  you  are  unwilling  that  we  should  part  in  peace,  tell 
us  so,  and  we  will  know  what  to  do  when  you  reduce  the  ques- 


124  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

tion  to  submission  or  resistance.  If  you  remain  silent  you  will 
compel  us  to  infer  what  you  intend.  In  that  case,  California 
will  become  the  test  question." 

Let  it  be  remembered  that  the  only  objection  to  the 
admission  of  California  was  that  her  Constitution  pro 
hibited  Slavery.  [During  the  period  of  these  debates 
John.  C.  Calhoun,  Z.  Taylor,  President  of  the  United 
States,  and  Mr.  Elmore,  United  States  Senator,  elected 
to  succeed  Calhoun,  and  David  P.  King,  Representa 
tive,  all  four  died.]  Daniel  Webster  was  appointed 
Secretary  of  State  for  the  United  States,  left  the  Sen 
ate,  and  was  succeeded  by  the  appointment  of  Honora 
ble  Robert  0.  Winthrop,  by  the  Governor  of  Massachu 
setts. 

The  tedious  debate  on  the  admission  of  California 
here  ended,  Monday,  August  12th,  1850,  by  a  vote  of 
the  Senate  on  her  admission,  which  resulted  as  follows, 
the  composition  of  which  will  at  once  show  the  strong 
party  feeling  existing  in  the  Senate:  Yeas — Messrs. 
Baldwin  and  Smith,  Connecticut ;  Bell,  Tennessee ;  Ben- 
ton,  Missouri ;  Bradbury  and  Hamlin,  Maine;  Bright  and 
Whitcomb,  Indiana;  Cass  and  Felch,  Michigan;  Chase 
and  Ewing,  Ohio ;  Cooper  and  Sturgeon,  Pennsylvania ; 
Davis,  Massachusetts;  Dickinson  and  Seward,  New 
York;  Dodge  and  Walker,  Wisconsin;  Dodge  and 
Jones,  Iowa;  Douglas  and  Shields,  Illinois;  Greene, 
Rhode  Island;  Hale  and  Norris,  New  Hampshire ;  Hous 
ton,  Texas;  Miller,  New  Jersey;  Phelps,  Yermont; 
Spruance  arid  Wales,  Delaware; Underwood,  Kentucky; 
Upham,  Yermont;  Winthrop,  Massachusetts— 34. 

Nays — " Messrs.  Atchison,  Missouri;  Borland  and 
Sebastian,  Arkansas;  Berrien  and  Dawson,  Georgia; 
Foote,  Mississippi;  Hunter  and  Mason,  Yirginia;  King, 
Alabama;  Morton  and  Yulee,  Florida;  Pratt,  South 


X.]  ADMISSION   OF   CALIFORNIA.  125 

Carolina;  Rusk,  Texas;  Soule,  Louisiana ; Turney,  Ten 
nessee — 18. 

But  the  Democracy  were  not  satisfied  with  this  pop 
ular  expression  of  the  Senate  for  her  admission,  and 
on  Wednesday,  August  14th,  presented  a  remonstrance 
to  the  Senate,  as  follows: 

"We,  the  undersigned  Senators,  deeply  impressed  with  the 
importance  of  the  occasion,  and  with  a  solemn  sense  of  the  re 
sponsibility  under  which  we  are  acting,  respectfully  submit  the 
following  protest  against  the  bill  admitting  California  as  a  State 
into  this  Union,  and  request  that  it  may  be  entered  upon  the 
Journal  of  the  Senate.  We  feel  that  it  is  not  enough  to  have 
resisted  in  debate  alone  a  bill  so  fraught  with  mischief  to  the 
Union  and  the  States  we  represent,  with  all  the  resources  of  ar 
gument  which  we  possessed,  but  that  it  is  also  due  to  ourselves, 
the  people  whose  interests  have  been  intrusted  to  our  care,  and 
to  posterity,  which  even  in  its  most  distant  generations  may  feel- 
its  consequences,  to  leave  in  whatever  form  may  be  most  solemn 
and  enduring,  a  memorial  of  the  opposition  which  we  have  made 
to  this  measure,  and  of  the  reasons  by  which  we  have  been  gov 
erned,  upon  the  pages  of  a  journal  which  the  Constitution  re 
quires  to  be  kept  so  long  as  the  Senate  may  have  an  existence. 
We  desire  to  place  the  reasons  upon  which  we  are  -willing  to  be 
judged  by  generations  living,  and  yet  to  come,  for  our  opposi 
tion  to  a  bill  whose  consequences  may  be  so  durable  and  portent 
ous  as  to  make  it  an  object  of  deep  interest  to  all  who  may  come 
after  us. 

"  We  have  dissented  from  this  bill  because  it  gives  the  sanc 
tion  of  law,  and  thus  imparts  validity  to  the  unauthorized  action 
of  a  portion  of  the  inhabitants  of  California,  by  which  an  odious 
discrimination  is  made  against  the  property  of  fifteen  slavehold- 
ing  States  of  the  Union,  who  are  thus  deprived  of  that  position 
of  equality  which  the  Constitution  so  manifestly  designs,  and 
which  constitutes  the  only  sure  and  stable  foundation  in  which 
this  Union  can  repose. 

"  Because  the  right  of  the  slaveholding  States  to  a  common 
and  equal  enjoyment  of  the  territory  of  the  Union  has  been  de 
feated  by  a  system  of  measures  which,  without  the  authority  of 
precedent,  of  law,  or  of  the  C6nstitution,  are  manifestly  con- 
9 


126  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

trived  for  that  purpose,  and  which  Congress  must  sanction  and 
adopt,  should  this  bill  become  a  law. 

"  Because  to  vote  for  a  bill  passed  under  such  circumstances 
would  be  to  agree  to  a  principle  which  may  exclude  forever  here 
after,  as  it  does  now,  the  States  which  we  represent  from  all  en 
joyment  of  the  common  territory  of  the  Union — a  principle 
which  destroys  the  equal  rights  of  their  constituents,  the  equali 
ty  of  their  States  in  the  Confederacy,  the  equal  dignity  of  those 
whom  they  represent,, as  men  and  as  citizens  in  the  eye  of  the 
law,  and  their  equal  title  to  the  protection  of  the  Government 
and  the  Constitution. 

"  Because  all  the  propositions  have  been  rejected  which  have 
been  made  to  obtain  either  a  recognition  of  the  rights  of  the 
slaveholding  States  to  a  common  enjoyment  of  all  the  territory 
of  the  United  States,  or  to  a  fair  division  of  that  territory  be 
tween  the  slaveholding  and  non-slaveholding  States  of  the  Union 
— every  effort  having  failed  which  has  been  made  to  obtain  a  fair 
division  of  the  territory  proposed  to  be  brought  in  as  the  State 
of  California. 

"  But,  lastly,  we  dissent  from  this  bill,  and  solemnly  protest 
against  its  passage,  because  in  sanctioning  measures  so  contrary 
to  former  precedent,  to  obvious  policy,  to  the  spirit  and  intent 
of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  for  the  purpose  of  ex 
cluding  the  slaveholding  States  from  the  territory  thus  to  be 
erected  into  a  State,  this  Government  in  effect  declares  that  the 
exclusion  of  Slavery  from  the  territory  of  the  United  States  is 
an  object  so  high  and  important  as  to  justify  a  disregard  not  only 
of  all  the  principles  of  sound  policy,  but  also  of  the  Constitution 
itself.  Against  this  conclusion  we  must  now  and  forever  protest, 
as  it  is  destructive  of  the  safety  and  liberties  of  those  whose 
rights  have  been  committed  to  our  care,  fatal  to  the  peace  and 
equality  of  the  States  which  we  represent,  and  must  lead,  if  per 
sisted  in,  to  the  dissolution  of  that  Confederacy  in  which  the 
slaveholding  States  have  never  sought  more  than  equality,  and 
in  which  they  will  not  be  content  to  remain  with  less. 

"  J.  M.  Mason,  E.  M.  T.  Hunter,  Virginia;  A.  P.  Butler,  E. 
B.  Barnwell,  South  Carolina;  H.  L.  Turney,  Tennessee;  Pierre 
Soule,  Louisiana;  Jefferson  Davis,  Mississippi;  David  E.  Atchi- 
son,  Missouri;  Jackson  Morton,  D.  L.  Yulee,  Florida. 

"  Senate  Chamber,  August  13th,  1850." 


X.]  ADMISSION   OF   CALIFORNIA.  127 

On  September  9th,  1850,  the  Clerk  of  the  House  of 
Representatives  announced  to  the  Senate  the  passage 
of  a  bill  by  the  House  of  Representatives  for  the  ad 
mission  of  California,  and  she  was  admitted  into  the 
family  of  States, 


CHAPTER    XI. 

EIGHTS  OF  THE  PEOPLE  TO  TAKE  SLAVES  INTO  THE"  TERRITORIES.— INTEREST 
AND  COMPROMISE.— UNITED  STATES  AND  STATE  COURTS  DECISIONS  ON.— 
STATUS  OF  COLORED  PERSONS.— SLAVES  REAL  ESTATE.— RUNAWAY  NE 
GROES  MAY  BE  TRACKED  WITH  DOGS,  IF  DONE  WITH  CIRCUMSPECTION. 

THE  right  of  citizens  of  the  Slave  States  to  carry 
their  slaves  into  the  Free  States  as  body  servants  or 
domestics,  and  the  time  that  they  should  remain  in  such 
Free  States  with  such  slaves,  and  whether  such  a  de 
lay  prolonged  beyond  the  reasonable  time  for  the  pur 
poses  of  a  traveling  or  pleasure  excursion,  or  the  recu 
peration  '  of  ill  health,  was  long  an  open  question. 
How  long  could  a  slave  be  held  by  his  master  in  a  Free 
State  under  the  Constitution  and  laws  of  States  pro 
hibiting  Slavery  within  their  limits,  was  equally  unde 
cided.  The  broad  declaration  upon  which  is  founded 
American  Liberty,  that  all  men  are  created  equal,  cer 
tainly  has  its  forcible  significance  in  every  State  and 
Territory  of  the  Union.  Freedom  is  the  normal  condi 
tion  of  all  men.  Slavery  owes  its  origin  to  a  perversion  of 
a  law  of  nature,  and -is  controlled  in  its  operation  and 
extent  by  the  local  laws  of  the  Nations,  States  or  Dis 
tricts  in  which  it  exists.  At  the  time  of  the  adoption 
of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  Slavery  ex 
isted  in  all  the  Colonies  except  Massachusetts,  where 
it  had  been  abolished  shortly  before  that  period  by  a 
Bill  of  Rights  to  the  new  Constitution  of  the  State. 

It  will  be  conceded,  no  doubt,  that  once  a  State 
having  abolished  Slavery  within  her  limits,  or  coming 
into  the  Union  with  a  prohibition  of  Slavery,  that  no 


XL]  SLAVERY   IN   THE    TERRITORIES.  129 

power  exists  in  the  General  Government  to  impose 
Slavery  upon  the  inhabitants  of  such  State,  and  that 
no  power  exists  in  a  State  to  extend  beyond  its  own 
limits  either  Freedom  or  Slavery.  As  well  might  the 
law  makers  of  a  State  attempt  to  extend  their  jurisdic 
tion  in  this  matter  to  a  foreign  nation  as  to  any  ter 
ritory  outside  of  its  own  limits  and  within  an  adjoining 
State  of  the  same  Confederacy,  or  the  public  domain 
of  the  General  Government. 

The  acquisition  of  territory  by  a  nation  is  either  by 
original  discovery  and  possession  in  the  name  of  the 
sovereign,  by  conquest,  by  cession,  or  by  purchase  con 
cluded  by  the  Executive  or  Legislative  Departments  of 
a  nation.  These  are  the  modes  of  acquisition  by  those 
nations  having  a  Government  consolidated  or  made  up 
of  confederated  States;  and  territory  might  undoubt 
edly  have  been  acquired  in  either  or  all  of  these  modes 
by  any  of  the  original  States  of  the  Union  before  the 
adoption  of  the  Articles  of  Confederation,  or  before  the 
adoption  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  so 
long  as  they  acted  in  a  national  capacity,  and  main 
tained  even  a  de  facto  Government,  but  not  so  when 
they  surrendered  their  national  character  to  the  United 
States. 

Man,  neither  by  the  laws  of  nature,  the  common  law, 
nor  the  law  of  nations,  is  regarded  as  a  chattel,  but 
the  reverse  is  the  governing  rule,  and  man  is  in  all 
conditions,  and  in  all  lands,  supposed  to  be  free — to  go 
and  return,  and  do  whatsoever  -to  him  seemeth  best, 
and  to  control  his  liberty.  Some  law  must  be  shown, 
enacted  by  constitutional  authority,  depriving  him  of 
his  liberty.  Man  not  being  the  subject  of  barter  by  the 
common  law,  and  those  States,  or  parts  of  nations,  or 
nations  themselves,  holding  slaves,  cannot  have  pro- 


130  REPUBLICANISM  IN  AMERICA.  [Chap. 

cess  for  the  return  and  delivery  of  a  human  being  upon 
the  plea  of  oivnership,  outside  of  their  own  territory, 
because  the  common  law  and  the  law  of  nature  knows 
no  such  condition  of  the  human  race,  and  only  for  the 
commission  of  high  crimes,  before  or  after  conviction, 
do  the  laws  and  customs  of  nations  return  the  body  of 
a  human  creature  to  the  Supreme  Executive  of  a  State 
or  Nation,  and  not  to  the  possession  or  control  of  an 
individual.  The  philosophy  of  common  sense,  and  the 
philosophy  of  good  government,  teach  the  equity  of 
this. 

-  The  existence  of  Slavery  in  the  Colonies  of  America 
prior  to  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States,  might  well  excuse  those  holding  that  species 
of  " property"  in  legislating  for  its  security  iir  the  sev 
eral  States.  The  avarice  of  man  might  plead  a  justifi 
cation;  but  it  is  most  difficult  to  conceive  upon  what 
theory  or  hypothesis  an  argument  can  rest  to  justify  the 
General  Government  in  upholding  it.  The  legislative 
branch  of  a  Republic  in  extending  her  patronage  and 
support  to  a  traffic  so  odious  and  so  at  variance  with 
the  meaning,  scope,  and  genius  of  a  Republican  form 
of  government,  would  seem  to  be  a  palpable  violation 
of  the  fundamental  principles  upon  which  the  Govern 
ment  was  established. 

The  fierce  debates  in  the  Convention  that  framed 
the  Constitution,  and  the  contentions  upon  the  subject 
of  Louisiana,  Texas,  Missouri,  and  California,  the  Com 
promise  and  Fugitive  Slave  bills,  all  of  which  the  read 
er  has  found  in  preceding  chapters,  and  which  need 
not  be  here  referred  to  again,  have  clearly  shown  that 
interest  upon  the  part  of  those  holding  these  "  chattels" 
controlled  the  legislation  of  the  nation,  and  that  the 
great  balance  wheel  of  Federal  power  and  Federal  pat- 


XI.]  SLAVERY   IN   THE   TERRITORIES.  131 

ronage  was  kept  in  motion  by  "men  held  to  service  or 
labor." 

The  acquisition  of  the  vast  public  domain  since  the 
formation  of  the  Federal  Union,  was  the  act  of  the 
General  Government,  and  not  the  act  of  the  States. 
But  as  the  same  persons  legislating  in  the  Slave  States 
— or  at  least  the  people  of  those  States — were  called 
into  the  National  Councils  to  enact  laws,  the  national 
legislation  at  each  period  of  the  Government  partook 
of  the  feeling  and  interest  of  that  section.  It  does  not, 
therefore,  appear  strange  that  the  hands  of  the  national 
legislators  could  not  be  kept  clean  of  the  stain  of  con 
verting  the  United  States  Government  into  a  prop 
agator  of  Slavery,  and  her  Courts  of  Justice  and  Mar 
shals  into  dealers  in  and  catchers  of  men. 

Article  IY,  Section  2,  of  the  Federal  Constitution 
says:  "No  person  held  to  service  or  labor  in  one 
State,  under  the  laws  thereof,  escaping  into  another, 
shall,  in  consequence  of  any  law  or  regulation  therein, 
be  discharged  from  such  service  or  labor,  but  shall  be 
delivered  upon  claim  of  the  party  to  whom  such  serv 
ice  or  labor  may  be  due." 

This  being  the  fundamental  law  of  the  land,  it  can 
not  be  disputed  as  to  the  limits  to  which  it  was  confined 
by  its  own  language — "held  to  service  or  labor  in  one 
State,  and  escaping  into  another."  It  will  be  seen  that 
this  clause  of  the  Constitution  refers  in  direct  terms 
to  the  States,  and  that  its  operation  and  execution  must 
be  confined  where  its  phraseology  places  it.  This 
clause,  as  has  already  been  seen,  was  inserted  in  the 
Constitution  under  the  roll  of  the  Juggernaut  wheel  of 
the  slave  power ;  but  it  left  open  two  issues  of  vital  in 
terest.  First,  the  authority  by  which  the  law  should 
be  executed,  if  disobeyed;  and  secondly,  its  silence 


132  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

upon  its  force  or  effect  in  the  Territories.  These  two 
subjects,  more  than  any  others,  had  absorbed  the  pub 
lic  attention — disturbed  national  and  State  legislation — 
and,  in  1861,  culminated  in  the  greatest  civil  war  of 
any  age. 

With  the  growth  and  development  of  the  nation 
came  the  growth  and  spread  of  Slavery,  and  the  acqui 
sition  of  territory ;  and  with  the  development  of  these 
came  the  necessity  for  the  application  of  constitution 
al  principles — not  only  as  to  the  return  of  a  persons 
held  to  service  or  labor,"  but  to  the  powers  of  the 
General  Government  in  the  matter  of  the  admission  of 
new  States  into  the  Union,  and  as  to  whether  the  in 
coming  States  should  be  left  to  their  own  free  will  in 
framing  their  Constitutions,  or  whether  or  not  the 
Legislative  Department  of  the  National  Government 
should  prescribe  what  kind  of  a  Constitution  they 
should  come  in  with — whether  or  not  it  should  prohibit 
Slavery,  or  determine  what  kind  of  government  was 
Republican  in  form.  Upon  these  subjects,  as  they  de 
veloped  themselves  at  each  stage  of  the  Nation's  pro 
gress,  they  were  met  by  interest,  and  compromises 
were  entered  into  to  meet  the  demands  of  conflicting 
parties.  As  the  States  of  the  North  abolished  Slavery, 
they,  or  some  of  them,  in  turn  protested  against  the 
process  of  the  judicial  authority  coming  from  the  Slave 
States  into  the  Free  States  to  capture  and  return  slaves, 
and  the  power  of  the  Federal  Government  had  to  be 
invoked  to  carry  the  letter  of  the  Constitution  into 
execution.  So  we  find  the  National  Congress  pass 
ing  laws  for  the  rendition  of  the  slave  to  his  master  in 
the  States  and  Territories.  But  as  the  Constitution 
was  invoked,  its  letter  and  spirit  must  be  interpreted, 
and  the  friends  of  Freedom  asserted  boldly  that  it  was 


XI.]  SLAVERY   IN  THE  TERRITORY.  133 

silent  upon  the  subject  of  capturing  slaves  in  the  Ter 
ritories. 

Mixed  with  this  subject  was  the  question  of  whether 
or  no  Congress  could  prescribe  the  conditions  of  the 
Constitutions  of  new.  States,  organized  out  of  the  ter 
ritory,  and  seeking  admission  into  the  Union.  The 
statesmen  of  the  South  contended  that  Congress  had 
no  constitutional  power  to  dictate  terms,  either  for  or 
against  Slavery,  whilst  the  statesmen  from  the  North 
held  that  the  National  Legislature  had  the  sole  power 
of  passing  all  necessary  laws  for  the  Territories,  and 
that  the  Constitution  imposed  upon  it  the  power  and 
the  duty  to  "  guarantee  to  every  State  a  Republican 
form  of  government." 

The  National  Legislature,  in  obedience  to  the  influ 
ence  of  sectional  feeling,  passed  the  acts  known  as  the 
li  Fugitive  Slave  Laws,"  [the  reader  has  already  been 
referred  to  these  acts,]  and  the  judicial  branch  of  the 
Government  had  sustained  them  by  elaborate  opinions 
upon  their  constitutionality. 

The  reader  will  observe  my  declared  opinion,  that 
Slavery  is  purely  a  local  affair,  confined  to  such  geo 
graphical  limits  as  may  be  included  within  the  State 
or  Nation  which  claims  to  hold  men  in  Slavery  by  writ 
ten  laws  or  long  custom,  and  as  the  Constitution  was 
silent  upon  the  subject  of  Slavery  in  the  Territories,  it 
must  be  concluded  that  as  no  law  of  the  National  Gov 
ernment  placed  it  there,  that  the  Territories  must  be 
free ;  and  so  it  would  follow  that  if  slaves  in  like  man 
ner  should  be  carried  from  one  State  of  the  Union  into 
a  Free  State,  and  there  employed  or  held,  they  would 
also  become  free,  because  the  State  prohibitions  gen 
erally  declare  that  Slavery  shall  not  oe  nor  exist  within 
their  limits. 


134  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

The  language  of  the  Constitution  relating  to  persons 
held  to  service  being  returned,  was  that  if  such  per 
sons  escape  they  shall  be  returned  to  their  masters; 
and  even  this  escape  does  not  apply  to  the  Territories 
but  to  the  States.  It  follows,  then,  that  if  a  slave  en 
tered  a  Free  State  by  any  other  means  than  an  escape 
from  his  State  or  master,  that  he  would  not  be  subject 
to  arrest  under  this  clause  of  the  Constitution.  If  he 
enter  the  Free  State  or  the  Free  Territory  by  accident 
or  mistake,  or  by  the  consent  of  the  master,  then  he 
would  become  free ;  or,  if  whilst  an  escaping  slave,  be 
ing  in  a  Free  State,  bring  forth  offspring,  then  such 
offspring  would  be  free.  It  may  not  be  here  uninter 
esting  to  give  a  few  of  the  judicial  opinions,  State  and 
National,  upon  these  and  other  points.  The  reader 
will  be?,r  in  mind  that  it  is  impossible  to  conceal  the 
fact  that  many  of  the  decisions  are  colored  with  in 
fluences  or  interests  financial  or  political. 

"  United  States  Constitution,  Article  IV,  Sees.  2  and  3  are  con 
fined  to  persons  held  to  service  or  labor  escaping  from  one  State 
to  another,  and  do  not  extend  to  the  case  of  a  person  brought 
voluntarily  by  his  master  into  another  State  or  Territory.  Liv- 
ermore  v.  People,  26  Barber  (New  York),  page  270." 

<f  A.  contract  to  set  a  slave  free  on  a  certain  day,  on  certain 
conditions,  whether  made  with  the  vendor  on  sale  and  purchase 
of  the  slave,  or  with  the  slave  himself,  is  an  executory  contract 
for  emancipation,  and  a  specific  performance  of  it  cannot  be  en 
forced  by  the  slave  in  a  Court  of  Law  or  Equity.  Jackson  v. 
Bobb,  18  (Arkansas),  page  399." 

"  It  is  lawful  to  track  runaway  negroes  with  dogs,  provided  it 
be  done  with  a  due  degree  of  caution  and  circumspection.  Mo- 
ran  v.  Davis,  18  (Georgia),  page  722." 

"  A  conveyance  of  land  and  slaves  in  trust,  to  allow  the  slaves 
to  occupy  the  land  and  receive  the  profits  thereof,  and  of  their 
labor,  is  void.  Smith  v.  Betty,  11  Gratt  (Virginia),  page  752." 

"A  bequest  of  freedom  to  a  slave  is  void,  in  consequence  of 


XI.]  SLAVERY  ADJUDICATED.  135 

his  incapacity  to  take  under  the  will.     Koberson  v.  Roberson, 
21  Alabama,  page  237." 

"  In  a  Slave  State  every  colored  man  is  supposed  to  be  a  slave. 
Miller  v.  McQuerry,  5  McLean,  page  469." 

It  will  •  be  seen  by  the  decision  of  the  Supreme 
Court  in  the  Arkansas  case  above  cited,  that  a  contract 
with  a  slave  for  emancipation  is  void ;  and  by  the  de 
cision  of  the  Georgia  Supreme  Court  in  Moran  v.  Davis, 
that  it  is  lawful  to  track  runaway  negroes  with.  dogs. 
The  reader  will  observe  how  careful  the  learned  Judges 
of  the  Supreme  Court  of  Georgia  were  in  not  putting 
in  the  word  slave,  or  person  held  to  service  or  labor, 
but  negroes,  which  includes  in  this  sense  an}T  persons 
having  any  negro  blood  in  them,  or  whose  mother  was 
a  slave,  be  she  black  or  white ;  or  be  the  father  of  the 
negro  black  or  white ;  nor  does  the  learned  Court  say 
whether  the  "moderation  and  circumspection"  shall 
be  observed  by  the  master  or  by  the  dogs. 

In  the  Alabama  case  it  will  be  seen  that  a  bequest 
of  freedom  by  will  to  a  slave  was  void,  because  a  slave 
could  not  take  by  device.  And  in  the  case  of  Miller 
v.  McQuerry,  above,  it  will  be  seen  that  the  United 
States  Circuit  Court  decided  that  in  "  Slave  States 
every  colored  man  is  presumed  to  be  a  slave."  It  is 
most  difficult  to  reconcile  this  very  singular  opinion 
either  with  the  principles  of  law  or  common  sense. 
Neither  the  law  of  nations,  the  civil  nor  common  law, 
nor  the  laws  of  nature  make  any  such  violent  presump 
tion.  Congress  certainly  has  not  attempted  to  legis 
late  this  presumption  into  a  law,  and  a  State  Legisla 
ture,  in  enacting  such  a  rule,  would  certainly  little  ex 
pect  that  a  species  of  legislation  so  much  at  variance 
with  the  acknowledged  laws  of  civilized  nations  and 
the  laws  of  nature,  could  be  supported  even  by  State 


136  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

judicial  tribunals/ much  less  by  the  Courts  of  a  great 
nation,  which  declare  by  the  fundamental  law  that  all 
men  are  created  equal. 

In  viewing  a  decision  so  sweeping  in  its  effects,  it 
would  be  well  to  ascertain  whether  the  learned  Judge 
did  or  did  not  mean  it  to  be  understood  that  in  a  State 
or  country  where  Slavery  existed  in  a  reverse  form  from 
that  in  which  it  did  in  the  United  States,  (i.  e.  where 
the  slave  is  the  white  man,  and  his  master  the  black 
or  colored  man,)  his  decision  would  be  applicable;  or 
in  a  case  where  the  master  was  colored  and  the  slave 
also  colored,  as  is  the  case  in  parts  of  Asia,  and  was 
the  case  in  many  of  the  Slave  States  of  America.  If 
this  be  good  law,  then  in  the  State  or  country  where 
the  white  man  was  the  slave,  and  his  master  the  col 
ored  man,  the  relation  would  be  at  once  reversed,  and 
the  master  would  be  put  upon  his  proofs  that  lie  was 
not  the  slave;  and  where  the  master  and  slave  were 
loth  colored,  and  Slavery  existing  there,  then,  prima 
facie,  the  colored  man  would  be  held  to  be  a  slave ;  and 
as  this  would  embrace  both  master  and  slave,  the  whole 
community  would  be  slaves,  even  if  there  was  not  a 
man  who  was  not  colored  in  the  whole  Nation.  Query : 
Who  would  be  the  master? 

According  to  this  decision  the  whole  free  colored 
population  might  have  been  arrested,  imprisoned,  and 
tried  as  being  slaves,  and  it  would  have  been  purely 
competent  to  hold  them  as  slaves,  unless  they  had 
brought  clear  proofs  that  they  were  not  slaves. 

Nor  does  the  Court  say  that  this  shall  apply  to 
negroes,  blacks,  Africans,  or  persons  of  African  de 
scent;  but  colored.  Which  color  did  the  Court  mean? 
Mulatto,  octoroon,  black,  brown,  copper,  yellow,  or 
red  ?  There  are  as  many  shades  of  colored  men  as 


XI.]  SLAVERY   ADJUDICATED.  137 

there  are  of  colors  between  black  and  white,  and 
the  colored  are  twenty  to  one  of  the  whites  the  world 
over.  Did  the  Court  mean  to  say  that  if  one  China 
man  held  another  in  Slavery  in  his  own  country,  that 
because  Slavery  existed  there,  that  all  colored  men  would 
be  presumed  to  be  slaves  ?  This  is  what  the  decision 
does  say.  Such  twaddle,  emanating  from  the  Courts 
of  the  enlightened  itepublic  of  America,  is  nauseating. 

"  In  Alabama,  the  presumption  arising  from  color,  indicating 
African  descent,  is  that  the  person  is  a  slave.  Becton  v.  Fur- 
geson,  22  Alabama,  page  599." 

What  was  written  respecting  the  decision  of  the 
United  States  Circuit  Court  will  apply  to  this  decision. 

"  The  Act  of  1806,  Section  32,  called  the  Black  Code,  justifies 
the  firing  upon  runaway  slaves  who  are  armed,  or  who,  when 
pursued,  refuse  to  surrender;  avoiding,  however,  if  possible,  the 
killing  of  them.  Laparouse  v.  Bice,  13  Louisiana,  page  567." 

In  view  of  this  decision  by  the  highest  judicial  tri 
bunal,  and  the  case  reported  in  5th  McLean,  above 
alluded  to,  it  is  plain  to  be  seen  that  the  position  of 
the  slave  in  Louisiana  was  anything  but  pleasant ;  and 
as  all  colored  men  were,  in  consequence  of  their  color, 
supposed  to  be  slaves,  and  if  one  of  this  class  of  per 
sons,  although  free,  should  be  pursued  anywhere,  and 
ordered  to  stand,  and  if  he  refused  to  do  so,  he  could 
be  fired  upon,  "avoiding,  however,  if  possible  the  kill 
ing  of  him,"  will  show  the  imminent  jeopardy  of  the 
colored  inhabitants  of  the  Slave  States,  and  the  absolute 
control  of  the  master. 

A  testator  made  this  provision  in  his  will : 

"  The  negroes  loaned  my  wife,  at  her  death,  I  wish  to  have 
thtsir  choice  of  being  emancipated  or  sold  publicly;  if  they  prefer 
being  emancipated,  it  is  my  wish  that  they  be  hired  out  until 


138  REPUBLICANISM   IN  AMERICA.  [Chap. 

a  sufficient  sum  is  raised  to  pay  their  expenses  to  a  land  where 
they  can  enjoy  freedom. 

"  Held,  that  as  the  manumission  of  the  slaves  was  made  to 
depend  upon  their  own  election,  an  act  of  which  they  were 
legally  incapable,  the  provision  was  void.  Bailey  v.  Poinclexter, 
14  Gratt.  (Virginia),  page  132." 

The  beauties  of  the  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court 
of  the  "  Mother  of  Presidents/'  viewed  in  its  equitable 
bearings,  will  be  apparent  and  needs  no  comment. 

"  A  bequest  of  slaves,  with  a  provision  by  which  they  may  be 
supported  without  working  like  other  slaves,  is  a  violation  of 
the  'policy  of  the  State,  and  void.  Lee  v.  Brown,  3  James*' 
Equity  (North  Carolina),  page  141." 

"  A.  bequest  of  two  hundred  acres  of  land  and  three  thou 
sand  dollars,  with  a  family  of  slaves,  who  were  valuable,  with  a 
provision  that  on  the  death  or  insolvency  of  the  legatee  one 
of  the  slaves  should  select  an  owner,  who  was  also  to  take 
the  land  and  money,  with  an  injunction  that  the  slaves  should 
be  treated  kindly  and  humanely,  is  manifestly  for  the  ease 
and  benefit  of  the  slaves,  and  against  public  policy."  Same 
authority  as  last  above. 

Persons  who  feel  disposed  to  be  treated  "  kindly 
and  humanely,"  and  who  like  "  ease,"  particularly 
if  they  are  "  colored,"  will,  no  doubt,  be  deeply  in 
terested 'in  studying  the  two  last  above  decisions.  It 
was  scarcely  necessary  for  the  highest  judicial  tribunal 
of  the  slave-breeding  State  of  North  C.  to  have  as 
serted  that  anything  tending  to  the  ease  and  comfort 
of  the  slave  was  against  public  policy,  and  void,  as 
such  has  always  been  Southern  Democratic  policy,  as 
the  blood,  tears,  and  unrequited  toil  of  two  and  a 
half  centuries  of  the  poor  slave  will  abundantly  tes 
tify.  How  long  Democratic  speakers  and  the  Demo 
cratic  press  will  advocate  this  doctrine  is  uncertain. 

The  subject  of  this  decision  would  form  an  interesting 


XI.]  SLAVERY   ADJUDICATED.  139 

basis  for  a  Democratic  speech  to  a  Democratic  Freed- 
man's  Club,  as  it  might  enlighten  them  upon  the  love 
of  their  former  masters  toward  them. 

"  In  a  suit  for  freedom,  by  Ann,  claimed  as  a  slave,  proof  that 
her  grandmother  was  a  mulatto  and  a  slave,  and  that  her  mother 
was  a  quadroon  and  slave,  and  the  father  a  white  man,  was  held 
to  countervail  (outweigh)  the  testimony  of  two  physicians,  who 
had  examined  the  petitioner;  that  she  presented  all  the  indica  of 
being  of  the  white  race,  but  that  one-eighth  of  African  blood 
might  not,  but  would  in  general  show  itself,  and  that  the  mixed 
child  was  more  likely  to  resemble  the  father  than  the  mother. 
Gaines  v.  Ann,  17  Texas,  page  211." 

Microscopic  shades  of  complexion  are  not  now 
necessary  to  determine  the  freedom  of  persons  in 
Texas;  nor  are  opinions  of  learned  physicians,  that 
the  person  presents  all  the  "indica"  of  being  of  the 
white  race,  of  any  importance- within  the  limits  of  the 
American  Republic. 

"  If  one  claimed  as  a  slave,  but  suing  for  his  freedom,  mani 
festly  belongs  to  the  negro  race,  he  is  presumed  to  be  a  slave. 
Daniel  v.  Guy,  19  Arkansas,  page  121." 

"  Where  it  is  matter  of  doubt  that  the  petitioner  belongs  to 
the  negro  race,  evidence  that  the  woman  reputed  to  be  his 
mother,  and  owned  as  such,  was  lawfully  held  in  Slavery,  repels 
any  presumption  that  he  is  entitled  to  Freedom.  Gray  v. 
Stevenson,  19  Arkansas,  page  580." 

"  A  convict  slave  is  a  free  man,  for  the  purpose  of  giving  evi 
dence,  as  well  as  of  punishment.  The  State  v.  Dillahant,  3 
Harrington  (Delaware),  page  551.  The  State  v.  Griffin,  ib., 
page  559." 

"  A  mulatto  free  man  of  color  is  -a  citizen  of  the  State,  and  a 
slave  is  a  person  within  the  meaning  of  the  Act  of  1825.  The 
State  v.  Edmund,  4  Dev.  (North  Carolina),  page  340." 

"  A  slave  tried  for  a  capital  crime  may  be  convicted  on  the  tes 
timony  of  a  slave,  though  uncorroborated  by  pregnant  circum 
stances.  The  State  v.  Ben,  1  Hanks  (North  Carolina),  434." 

"  Slaves  iu  Virginia  in  1777,  were  real  estate,  and  descended 


140  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

to  the  eldest  son.  Chiver  v.  Respass,  1  Munroe  (Kentucky), 
page  25." 

' c  A  part  owner  of  a  slave  may  emancipate  to  the  extent  of  his 
interest;  it  is  effectual  pro  tanto.  Thompson  v.  Thompson, 
4  B.  Munroe  (Kentucky.)" 

"  Slaves  are  competent  witnesses  only  for  or  against  negroes 
or  mul&ttoes.  Turney  v.  Knox,  7  Munroe,  88  (Kentucky)." 

In  the  case  of  the  State  v.  Dillahant,  and  the  case 
of  the  State  v.  Griffin,  the  Supreme  Court  of  Delaware 
held,  that  a  convicted  slave  is  a  free  man,  and  this  is  the 
only  instance  in  which  Courts  of  slaveholding  Stales 
have  admitted,  that  by  any  possibility  a  slave  can 
discharge  the  duties  of  a  free  man.  They  have  said 
that  he  could  not  be  released  by  the  will  of  his  owner 
if  there  was  any  contingency  depending  upon  the  will 
or  assent  of  the  slave,  and  he  has  been  refused  his 
freedom  on  these  grounds.  But  it  must  be  observed 
that  the  Court  of  Delaware  acknowledges  his  freedom 
to  extend  only  to  two  things;  that  he  may  testify 
against  a  negro,  and  for  the  purpose  of  being  hanged 
himself.  It  must  have  been  consoling  to  the  slave  to 
know  that  he  was  free  for  the  purpose  of  convicting 
his  fellow  slaves;  and  that  whilst  he  stood  on  the 
scaffold',  and  the  hangman's  axe  was  descending 
to  cut  the  rope,  he  himself  was  free. 

In  the  case  of  the  State  v.  Edmund,  it  will  be  seen 
that  the  Supreme  Court  of  North  Carolina  decided, 
that  by  the  Statute  of  that  State  of  1825,  "a  mulatto 
free  man  of  color  is  a  citizen  of  the  State,  and  a  slave  is 
a  person."  No  doubt  both  the  "  citizen"  and  the  ll  per 
son"  will  appreciate  the  distinction  in  this  decision, 
and  also  the  addition  to  it,  in  the  Thirteenth  Amend 
ment  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  which 
says,  that  in  the  United  States  "  all  men  are  free." 

In   the   case   of  Chiver  v.  Respass,  above,  it  will 


XL]  SLAVERY   ADJUDICATED.  141 

be  seen  that  in  Virginia  in  1777,  slaves  were  consid 
ered  real  estate.  From  this  condition  may  have  arisen 
the  popular  American  term,  "  mud-sill,"  to  those 
employed  in  labor.  It  is  reasonable  also  to  suppose 
that  the  modern  name  of  "  contraband,"  by  which  this 
species  of  "  property"  wa^  designated,  was  owing 
to  the  improved  facilities  of  locomotion,  induced  by 
the  armies  of  the  North,  "  marching  through  Geor 
gia,"  and  that  the  negro  is  now  a  "  free-soiler." 

The  case  of  Thompson  v.  Thompson,  above,  is  one 
involving  a  most  important  physiological  subject,  upon 
which  the  learned  Court  fails  to  shed  the  necessary 
light.  The  Court  held  that  a  part  owner  of  a  slave 
might  emancipate  to  the  extent  of  his  interest.  We 
can  understand  the  Court  in  making  this  decision;  but 
the  point  in  which  the  slave  would  be  interested, 
would  be  the  application  of  the  rule;  for  in  a  case 
where  one  party  was  the  owner  of  a  half  interest  in  a 
slave — a  third,  or  any  other  proportion — and  he  should 
emancipate  pro  tanto  (to  the  extent  of  his  interest), 
and  the  party  owning  the  balance  of  the  negro  should 
order  his  interest  to  labor,  by  what  process  could  the 
Court  guarantee  to  the  subject  of  its  decision  the  status 
of  part  free  and  part  slave  ?  "Would  an  injunction  to  re 
strain  the  physical  motion  of  a  certain  leg  or  arm,  and 
the  tying  of  it  up  justify  the  decision,  and  satisfy  the 
owner  and  the  slave  ? 

A  singular  feature  of  the  enslavement  of  man  in 
the  American  Republic  is  the.  fact,  that  at  the  begin 
ning  of  the  Slaveholders'  Rebellion  in  1861,  there  were 
5,718  Americans  (colored)  held  as  slaves  by  the  In 
dian  tribes  in  the  Territories  west  of  the  Arkansas. 
Let  it  be  understood  that  in  the  case  of  these  persons, 
the  prohibition  of  the  importation  of  negroes  had 
10 


142  REPUBLICANISM  IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

tended  to  bleach  their  complexions.  Many  of  them 
were  almost  pure-blooded  Americans ;  they  varied  from 
the  wooly  Congo  to  the  rosy-cheeked  Saxon.  Of  these, 
2,297  were  held  by  385  Choctaw  masters;  2,504  by 
384  Cherokee  masters;  1,651  by  267  Creek  masters, 
and  917  by  118  Chickasaw  masters. 

The  number  of  Indian  slave-owners  were  few  com 
pared  with  all  the  Indians ;  but  in  proportion  to  the 
number  of  owners,  they  held  more  slaves  than  did  the 
white  slave-owners  of  the  South,  many  of  them  own 
ing  several  hundred  slaves. 


\    s~\ 

I  >-'-}\ 


r 


CHAPTER  XII. 

WILMOT  PROVISO.— SLAVERY  IN  MEXICO.— IN  THE  TERRITORIES.— LAWS  OF 
SPAIN  AND  MEXICO  RELATING  TO.— DRED  SCOTT  DECISION.— FUGITIVE 
SLAVE  LAWS  OF  CALIFORNIA.— STATE  COURT  DECISIONS  IN  CASE  OF  PER- 
KINS  AND  ARCHEY. 

AMONG  the  many  popular  themes  of  public  interest 
that  had  their  origin  in  the  Congress  of  the  United 
States  during  the  debates  upon  the  subject  of  an  ap 
propriation  by  that  body  to  purchase  territory  from 
Mexico,  was  the  "Wilmot  Proviso."  On  the  4th  of 
August,  1846,  the  President  informed  the  Senate,  by 
special  message,  of  his  desire  to  negotiate  for  the  pur 
chase  of  Mexican  territory. 

A  bill  for  an  appropriation  of  two  million  dollars  was 
introduced  into  the  House  of  Representatives.  This 
proposition  involved  the  important  question  of  how 
this  territory  should  be  governed  as  regarded  Slavery. 
Calhoun  and  the  whole  Southern  Democracy  had  long 
promulgated  the  doctrine  that  the  slaveholder  had  as 
much  right  to  take  his  property  (the  slave)  into  any 
Territory  of  the  Union,  and  be  protected  there  by  Fed 
eral  law  and  Federal  officials,  as  the  man  from  the  Free 
States  had  to  take  his  merchandise  there  and  be  pro 
tected.  The  Whigs  at  the  North,  and  many  of  them 
at  the  South,  held  opposite  opinions — that  Slavery  was 
a  subject  of  local  law,  and  did  not  by  any  constitu 
tional  or  other  law  extend  into  the  Territories  acquired 
by  the  Union. 

Mexico  had  already,  by  act  of  her  Congress,  abol 
ished  Slavery  upon  every  foot  of  her  soil,  and  the 


144  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

United  States,  as  a  Nation,  was  not  slaveholding;  and 
the  presumption  that  Slavery  could,  as  a  matter  of 
course,  extend  to  the  public  domain,  enslaving  those 
of  African  descent,  who  were  freed  by  the  laws  of  Mex 
ico,  or  introducing  slaves  from  American  States  upon 
territory  declared  to  be  free  by  the  Mexican  Govern 
ment,  could  not  be  tolerated  by  the  Whigs. 

On  the  4th  day  of  August,  1846,  David  Wilmot,  of 
Pennsylvania,  introduced  a  proviso  to  the  bill  for  .the 
appropriation,  as  follows : 

"  Provided,  That  as  an  express  and  fundamental  condition  to 
the  acquisition  of  any  territory  from  the  Republic  of  Mexico  by 
the  United  States,  by  virtue  of  any  treaty  that  may  be  negotiated 
between  them,  and  to  the  use  by  the  Executive  of  the  moneys 
herein  appropriated,  neither  Slavery  nor  involuntary  servitude 
shall  ever  exist  in  any  part  of  said  territory,  except  for  crime, 
whereof  the  party  shall  first  be  duly  convicted." 

The  bill  was  passed  in  the  House,  and  on  Monday 
night,  August  llth,  was  sent  to  the  Senate,  where  it 
came  up  next  day,  the  day  agreed  upon  for  Congress 
to  adjourn.  The  morning,  however,  was  passed  in  de 
bate,  and  the  clock  in  the  House  being  ten  minutes 
faster  than  the  time  of  the  Senate,  the  legislative  ses 
sion  was  closed,  and  the  bill  and  appropriation  laid 
over. 

Upon  the  discussion  of  the  Wilmot  Proviso  arose 
the  doctrine  of  "Squatter  Sovereignty  "  of  which  Stephen 
A.  Douglas  was  subsequently  a  strong  advocate.  Its 
principal  features  were  that  the  inhabitants  of  any  of 
the  States  had  an  equal  right  to  introduce  their  prop 
erty  into  the  Territories,  and  when  a  sufficient  popu 
lation  existed  as  to  entitle  the  Territory  to  become  a 
State,  then  the  inhabitants  thereof  might  adopt  a  Con 
stitution  with  or  without  Slavery,  and  frame  such  laws 


XII.]  SQUATTER  SOVEREIGNTY.  145 

as  they  thought  proper,  and  that  the  Congress  of  the 
United  States  had  no  power  to  legislate  upon  the  sub 
ject  of  Slavery  in  the  Territories;  that  it  was  the  prop 
erty  of  the  people,  and  that  they  alone  could  say  what 
their  domestic  institutions  should  be.  Upon  this  popular 
fallacy  Douglas  rode  into  power  with  the  Democracy, 
and  into  the  ring  of  the  politician,  and  out  of  the  sphere 
of  the  statesman. 

Calmly  looking  over  the  records  of  the  advocates  of 
this  theory,  it  is  most  difficult  to  surmise  how  they 
disposed  of  that  clause  of  the  Federal  Constitution 
which  says:  " Congress  shall  have  power  to  dispose 
of,  and  make  all  needful  rules  and  regulations  respect 
ing  the  Territory  or  other  property  belonging  to  the 
United  States." 

I  cannot  see  how  language  can  be  shaped  to  more 
clearly  and  fully  vest  the  National  Congress  with  full 
power  to  legislate  upon  subjects  that  would  qualify  the 
public  domain,  when  possessed  of  sufficient  population 
to  become  States  in  the  Union,  than  that  in  the  above 
clause. 

Again,  the  Constitution  says:  "New  States  may  be 
admitted  by  Congress  into  the  Union;"  and  further, 
"The  United  States  shall  guarantee  to  every  State  in 
this  Union  a  Republican  form  of  government." 

They  "may  be  admitted" — not  they  shall.  The  act 
of  their  admission  is  a  legislative  act  of  Congress,  and 
as  there  is  no  power  to  dictate  nor  control  the  legisla 
tive  branch  of  the  Federal  Government  in  this  respect, 
it  may  impose  such  conditions  as  may  seem  best;  and 
until  a  State,  making  application  for  admission,  comply 
with  these  terms,  the  Congress  can  govern  them  by  its 
laws;  and  as  the  General  Government,  and  not  the 
States,  must  legislate  upon  the  subject,  how  is  the 


146  REPUBLICANISM  IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

Congress  to  be  controlled  as  to  the  extent  or  quality  of 
its  legislation  ?  And  if  Congress  is  of  opinion  that 
Slavery  is  inconsistent  with  a  Republican  form  of  gov 
ernment,  may  it  not  so  declare,  and  refuse  to  admit 
the  State  until  a  Constitution  prohibiting  it  is  adopted? 
Or,  if  a  Territory  refuse  to  adopt  such  a  Constitution, 
and  thus  cannot  be  admitted  into  the  Union,  and  it  re 
main  in  a  territorial  condition  until  its  population  is  as 
great  or  greater  than  the  whole  of  the  States  of  the 
Union,  and  still  maintains  Slavery,  and  declines  or  re 
fuses  to  adopt  a  Constitution  Republican  in  form,  as 
may  be  prescribed  by  Congress,  is  it  not  competent  for 
Congress  to  legislate  Slavery  out  of  such  Territory  and 
fit  it  for  admission  ?  Surely  this  is  one  of  the  "  needful 
rules  and  regulations  respecting  the  Territory." 

In  further  support  of  my  statements,  that  Slavery 
was  abolished  in  Mexico  prior  to  the  acquisition  of  any 
territory  by  the  United  States  from  that  country,  a  cor 
rect  translation  of  some  of  the  laws  upon  the  subject 
in  that  country  are  here  given.  The  extracts  are  taken 
from  the  eleventh  volume  of  the  laws  of  Mexico,  pub 
lished  at  the  City  of  Mexico  in  1838;  also  from  the  de 
cree  of  President  Guerrera  in  1829,  page  213  of  the 
volume  above  alluded  to: 

' '  Fifteenth  of  September,  1829.  Decree  of  the  Government 
in  virtue  of  extraordinary  powers. 

"  Abolition  of  Slavery  in  the  Eepublic.  1.  Slavery  is  abol 
ished  in  t&e  Republic.  2.  Consequently  those  are  free  who 
until  now  have  been  considered  slaves.  3.  When  the  circum 
stances  of  the  treasury  permit  it,  the  owners  of  slaves  shall  be 
indemnified  in  the  manner  prescribed  by  the  laws." 

The  Congress  of  Mexico,  in  1831,  acting  upon  the 
decrees  of  President  Guerrera,  classifying  and  approv 
ing  them,  on  the  15th  of  February,  1831,  enacted; 


XII.]  ABOLITION    OF   SLAVERY   IN   MEXICO.  147 

<c  1st.  Slavery  is  abolished,  without  any  exception,  in  the 
whole  Republic. 

"  2d.  The  masters  of  slaves  manumitted  by  the  present  law, 
or  by  the  decree  of  the  15th  of  September,  1829,  shall  be  indem 
nified  for  their  value." 

The  Constitution  of  Mexico  of  1834,  contains  the 
following  declaration: 

"1.  No  one  is  a  slave  in  the  territory  of  the  Nation;  and  any 
introduced  shall  be  considered  free,  and  shall  be  under  the  pro 
tection  of  the  laws." 

It  seems  idle  to  multiply  evidences  tending  to  show 
that  Slavery  was  abolished  in  Mexico,  California,  Texas, 
and  New  Mexico,  and  that  when  these  Territories 
(which  belonged  to  Mexico)  became  the  property  of 
the  United  States  they  were  free  territory,  as  much  as 
the  territory  of  Canada  or  Nova  Scotia  is  to-day,  and 
that  if  these  latter  had  been  acquired  by  the  United 
States,  prior  to  the  late  war,  they  would  have  been 
equally  open  to  Slavery  as  was  any  of  the  territory  ac 
quired  from  Mexico ;  and  who  can  entertain  the  idea 
that  Slavery  could  be  introduced  into  them  by  emi 
grants  were  they  Territories  belonging  to  the  Union. 

It  has  already  been  seen  that  in  the  slaveholding 
States  of  America  stringent  laws  were  passed  prohibit 
ing  emancipation,  and  that  by  will  or  agreement  slaves 
could  not  attain  liberty — the  tendency,  policy,  and 
scope  of  the  laws  being  opposed  to  emancipation.  On 
the  contrary,  the  laws  of  Spain  enforced  in  Mexico  re 
lating  to  slaves,  were  all  favorable  in  their  tendencies 
towards  emancipation;  and  special  laws  were  enacted 
by  which  slaves  could  gain  their  freedom-,  even  with 
out  the  consent  and  against  the  will  .of  their  masters. 
Many  of  these  laws,  if  in  force  in  the  Slave  States  of 


148  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

America  during  their  palmy  days  of  miscegenation, 
would  have  added  largely  to  the  list  of  free  female 
slaves.  The  following  extracts  will  illustrate.  The 
quotations  are  from  the  Spanish  law  dictionary  of  Es- 
criche,  under  the  heads,  "  Esdaw"  u  Usclavitud" 

"  The  slave  shall  deserve  liberty  in  the  four  following  cases: 

1.  If  he  shall  inform  on  the  ravisher  or  forcer  of  a  virgin  woman. 

2.  If  he  discovers  the  maker  of  false  money.     3.  If  he  shall  dis 
cover  a  military  chief  who  abandons  his  post.     4.  If  he  shall  in 
form  on  the  murderer  of  his  master,  or  shall  avenge  his  death, 
or  discover  treason  against  the  King  or  the  Kingdom.     In  the 
three  first  cases  the  King  shall  give  the  price  of  the  slave  to  his 
master.     Law  3,  title  22,  part  4. 

"  If  the  master  publicly  prostitute  his  slave  woman,  she  is 
thereby  freed,  and  he  cannot  recover  her  or  have  any  right  over 
her.  Law  4,  title  22,  part  4." 

Had  this  law  been  in  force  in  the  Slave  States,  Abra 
ham  Lincoln's  Emancipation  Proclamation  would  have 
only  applied  to  some  of  the  male  slaves,  and  those  of 
the  females  who  were  under  the  age  of  maturity. 

Two  events  only  have  transpired  in  the  United 
States  that  seem  to  excel  in  importance  the  "Dred 
Scott  Decision."  These  are  the  independence  of  Amer 
ica,  and  the  late  Rebellion. 

The  case  above  alluded  to  was  decided  in  the  Su 
preme  Court  of  the  United  States  at  the  December 
term,  1856,  Honorable  Roger  B.  Taney,  Chief  Justice, 
and  the  Honorables  John  McLean,  James  W.  Wayne, 
John  Catron,  Peter  Y.  Daniel,  Samuel  Nelson,  Robert 
C.  Grier,  Benjamin  R.  Curtis,  and  John  A.  Campbell, 
Associate  Justices. 

The  opinion  was  delivered  for  the  Court  by  the 
Honorable  Roger  B.  Taney,  Chief  Justice.  Mr.  Justice 
McLean  and  Mr.  Justice  Curtis  dissented,  and  wrote 
elaborate  and  able  opinions.  Some  of  the  most  inter- 


XII.]  STATUS  OF  THE  NEGRO.  149 

esting  points  in  the  decision  of  the  Court,  and  also  of 
the  dissenting  opinions,  are  given  here.  For  a  full  re 
port  of  the  case  the  reader  is  referred  to  19  .Howard, 
United  States  Supreme  Court  Reports,  page  393.  The 
decision  and  opinions  occupy  two  hundred  and  thirty 
pages,  and  will  repay  a  careful  reading.  The  Court 
said: 

"A  free  negro  of  the  African  race,  whose  ancestors  were 
brought  to  this  country  and  sold  as  slaves,  is  not  a  citizen  within 
the  meaning  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States. 

c '  The  only  two  clauses  in  the  Constitution  which  point  to  this 
race,  treat  them  as  persons  whom  it  was  morally  lawful  to  deal 
in  as  articles  of  property,  and  to  hold  as  slaves. 

c '  The  plaintiff  having  admitted  by  his  demurrer  to  the  plea  in 
abatement  that  his  ancestors  were  imported  from  Africa  and  sold 
as  slaves,  he  is  not  a  citizen  of  the  State  of  Missouri,  according 
to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  and  was  not  entitled  to 
sue  in  that  character  in  the  Circuit  Court." 

It  will  be  seen  that  the  Court  held  Scott  to  be  a 
slave  and  not  a  citizen,  in  consequence  of  the  status  of 
his  ancestors.  I  apprehend  that  if  all  persons  were  held 
to  this  rule,  many  interesting  changes  would  be  made, 
even  among  "  first  families." 

"  If,  therefore,  the  facts  he  states  do  not  give  him  nor  his  fam 
ily  a  right  of  freedom,  the  plaintiff  is  still  a  slave,  and  not  enti 
tled  to  sue  as  a  citizen. 

"  Every  citizen  has  a  right  to  take  with  him  into  the  Territory 
any  article  of  property  which  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  recognizes  as  property. 

"  The  Constitution  of  the  United  States  recognizes  slaves  as 
property,  and  pledges  the  Federal  Government  to  protect  it,  and 
Congress  cannot  exercise  any  more  authority  over  property  of 
that  description  than  it  may  constitutionally  exercise  over 
property  of  any  other  kind. 

"  The  Act  of  Congress,  therefore,  prohibiting  a  citizen  of  the 
United  States  from  taking  with  him  his  slaves  when  he  removes 
to  the  Territory  in  question,  to  reside,  is  an  exercise  of  authority 


150  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

over  private  property  which  is  not  warranted  by  the  Constitu 
tion;  and  the  removal  of  the  plaintiff  by  his  owner  to  the  Terri 
tory  gave  him  no  title  to  freedom." 

The  attention  of  the  reader  is  called  to  the  differ 
ence  of  opinion  in  the  above  decision,  compared  with 
those  views  already  stated  upon  this  subject;  that 
Slavery  is  the  subject  of  municipal  and  local  law,  and 
cannot  exist  in  localities  unless  where  some  specific  law 
or  long  custom  establishes  it.  In  support  of  these  prop 
ositions,  and  in  opposition  to  the  above  opinion  of 
the  learned  Court,  the  reader's  attention  is  called  to 
the  dissenting  opinions  of  Justice  McLean  and  Justice 
Curtis,  and  the  Spanish  laws  upon  the  subject  of 
Slavery  in  this  chapter. 

Justice  McLean,  dissenting,  says: 

"On  the  question  of  citizenship,  it  must  be  admitted  that  we 
have  not  been  very  fastidious.  Under  the  late  treaty  with 
Mexico,  we  have  made  citizens  of  all  grades,  combinations,  and 
colors.  The  same  was  done  in  the  admission  of  Louisiana  and 
Florida.  No  one  ever  doubted,  and  no  Court  ever  held  that  the 
people  of  these  Territories  did  not  become  citizens  under  the 
treaty.  They  have  exercised  all  the  rights  of  citizens,  without 
being  naturalized  under  the  Acts  of  Congress.  * 

"  In  the  course  of  my  judicial  duties,  I  have  had  occasion  to 
consider  and  decide  several  of  the  above  points.  1st.  As  to 
the  locality  of  Slavery.  The  civil  law  throughout  the  Continent 
of  Europe,  it  is  believed,  without  an  exception,  is,  that  Slavery 
cannot  exist  only  within  the  territory  where  it  is  established; 
and  that  if  a  slave  escapes,  or  is  carried  beyond  such  territory, 
his  master  cannot  reclaim  him,  unless  by  virtue  of  some  express 
stipulation.  (G-rotius,  lib.  2,  chapter  15,  5,1;  lib.  10,  chapter 
10,  2, 1.  Wicquepast's  Ambassador,  lib.  1,  page  418.  4  Martin, 
385.  Case  of  the  Creole  in  the  House  of  Lords,  1842.  1  Phil- 
lemore,  on  International  Law,  316,  335.) 

"  There  is  no  nation  of  Europe  which  considers  itself  bound 
to  return  to  his  master  a  fugitive  slave,  under  the  civil  law, 
or  the  law  of  nations. 


XII.]  SLAVERY   IN   THE   TERRITORIES.  151 

"  In  the  great  leading  case  of  Prigg  v.  the  State  of  Pennsyl 
vania  (16  Peters,  594;  14  Curtis,  421),  this  Court  says,  that  by 
the  general  law  of  nations,  no  nation  is  bound  to  recognize  the 
state  of  Slavery,  as  found  within  its  territorial  dominions. 
*  *  *  *  The  state  of  Slavery  is  deemed  to  be  a 
mere  municipal  regulation,  founded  upon  and  limited  to  the 
range  of  the  territorial  laws.  This  was  fully  recognized  in 
Somerset's  case  (Laff.  Rep.  1;  2  Howell's  State  Trials,  79), 
which  was  decided  before  the  American  Revolution." 

Lord  Mansfield,  in  delivering  the  opinion  of  the 
Court  of  King's  Bench,  in  the  Somersett  case,  said: 

"  The  state  of  Slavery  is  of  such  a  nature  that  it  is  impossible 
of  being  introduced  on  any  reasons,  moral  or  political,  but  only 
by  positive  law,  which  preserves  its  force  long  after  the  reasons, 
occasion,  and  time  itself,  from  whence  it  was  created,  is  erased 
from  the  memory.  It  is  of  a  nature  that  nothing  can  be  suffered 
to  support  it  but  positive  law . 

"  Slavery  is  sanctioned  by  the  laws  of  this  State,  and  the  right 
to  hold  slaves  under  our  municipal  regulations  is  unquestionable; 
but  we  view  this  as  a  right,  existing  by  positive  law  of  a  municipal 
character,  without  foundation  in  the  laws  of  nature,  or  the  un 
written  and  common  law."  (Rankin  v.  Lydia,  Court  of  Appeals, 
Kentucky;  Miller,  J.,  2  A.  E.  Marshall's  Rep.) 

• 

That  the  reader  may  follow  me  in  my  views  that  the 

Government  of  the  United  States  was  vested  with  full 
power  to  legislate  for  the  Territories,  and  can  prohibit 
Slavery  or  any  other  institution  contrary  to  nature, 
reason,  or  justice,  I  give  an  extract  from  the  opinion 
of  Chief  Justice  Marshall,  in  the  case  of  the  Atlantic 
Insurance  Company  v.  Carter  (1  Peters,  511;  7  Cur 
tis,  685),  cited  by  Justice  McLean,  speaking  in  regard 
to  the  people  of  Florida: 

"  They  do  not,  however,  participate  in  political  power;  they 
do  not  share  in  the  Government  until  Florida  shall  become  a 
State.  In  the  meantime,  Florida  continues  to  be  a  Territory  of 
the  United  States,  governed  by  virtue  of  that  clause  of  the  Con- 


152  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

stitution  which  empowers  Congress  to  make  all  needful  rules  and 
regulations  respecting  the  territory  or  other  property  belonging 
to  the  United  States." 

This  comprehensive  opinion  of  the  learned  Chief 
Justice  Marshall  ought  to  settle  the  question  of  the 
powers  vested  in  Congress  to  pass  all  needful  laws  for 
the  Territories,  and  as  the  Congress  alone  can  be  the 
judge  of  what  is  needful,  their  power  seems  almost  un 
limited,  whilst  their  legislation  is  within  the  sphere  of 
the  Constitution. 

Mr.  Justice  Curtis,  dissenting  from  the  Dred  Scott 
decision,  says: 

"  To  determine  whether  any  free  persons  descended  from 
Africans  held  in  Slavery  were  citizens  of  the  United  States 
under  the  Confederation,  and  consequently,  at  the  time  of  the 
adoption  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  it  is  only 
necessary  to  know  whether  any  such  persons  were  citizens  of 
either  of  the  States  under  the  Confederation  at  the  time  of  the 
adoption  of  the  Constitution.  Of  this  there  can  be  no  doubt. 
At  the  time  of  the  ratification  of  the  Articles  of  Confederation, 
all  free  native  born  inhabitants  of  the  States  of  New  Hampshire, 
Massachusetts,  New  York,  New  Jersey,  and  North  Carolina, 
though  descended  from  African  slaves,  were  not  only  citizens  of 
those  States,  but  such  of  them  as  had  the  other  necessary  quali 
fications,  possessed  the'franchise  of  electors  on  equal  terms  with 
the  other  electors. 

"  The  Supreme  Court  of  North  Carolina,  in  the  case  of  the 
Slave  v.  Manuel  (4  Dev.  and  Bat.  20),  has  declared  the  law  of 
that  State  on  this  subject  in  terms  which  I  believe  to  be  as 
sound  law  in  the  other  States  I  have  enumerated,  as  it  was 
in  North  Carolina." 

"  According  to  the  laws  of  this  State,"  says  Judge 
Gaston,  in  delivering  the  opinion  of  the  Court: 

"  All  human  beings  within  it  who  are  not  slaves,  fall  within 
one  of  two  classes.  "Whatever  distinctions  may  have  existed  in 
the  Eoman  laws,  between  citizens  and  free  inhabitants,  they  are 
unknown  to  our  institutions. 


XII.]  DEED   SCOTT   DECISION.  153 

"  Before  our  Revolution,  all  free,  persons  born  within  the 
dominions  of  the  King  of  Great  Britain,  whatever  their  color  or 
complexions,  were  native-born  British  subjects;  those  born  out 
of  his  allegiance  were  aliens.  Slavery  did  not  exist  in  England, 
but  did  in  the  British  Colonies.  Slaves  were  not  in  legal  par 
lance  persons,  and  were  then  either  British  subjects,  or  not 
British  subjects,  according  as  they  were  or  were  not  born, 
within  the  allegiance  of  the  British  King. 

"  Upon  the  Revolution  no  other  change  took  place  in  the  laws 
of  North  Carolina  than  were  consequent  on  the  transition  from 
a  Colony  dependent  on  a  European  King,  to  a  free  and  sovereign 
State.  Slaves  remained  Slaves.  British  subjects  in  North 
Carolina  became  North  Carolina  free  men.  Foreigners,  until 
made  members  of  the  State,  remained  aliens.  Slaves  manu 
mitted  here  became  free  men,  and,  therefore,  if  born  within 
North  Carolina  are  citizens  of  North  Carolina,  and  all  free  per 
sons  born  within  the  State  are  born  citizens  of  the  State. 

"  The  Constitution  extended  the  election  franchise  to  every 
free  man  who  had  arrived  at  the  age  of  twenty-one,  and  paid  a 
public  tax;  and  it  is  a  matter  of  universal  notoriety,  that  under 
it,  free  persons,  without  regard  to  color,  claimed  and  exercised 
the  franchise  until  it  was  taken  from  free  men  of  color  a  few 
years  since  by  our  amended  Constitution/' 

The  reader  is  respectfully  referred  to  the  dissenting 
opinions  of  Justices  McLean  and  Curtis,  in  the  Dred 
Scott  case,  reported  in  19  Howard's  United  States 
Supreme  Court  Reports,  page  393. 

The  friends  of  Slavery  on  the  Pacific  Coast,  not  con 
tent  with  the  veto  of  the  people  upon  the  institution, 
and  still  inclined  towards  fostering  an  establishment  of 
barbarism  upon  the  free  soil  of  California,  passed 
an  Act  in  the  Legislature,  approved  April  15th,  1852, 
with  the  modest  (?)  title  of:  "An  Act  respecting  fugi 
tives  from  labor,  and  slaves  brought  into  this  State  prior 
to  her  admission  into  the  Union."  The  reader  having 
already  had  abundant  evidence  that  by  no  possible 
construction,  either  of  the  laws  of  any  State  in  the 


154  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

Union,  or  by  any  Territorial  or  United  States  law,  the 
laws  of  Mexico,  Spain,  or  the  laws  of  Nations,  could 
it  be  shown  that  Slavery  existed  in  the  Territory  of 
California  before  the  adoption  of  her  Constitution, 
and  as  it  could  not  exist  after  the  adoption  of  the 
Constitution,  because  of  its  prohibition,  it  may  be 
difficult  to  understand  where  the  able  legislators  found 
legal  powers  to  establish  Slavery  in  California  in  1852, 
and  as  this  monument  of  Democratic  legislation  and 
wisdom  may  be  handed  down  to  posterity,  it  is  given 
here  in  full,  as  it  stands  upon  the  statute  book  to  this 
day.  It  expired  by  limitation  April  15th,  1855,  but 
the  Act  still  continues  to  be  published  in  connection 
with  the  other  statutes  of  California. 

"  FUGITIVES  FROM  LABOR." 

"  An  Act  respecting  fugitives  from  labor,  and  slaves  brought  to 
this  State  prior  to  her  admission  into  the  Union.  Approved  April 
15fc,  1852. 

"  SECTION  1.  When  a  person  held  to  labor  in  any  State  or  Ter 
ritory  of  the  United  States  under  the  laws  thereof,  shall  escape 
into  this  State,  the  person  to  whom  such  labor  or  service  may  be 
due,  his  agent  or  attorney  is  hereby  empowered  to  seize  or  arrest 
such  fugitive  from  labor,  or  shall  have  the  right  to  obtain  a 
warrant  of  arrest  for  such  fugitive,  granted  by  any  judge, 
justice,  or  magistrate  of  this  State,  and  directed  to  any  sheriff 
or  constable  of  this  State;  and  when  seized  or  arrested,  to  take 
him  or  her  before  any  judge  or  justice  of  this  State,  or  before 
any  magistrate  of  a  county,  city,  or  town  corporate,  and  upon 
proof  to  the  satisfaction  of  such  judge  or  magistrate,  either  by 
oral  testimony  or  affidavit,  taken  before  and  certified  by  any 
judge  or  magistrate  in  this  State,  or  of  any  other  State  or  Ter 
ritory,  that  the  person  so  seized  or  arrested  doth,  under  the 
laws  of  the  State  or  Territory  from  which  he  or  she  fled,  owe 
service  or  labor  to  the  person  claiming  him  or  her,  it  shall 
be  the  duty  of  such  judge  or  magistrate  to  give  a  certificate 
thereof  to  such  claimant,  his  agent,  or  attorney,  which  shall  be 
sufficient  warrant  for  removing  the  said  fugitive  from  labor, 


XII.]  SLAVERY  IN  CALIFORNIA.  155 

to  the  State  or  Territory  from  which  he  or  she  fled;  and  for 
using  such  force  and  restraint  as  may  be  necessary,  under  the 
circumstances  of  the  case,  to  take  and  remove  such  fugitive  per 
son  back  to  the  State  or  Territory  whence  he  or  she  may  have 
escaped  as  aforesaid.  In  no  trial  or  hearing,  under  this  Act, 
shall  the  testimony  of  such  alleged  fugitive  be  admitted  in  evi 
dence,  and  the  certificate  herein  before  mentioned  shall  be 
conclusive  of  the  right  of  the  person  or  persons  in  whose  favor 
granted,  to  remove  such  fugitive  to  the  State  or  Territory  from 
which  he  escaped,  and  shall  prevent  all  molestation  of  such  per 
son  or  persons  by  any  process  issued  by  any  Court,  judge,  jus 
tice,  or  magistrate,  or  other  person  whomsoever. 

"  SEC.  2.  Any  person  who  shall  knowingly  and  willingly  ob 
struct,  hinder,  or  prevent  such  claimant,  his  agent,  or  attorney, 
or  any  person  or  persons  lawfully  assisting  him,  her,  or  them, 
from  arresting  such  fugitive  from  service  or  labor,  either  with  or 
without  process  as  aforesaid,  or  shall  rescue  or  attempt  to  rescue 
such  fugitive  from  the  custody  of  such  claimant,  his  or  her  agent 
or  attorney,  or  other  person  or  persons  lawfully  assisting  as 
aforesaid,  when  so  arrested  pursuant  to  the  authority  herein 
given  and  declared,  or  shall  aid,  abet,  or  assist  such  fugitive, 
directly  or  indirectly  to  escape  from  such  claimant,  his  agent,  or 
attorney,  or  other  person  or  persons  legally  authorized  as  afore 
said,  or  shall  harbor  or  conceal  such  fugitive  so  as  to  prevent 
the  discovery  and  arrest  of  such  fugitive,  shall,  for  either  of 
said  offenses  be  subject  to  a  fine  of  not  less  than  five  hundred 
dollars,  and  imprisonment  not  less  than  two  months,  by  indict 
ment  and  conviction  before  any  Court  of  Sessions  of  this  State, 
or  before  any  Court  having  criminal  jurisdiction  within  this 
State;  and  shall,  moreover,  forfeit  and  pay^  by  way  of  civil 
damages  to  the  claimant  of  said  fugitive,  the  sum  of  one  thou 
sand  dollars  for  each  and  either  of  said  offenses,  to  be  recovered 
by  action  in  any  District  Court  of  this  State. 

"  SEC.  3.  It  shall  be  the  duty  of  all  sheriffs,  deputy  sheriffs, 
and  constables  to  obey  and  execute  all  warrants  and  precepts 
issued  under  the  provisions  of  this  Act,  when  to  them  directed; 
and  should  any  sheriff,  deputy  sheriff,  or  constable  refuse  to  re 
ceive  such  warrant  or  other  process  when  tendered,  or  to  use  all 
proper  means,  diligently  to  execute  the  same,  he  shall  on  con 
viction  thereof,  by  indictment,  be  fined  in  the  sum  of  not  less 
than  five  hundred  dollars  and  not  more  than  two  thousand 


156  REPUBLICANISM   IN  AMERICA.  [Chap. 

dollars,  to  the  use  of  the  county  in  which  conviction  is  had,  and 
removed  from  office,  and  shall  be  liable  to  the  claimant  in  such 
damages  as  the  claimant  shall  sustain  by  reason  of  said  miscon 
duct;  and  after  the  arrest  of  such  fugitive  by  such  sheriff,  or  his 
deputy,  or  constable,  or  whilst  at  any  time  within  his  custody, 
should  such  fugitive  escape  by  the  assent,  neglect,  or  contrivance 
of  such  officer,  such  officer  shall  be  liable,  on  his  official  bond  to 
such  claimant,  for  the  full  value  of  said  fugitive  in  the  State  or 
Territory  from  whence  he  or  she  came. 

"  SEC.  4.  Any  person  or  persons  held  to  labor  or  service  in 
any  State  or  Territory  of  the  United  States,  by  the  laws  of  such 
State  or  Territory,  and  who  were  brought  or  introduced  within 
the  limits  of  this  State,  previous  to  the  admission  of  this  State 
as  one  of  the  United  States  of  America,  and  who  shall  refuse  to 
return  to  the  State  or  Territory  where  he,  she,  or  they  owed 
such  labor  or  service,  upon  the  demand  of  the  person  or  per 
sons,  his,  or  their  agent,  or  attorney,  to  whom  such  labor  or  serv 
ice  was  due,  such  person  or  persons  so  refusing  to  return  shall 
be  held  and  deemed  fugitives  from  labor  within  the  meaning  of 
this  Act;  and  all  the  remedies,  rights,  and  provisions  herein 
given  to  claimants  of  fugitives  who  escape  from  any  other  State 
into  this  State,  are  hereby  given  and  conferred  upon  claimants 
of  fugitives  from  labor,  within  the  meaning  of  this  section, 
provided  the  provisions  of  this  section  shall  have  force  and 
effect  until  the  15th  day  of  April,  1855,  but  not  beyond  that 
period. 

"  SEC.  5.  Nothing  contained  in  this  Act  shall  be  so  construed 
as  to  allow  the  claimant  of  any  slave  to  hold  such  slave  in  servi 
tude  in  this  State  after  his  reclamation  under  the  provisions  of 
this  Act,  except  for  the  purpose  of  removing  such  slave  from  the 
State." 

The  general  features  of  the  bill  are,  to  say  the  least, 
interesting;  full  powers  are  guaranteed,  and  provision 
made  for  the  arrest  and  return  of  "  he  or  she,"  and 
"  in  no  trial  or  hearing  under  the  Act  shall  the  tes 
timony  of  such  alleged  fugitive  be  admitted  in  evi 
dence."  That  is  possession  of  life,  liberty,  and  the 
pursuit  of  happiness  (?).  Also,  persons  "  held  to  serv 
ice  or  labor  in  any  State  or  Territory  *  * 


XIL]  SLAVERY  IN  CALIFORNIA.  157 

and  who  were  brought  or  introduced  within  the  limits 
of  this  State  previous  to  the  admission  of  this  State 
as  one  of  the  United  States  of  America/'  and  who 
11  refuse  to  return,"  shall  be  delivered  up.  The  Con 
stitution  of  the  United  States  speaks  of  persons  "  es 
caping,"  but  the  California  legislators  say,  "  brought 
or  introduced."  And  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  State, 
in  the  matter  of  C.  Perkins  and  R.  Perkins,  reported 
in  2d  California  Reports,  page  424,  (the  case  being 
brought  before  Judge  Wells,  on  habeas  corpus,)  Chief 
Justice  Murray,  and  Justice  Anderson,  each  delivered 
opinions.  Hear  the  learned  Court : 

"  By  virtue  of  their  police  power,  the  States  possess  jurisdic 
tion  to  arrest  and  restrain  fugitive  slaves,  and  to  remove  them 
from  -their  borders,  but  not  so  as  to  obstruct  the  owner  in 
reclaiming  his  slaves  under  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States." 

But  the  Act  does  not  speak  of  fugitives. 

"  The  owner  of  slaves  in  Mississippi  brought  them  voluntarily 
into  California  before  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution  by  the 
State.  These  slaves  asserted  their  freedom,  and  for  some  months 
were  engaged  in  business  for  themselves.  Afterwards  th6  Act 
of  1852  was  passed.  *  *  *  *  It  enacts  that 
slaves  who  had  been  voluntarily  introduced  into  the  States 
before  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution  should  be  deemed  fugi 
tives  from  labor  and  be  returned  to  their  masters/'' 

The  Judge  quoted  the  clause  of  the  United  States 
Constitution  for  the  rendition  of  persons  charged 
"  with  treason,  felony,  or  other  crime."  I  cannot 
see  that  those  persons  brought  into  a  territory  where 
Slavery  was  abolished  by  the  laws  of  Mexico  (the 
country  from  which  the  territory  was  obtained),  and 
where  the  laws  of  the  United  States  did  not  introduce 
Slavery,  could  become  slaves;  much  less,  how  the 
11 


158  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

clause  applicable  to  persons  fleeing  from  justice  in  con 
sequence  of  the  commission  of  crimes,  could  apply  to 
those  persons  brought  to  California  by  their  masters. 
The  Court  concluding,  says: 

"  The  judgment  of  the  Court  is,  that  the  writ  be  dismissed, 
and  that  the  slaves  Robert  Perkins,  Carter  Perkins,  and  Sandy 
Jones,  be  remanded  to  jail,  into  the  custody  of  the  Sheriff  of 
the  County  of  San  Francisco,  and  by  the  said  Sheriff  delivered 
to  his  master  or  his  agent  without  delay  or  cost." 

Justice  Anderson,  concurring  in  his  written  opinion, 
has  exhibited  much  research  and  ability;  but  his  de 
cision  is  burdened  with  the  shallow  display  of  that 
love  of  compromise  which  has  characterized  the  friends 
of  Slavery  in  all  sections  of  the  Republic.  A  single 
extract  from  his  opinion  is  here  given: 

"  It  would  be  a  poor  evidence  of  our  fidelity  to  the  spirit  of 
compromise  to  resort  to  a  very  strained  and  technical  construc 
tion,  by  a  surprise  and  strategy  to  deprive  our  American 
brethren  of  their  property,  because  they  came  here  in  good 
faith,  trusting  to  the  protection  of  the  National  Constitution. 
This  would  not  be  the  favorite  mode  that  a  wise  Statesman  or  a 
just  and  patriotic  Judge  should  elect  to  allay  a  long,  deep,  and 
sorely  irritated  feeling,  or  to  consign  to  oblivion  the  unkind 
remembrances  of  the  past;  but  a  plain  and  truthful  administra 
tion  of  the  laws  will  do  this.  It  will  mark,  too,  the  justice  of 
our  noble  State;  and  if  any  other  word  was  needed,  I  would  say, 
our  wisdom.  No  complaint  can  then  go  up  against  us  to  our  far 
off  brethren  for  the  want  of  the  first,  and  the  latter  will  stand 
out  in  illuminated  letters,  declaring  the  truth  of  the  law  as  it  is, 
the  purity  of  our  motives,  and  our  devotion  to  our  whole 
Union." 

It  will  be  seen  how  anxious  the  learned  Judge  was 
not  to  surprise  his  distant  brethren,  and  how  sincerely  he 
desired  to  avoid  a  show  of  want  of  "  fidelity  to  the 
spirit  of  compromise."  The  reader  must  judge  how 


XII.]  SLAVERY   IN   CALIFORNIA.  159 

"illuminated"  are  "the  letters  declaring  the  truth  of 
the  law"  in  these  decisions. 

The  next  California  case  of  importance  was  the  case 
of  Ex-parte  Archy,  on  habeas  corpus  before  the  Su 
preme  Court,  January  term,  1858.  Reported  in  9th 
California,  page  147.  The  statute  relating  to  "fugi 
tives  from  labor"  expired  by  limitation  on  the  15th  of 
April,  1855,  as  will  be  seen  by  referring  to  it,  and  this 
case  cam,e  under  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States 
and  the  "comity"  of  States. 

Charles  A.  Stovall,  a  citizen  of  Mississippi,  who 
came  across  the  plains  in  1857,  brought  with  him  his 
slave,  making  California  his  home,  entering  into  busi 
ness,  advertising  his  business  as  permanent,  and  hiring 
out  Archy  on  a  river  boat — Archy  receiving  part  of 
the  wages  and  Stovall  the  balance.  Archy  became  a 
resident  of  the  State  by  the  free  will  of  his  master — 
not  as  an  escaped  slave — for  he  came  in  company  with 
his  master,  and  was  employed  by  him  in  the  State  for 
almost  a  year,  and  was  unquestionably  entitled  to  his 
freedom. 

The  decision  of  Justice  Burnett  is  neither  dignified 
with  a  pretension  to  impartial  research  nor  legal 
knowledge;  and  judging  by  his  own  language,  he  de 
cided  the  case  upon  the  score  of  policy.  He  says : 

"  This  is  the  first  case,  and  under  these  circumstances  we  are 
not  disposed  to  rigidly  enforce  the  rule  for  the  first  time;  but  in 
reference  to  all  future  cases  it  is  our  purpose  to  enforce  the  rules 
laid  down  strictly,  according  to  their  true  intent  and  spirit.  It 
is  therefore  ordered  that  Archy  be  forthwith  released  from  the 
custody  of  the  Chief  of  Police  and  given  into  the  custody  of  the 
petitioner,  Charles  A.  Stovall." 

As  this  was  the  "first  case,"  the  learned  Judge 
would  consign  Archy  back  to  Slavery,  but  in  the  "fit- 


160  REPUBLICANISM  IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

ture"  he  would  do  letter  and  "enforce  the  rules  laid  down, 
strictly"  These  rules  were,  that  where  a  person  took 
his  slaves  into  a  Free  State  and  held  them  there  until 
they  gained  a  residence,  he  should^  hold  that  they  were 
free.  See  Chief  Justice  Terry's  concurring  opinion  in 
confirmation  of  this.  He  says: 

"  I  concur  in  the  judgment  and  in  the  principles  announced 
in  the  opinion  of  my  associate,  while  I  do  not  entirely  agree 
with  his  conclusions.  From  the  facts  of  the  case,  I'think  the 
delay  of  the  petitioner  was  unavoidable,  and  that  the  fact  of  his 
engaging  in  labor  in  order  to  support  himself  during  his  neces 
sary  detention,  did  not  divest  his  rights  under  the  law  of  comity 
as  laid  down  in  the  opinion." 

The  learned  Chief  Justice  believed,  because  he  (Sto- 
vall)  had  to  keep  Archy  at  labor  to  support  him  (Sto- 
vall),  that  he  did  not  legally  lose  any  rights  to  the 
possession  of  his  slave  •  and  besides,  the  law  of  comity 
sustained  his  return  to  his  owner. 

The  able  and  eloquent  appeals  of  the  learned  Joseph 
W.  Winans,  of  counsel  for  Archy,  were  dispelled  by 
the  logic  of  James  H.  Hardy;  counsel. for  Stovall.  In 
his  argument  he  said: 

"  But  I  cannot  consent  to  stultify  the  members  of  the  Conven 
tion  who  framed,  or  my  fellow  citizens  who  ratified  the  Consti 
tution,  by  the  indulgence  of  the  thought  that  the  section  in  view 
owed  its  place  in  the  Constitution  to  so  blind  an  infatuation  as 
sympathy  for  a  few  hundred  negro  slaves.  *  *  *  * 
Slavery  derives  its  force  and  dignity  from  the  same  principles  of 
right  and  reason,  the  same  views  of  the  nature  and  constitution 
of  man,  and  the  same  sanction  of  Divine  revelation  as  those  from 
which  the  science  of  morality  is  deduced.  Its  effect  is  the  moral 
and  physical  improvement  of  the  slave  himself." 


byJ.C  Butt! 


CHAPTER    XIII. 

REPUBLICAN  PAKTY.— ITS  FIRST  ORGANIZATION.— DEMOCRATIC  PARTY  1840  TO 
1861.— ABOLITIONISTS.— JAMES  G.  BIRNEY  ABOLITION  CANDIDATE.— SUC 
CESS  OF  THE  PARTY.— PRESIDENTIAL  ELECTIONS  OF  1840,  1844,  1848,  1832, 
AND  1856.— NOMINATION  OF  HARRfeON,  SCOTT  AND  POLK.— WHIGS  NOMI 
NATE  CLAY.— BIRNEY  RE-NOMINATED.— SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  OREGON 
CLAIMS.— TREATY  RESPECTING  OREGON.— THOMAS  H.  BENTON'S  VIEWS 
ON  THE  OREGON  BOUNDARY.— GEN.  TAYLOR  ELECTED.— "  HUNKERS  "  AND 
"BARNBURNERS."— LEWIS  CASS  NOMINATED.— FRANKLIN  PIERCE  NOMI 
NATED.— ELECTION  OF  PIERCE.— NOMINATION  OF  BUCHANAN  AND  FRE 
MONT.— BUCHANAN'S  CABINET.— FLOYD  MOVES  ARMS  SOUTH.— HIS  RESIG 
NATION.— SPEECHES  OF  SOUTHERN  LEADERS.— SOUTHERN  JOURNALS.— 
SLAVERY  IS  DIVINE.— WOULD  "EXTEND  IT  EVEN  TO  YANKEES." 

OF  all  the  political  organizations  in  America,  none 
has  had  so  hard  a  struggle  for  national  existence  as 
had  the  party  known  as  the  Republican  Union  party 
of  to-day ;  nor  has  any  political  party  in  any  country 
or  age  achieved  so  much  as  has  this  party  for  the  ad 
vancement  of  human  liberty  and  the  elevation  upon  a 
common  platform  of  the  religious  and  civil  equality  of 
all  men  before  the  law. 

The  first  appearance  of  the  party  under  its  present 
name,  as  a  national  organization,  was  in  the  year  1831 ; 
but  this  was  not  the  first  appearance  of  the  spirit  of 
that  party,  for  the  impulses  that  animated  and  inspired 
the  leaders  of  this  progressive  band  had  first  taken 
hold  of  American  affairs  when  the  Pilgrims  planted 
their  feejb  on  Plymouth  rock,  and  had  followed  the 
conquering  hosts  of  New  England  throughout  the  rev 
olutionary  struggle  to  a  glorious  conquest,  and  again 
perched  upon  their  banners  in  the  formation  of  civil 
government,  wherein  they  established  for  themselves 
and  their  children  that  political  and  religious  freedom 


162  REPUBLICANISM   IN  AMERICA.  [Chap. 

which  has  placed  America  far  in  advance  of  all  the 
nations  of  the  earth. 

The  different  political  parties  that  had  from  time  to 
time  appeared  before  the  people,  had  at  this  period 
resolved  themselves  into  the  two  great  national  parties 
of  Whigs  and  Democrats.  The  Democratic  party  at 
this  time  was  in  the  zenith  of  its  glory.  It  had  stood 
firm  to  the  doctrines  of  its  founders.  They  were  in 
spired  with  the  spirit  of  those  men,  who  in  the  Con 
vention  that  framed  the  National  Constitution  over 
powered  Washington,  Franklin,  and  others  in  their 
efforts  to  extirpate  human  Slavery,  and  had  in  opposi 
tion  to  their  will,  fastened  upon  the  nation  the  odium 
of  property  in  man,  and  the  unjust  representation  of 
the  South  in  the  National  Congress  based  upon  negro 
influence.  Their  rule  in  State  and  National  legisla 
tion  was  almost  a  continuous  and  unlimited  chain  of 
wrongs  and  usurpations,  arrogating  to  themselves  all 
places  of  profit  and  interest;  indeed,  they  had  com 
pletely  turned  the  whole  country  into  a  kind  of  South 
ern  hospital  for  the  comfort  and  support  of  the 
slave-breeder. 

At  this  time  the  Democracy  had  nominated  for  the 
Presidency,  by  their  Convention  at  Baltimore,  on  May 
5th,  1840,  Martin  Yan  Buren;  but  they  were  defeated 
in  the  election.  The  Whig  party,  the  only  other  or 
ganized  National  party  at  this  time,  had  met  at  Harris- 
burg  on  the  4th  of  December,  1839,  and  nominated 
William  H.  Harrison,  over  Henry  Clay  and  .Winfield 
Scott,  for  the  Presidency,  and  John  Tyler  for  the  Vice- 
Presidency,  both  of  whom  were  elected.  Harrison 
died  just  one  month  after  his  inauguration,  and  was 
succeeded  by  John  "Tyler,  who  was  elected  Vice-Presi 
dent  with  him. 


XIII.]  POLITICAL  PARTIES.  163 

At  this  period  a  third  party  had  developed  itself. 
Its  members  were  composed  of  the  progressive  wing  of 
the  Whig  party,  and  those  who  had  cast  their  votes  for 
years  without  any  real  tie  to  any  party.  They  were 
few  in  numbers,  but  they  were  a  resolute  land.  They 
came  from  all  quarters  of  the  Republic.  Their  ranks 
could  boast  not  only  of  patriotism  and  love  of  freedom, 
but  also  of  possessing  more  refinement,  education,  and 
sobriety  than  ever  characterized  a  political  party  since 
the  formation  of  civil  government.  Many  of  its  mem 
bers  were  men  of  years,  who  had  received  their  convic 
tions  of  the  equality  of  men  before  the  law  from  the 
teachings  of  patriotic  ancestors,  who  had  raised  their 
voices  against  the  sin  of  the  Democratic  institution  of 
Slavery  as  early  as  the  year  1621. 

They  were  calm  and  philosophical  observers  of  the 
progressive  spirit  of  Freedom  in  the  new  world — they 
were  the  sentinels  upon  the  outposts  of  Liberty,  who 
were  to  sound  the  first  notes  that  called  up  from  the 
doomed  night  of  Democratic  barbarism  into  the  pure 
light  of  Republican  liberty,  the  bondmen  of  America 
— they  were  the  medium  between  God  and  man,  to 
break  the  cruel  fetters  of  barbarism  and  touch  the 
magic  spark  that  should  light  up  in  the  breast  of  the 
slave  that  fire  of  Liberty  and  Hope  implanted  by  the 
Deity,  and  which  when  once  illuminated  by  the  light 
of  Freedom  and  intelligence,  never  can  be  dimmed  by 
the  hand  of  man. 

They  were  called  Abolitionists,  the  very  name  of  which, 
in  those  times,  was  odious,  and  consigned  its  bearer  to 
insult,  and  often  to  physical  outrage  by  the  Democrats. 
Indeed,  in  many  parts  of  the  country,  and  particularly 
at  the  South,  a  true  Democrat  hunted  with  savage  fe 
rocity  ,  akin  to  the  African  tiger  on  the  scent  of  a  Hot- 


164  REPUBLICANISM  IN  AMERICA.  [Chap. 

tentot,  an  Abolitionist,  and  considered  him  his  prey ;  and 
if  found  within  the  Slave  States,  would  serve  as  a 
manikin  upon  which  to  practice  with  his  bowie-knife, 
or  bedeck  with  tar  and  feathers,  or  under  Southern 
statutes,  consign  to  a  prison  or  the  gallows.  Their 
treatment  at  the  North,  in  many  instances,  had  been 
little  better.  For  years  no  meetings  of  the  party  could 
be  held;  violent  attacks  from  Democratic  ruffians 
drove  them  from  every  point.  Laws  were  passed  at 
the  South  denying  the  use  of  the  United  States  mails 
to  any  books,  papers,  or  any  other  matter  of  an  aboli 
tion  tendency. 

An  Anti- Slavery  meeting  was  held  at  Warsaw,  in 
Western  New  York,  in  November,  1839,  at  which  the 
subject  of  organizing  into  a  national  political  party, 
and  placing  a  candidate  in  the  field  for  the  Presidency, 
was  discussed.  Here  was  the  first  practical  move 
toward  the  organization  of  the  National  Union  He- 
publican  party. 

The  National  Union  Republican  party  which  crushed 
out  Slavery,  subdued  the  fiery  temper  and  brutal  pas 
sions  of  the  dealers  in  men,  lifted  the  American  Re 
public  from  the  slough  of  despond  into  which  it  was 
cast  by  Democratic  infidelity,  and  made  her  the  freest 
and  most  powerful  of  nations  on  the  earth. 

The  Convention  nominated  for  the  Presidency, 
James  G.  Birney,  of  New  York,  formerly  of  Alabama, 
and  for  the  Vice-Presidency,  Francis  J.  Lemoyne,  of 
Pennsylvania.  The  new  party  came  before  the  public 
as  a  mere  experiment;  for,  of  course,  they  could  not 
hope  to  carry  the  election,  but  they  achieved  a  victory, 
the  rich  fruits  of  which  will  be  gathered  by  the  gen 
erations  of  men,  so  long  as  human  freedom  finds  an 
advocate.  They  forged  the  thunderbolt  that  rent  the 


XIII.]  THE   ABOLITION   PARTY  165 

black  cloud  which  obscured  the  light  of  freedom  in 
the  Southern  sky;  they  directed  the  hand  that  on  the 
1st  day  of  January,  1863,  wrote  the  proclamation  that 
made  America  free,  and  sounded  the  bugle  notes  which 
led  the  conquering  armies  of  1864-' 65  to  a  triumphal 
victory;  they  blew  the  trumpet  blast  that  called  the 
doctrines  of  peaceable  secession  and  "  Southern  rights" 
to  that  sleep  that  knows  no  waking. 

The  Abolition  party,  as  it  was  called,  retired  from  the 
election  contest  of  1840  with  a  vote  of  7,000  for  their 
candidates.  The  Democrats  were  defeated  by  the 
Whigs,  who  elected  Harrison.  Tyler,  who  succeeded 
Harrison,  soon  abandoned  the  principles  upon  which 
he  was  elected,  and  found  himself  in  close  league  with 
the  interests  of  the  leading  slaveholders  of  the  South. 

At  no  period  of  the  nation  was  the  contest  between 
political  parties  so  great  as  in  the  years  from  this  first 
Republican  (abolition)  national  organization  to  the 
election  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  their  first  President,  in  1860. 
The  Secession  Laws  of  South  Carolina  of  1832,  and 
the  cruel  codes  passed  by  the  South  against  the  Abo 
litionists,  aroused  the  sympathies  of  a  large  portion  of 
the  people  of  the  North  in  favor  of  the  new  party. 
The  strife  between  North  and  South  was  now  bitter 
and  well  defined.  State  elections  brought  to  the  Na 
tional  Capital  representatives  imbued  with  the  spirit  of 
the  Republican  party,  whose  philosophy  and  argu 
ments  in  favor  of  human  liberty,  coming  in  contact 
with  the  barbarous  instincts  and  debasing  practices  of 
the  representatives  of  the  slave  power,  converted  the 
halls  of  national  legislation  into  a  battle  field  be 
tween  Liberty  and  Slavery. 

Within  this  period  were  the  agitating  questions  of 
the  annexation  of  Texas,  and  in  1850  the  admission 


166  REPUBLICANISM  IN  AMERICA.  [Chap. 

of  California,  "  Squatter  Sovereignty,"  Kansas  and 
Nebraska  difficulties,  under  all  of  which  agitations  the 
new  Republican  party  grew  into  strength  and  influ 
ence.  Soon  they  began  to  absorb  the  advance  lines  of 
the  Whig  party,  and  to  gain  victories  at  State  elec 
tions. 

From  the  year  1840  up  to  1844,  dissensions  were 
creeping  into  the  Democratic  ranks;  and  as  the  Presi 
dential  election  of  1844  drew  nigh,  the  breach  began 
to  widen.  The  annexation  of  Texas  to  enlarge  the 
field  of  slave  labor,  was  an  all-absorbing  subject. 
Martin  Yan  Buren  had  been  their  choice  for  the  Presi 
dency  until  within  a  few  months  before  the  election. 
The  Democratic  Convention  which  met  May  29th, 
1844,  found  it  difficult  to  nominate  Yan  Buren,  and 
the  delegates  of  Yirginia  and  New  York  abandoning 
him,  the  scale  was  turned  in  favor  of  James  K.  Polk, 
who  received  the  nomination,  but  left  an  ugly  gap  in 
the  Democratic  ranks. 

The  Whig  National  Convention  assembled  at  Balti 
more  on  May  1st,  1844.  Henry  Clay  was  declared  the 
unanimous  choice  of  the  Convention  for  the  Presidency. 
The  disaffection  caused  by  the  rejection  of  Yan  Buren 
by  the  Democratic  Convention,  and  the  feeling  amongst 
many  of  the  Whig  leaders  that  Clay  was  leaning  too 
strong  toward  slave  interests,  afforded  many  of  them 
an  opportunity  to  affiliate  with  the  new  party,  the  Re 
publicans,  who  now  held  the  balance  of  power.  Mr. 
Clay's  Whig  friends  felt  keenly  the  loss  of  their  votes; 
for  with  the  abolition  vote  added  to  the  Whig  vote,  the 
ambition  of  Clay's  life  would  have  been  consummated, 
and  Polk  would  have  been  defeated.  But  the  new  Re 
publican  party  were  not  to  be  bought  nor  swerved  from 
their  purpose.  They  liad  held  their  National  Conven- 


XIII.]  BIKNEY   AND   HIS  PARTY.  167 

tion,  and  came  the  second  time  before  the  public  with 
their  tried  friend  Mr.  Birney,  for  the  Presidency. 
This  time  the  Democrats  were  successful;  Polk  was 
elected  President;  Clay  was  defeated,  so  was  Birney; 
but  Birney  and  his  party  had  gained  on  both  parties. 
The  7,000  votes  of  four  years  before  were  now  swelled 
to  62,140,  an  increase  of  almost  tenfold  in  four  years. 
Abolitionism  was  beginning  to  be  respectable,  and 
Democratic  hate  and  opposition  to  it  to  increase.  The 
wheels  of  Polk's  administration  were  put  in  motion  on 
March  4th,  1845,  with  James  Buchanan  as  Secretary  of 
State.  The  administration  was  highly  favorable  to 
"  compromise"  and  domestic  Slavery. 

The  new  administration  had  upon  its  hands,  besides 
local  issues,  two  important  foreign  affairs — the  dispute 
with  Great  Britain  respecting  the  claims  of  title  to 
Oregon,  and  the  Mexican  question,  as  to  the  boundary 
of  Texas,  out  of  which  grew  the  war  with  Mexico, 
which  was  commenced  April  25th,  1846.  Polk  was 
inaugurated  President  only  a  few  days.  before-March 
4th,  1846. 

The  Democrats  had  gained  temporary  prestige  by 
Polk's  administration,  and  the  prosecution  of  the 
Mexican  war;  but  on  the  question  of  enforcing  the 
claims  of  the  United  States  to  the  Oregon  Territory, 
including  all  that  country  between  the  parallels  of  42 
degrees,  and  54  degrees  and  40  minutes  north  latitude, 
they  weakened;  the  region  was  not  suitable  to  slave 
labor  and  "  Southern  interests,"  so  Calhoun,  Rhett  and 
other  Democratic  leaders,  became  luke-warm,  and 
finally  opposed  a  vigorous  prosecution  of  the -claims  of 
the  United  States  to  Oregon,  whilst  Mr.  Adams,  of 
Massachusetts,  the  leader  of  the  Whig  party,  together 
with  other  prominent  Whigs,  proclaimed  for  immediate 


168  '    REPUBLICANISM  IN  AMERICA.  [Chap. 

action,  as  did  also  Mr.  Giddings,  of  Ohio,  the  leader 
of  the  Abolition  party.  This  reaction  and  cooling 
down  of  the  fighting  spirit  of  the  Democrats  as  they  ap 
proached  the  frigid  zone,  wore  off  a  little  of  the  Mexi 
can  tinsel,  and  placed  the  Whig  and  Abolition  parties 
upon  a  healthier  footing  in  the  estimation  of  the  party 
of  freedom,  who  now  advocated  the  issuing  of  a  no^ 
tice  by  the  Executive  to  the  British  Government,  that 
steps  be  taken  to  abrogate  the  Convention  of  1827.  A 
declaration  of  this  nature  would  decide  one  of  two 
things — the  peaceable  possession  of  Oregon  by  the 
Americans  as  claimed,  or  a  war  with  England.  On  the 
vote  on  this  proposition,  it  passed  by  142  to  46  against 
it;  all  those  voting  against  it  being  Democrats.  So 
now  the  Whigs  and  Abolitionists  were  in  harmony  for 
Oregon,  while  the  leaders  of  the  Democracy  opposed  it. 
Polk,  on  the  27th  of  April,  1846,  approved  the  resolu 
tions,  authorizing  the  notice  to  England,  which  notice 
was  in  due  time  handed  to  Queen  Victoria  in  person. 
The  great  suspense  of  the  country,  and  the  dread  of 
war  entertained  by  the  Democracy,  was  soon  dispelled. 
A  conference  between  Mr.  Parkenham  on  behalf  of  her 
Britannic  Majesty,  and  James  Buchanan  on  behalf  of 
the  United  States,  concluded  a  treaty  on  the  15th  of 
June,  1846,  confirming  the  title  to  Oregon,  as  now 
possessed  by  the  United  States,  making  the  division 
line  "the  49th  degree  of  latitude,  from  the  Stony 
Mountains  west  to  the  middle  of  the  channel  which 
separates  Vancouver  Island  from  the  Continent,  thence 
southerly  through  the  middle  of  the  channel  and  to 
Fuca  Straits^  to  the  Pacific  Ocean."  The  treaty  was 
sent  to  England  for  the  ratification  of  that  Government, 
which  was  done,  and  ratifications  exchanged,  which 
were  proclaimed  by  the  President,  August  5th;  1846. 


XIII.]  THE   PACIFIC  TERRITORY.       .  169 

Thomas  H.  Benton,  "one  of  America's  clearest  headed 
Statesmen,  at  this  period  in  the  United  States  Sen 
ate,  had  not  gone  to  the  extreme  of  '54,  as  had  many 
leading  spirits  of  all  parties;  and  to  his  able  speech 
delivered  upon  this  subject,  in  which  he  had  con 
tended  for  49  as  the  north  boundary,  more  than  to 
any  other  one  cause,  may  be  attributed  the  peaceful 
adjustment  of  what  threatened  a  long  and  disastrous 
war. 

The  following  extract  from  a  speech  made  by  him  in 
the  United  States  Senate,  January  12th,  1843,  will  at 
once  show  the  origin  of  our  title  to  this  vast  Pacific 
Territory,  forming  Oregon,  Washington,  and  Idaho 
Territories : 

"  Mr.  Benton  said  he  would  not  restate  the  American  title  to 
that  country;  it  had  been  well  done  by  others  who  had  preceded 
him  in  debate.  He  would  only  give  a  little  more  development 
to  two  points — the  treaties  of  1803  and  1819;  the  former  with 
France,  by  which  we  acquired  Louisiana,  the  latter  with  Spain, 
by  which  we  acquired  all  her  rights  on  the  northwest  coast  of 
America,  north  of  42  degrees.  By  the  first  of  these  treaties,  we 
Became  a  party  to  the  tenth  Article  of  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht  be 
tween  France  and  England;  the  treaty  of  peace  of  1714,  which 
terminated  the  wars  of  Queen  Anne  and  Louis  XTV,  and  settled 
all  their  differences  of  every  kind  in  Europe  and  America,  and 
undertook  to  prevent  the  recurrence  of  future  differences  be 
tween  them.  The  tenth  Article  of  this  treaty  applied  to  their 
settlements  and  territories  in  North  America,  and  directed  Com 
missioners  to  be  appointed  to  mark  and  define  their  possessions. 
These  Commissioners  did  their  work.  They  drew  a  line  from  ocean 
to  ocean  to  separate  the  French  and  British  dominions,  and  to 
prevent  further  encroachments  and  collisions.  This  line  began 
on  the  coast,  of  Labrador,  and  followed  a  course  slightly  south 
west  to  the  centre  of  North  America,  leaving  the  British  settle 
ments  of  Hudson  Bay  to  the  north,  and  the  French  Canadian 
possessions  to  the  south.  This  line  took  for  a  landmark  the 
Lake  of  the  Woods,  which  was  then  believed  to  be  due  east 


170  REPUBLICANISM  IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

from  the  head  of  the  Mississippi,  and  from  that  point  took  the 
forty-ninth  parallel  of  latitude  indefinitely  to  the  west.  The  lan 
guage  is  '  indefinitely ;'  and  this  established  the  northern 
boundary  of  Louisiana,  and  erected  a  wall,  beyond  which 
future  French  settlements  could  not  cross  to  the  North,  nor 
British  to  the  South. 

"As  purchasers  of  Louisiana,  the  treaty  of  1803  made  us  a  party 
to  the  tenth  Article  of  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht,  and  made  the  forty- 
ninth  parallel  the  same  to  us  and  the  British  which  it  had  been  to  the 
French  and  the  British;  it  became  a  wall  which  neither  party 
could  pass,  so  far  as  it  depended  upon  that  Hne." 

The  settlement  of  the  Oregon  question  and  the 
shameful  backing  down  of  the  Democracy  in  the 
matter  began  to  lead  the  Whig  and  Abolition  parties 
into  favor. 

The  Presidential  campaign  of  1848  was  opened 
early  in  1847.  The  name  of  General  Taylor  was  prom 
inent  among  Democrats  and  Whigs;  his  war  record 
was  of  influence.  Many  of  the  latter  party  felt  loth  to 
abandon  Henry  Clay,  but  he  had  been  so  often  before 
the  people  in  the  Presidential  line  that  they  began 
to  think  of  looking  for  fresh  material.  They  did  no^t 
like  Taylor ;  he  was  a  slaveholder,  and  doubtless  would 
favor  the  extension  of  the  institution  into  the  Ter 
ritories,  to  all  of  which  the  Whigs  were  opposed. 
Taylor  was  a  Democrat,  and  when  interrogated  by 
Whigs  and  Democrats  as  to  his  position  in  relation  to 
the  subjects  dividing  these  parties,  he  declined  to 
define  his  position,  or  state  his  views.  He  had  been 
for  the  past  forty  years  in  the  active  service  of  the 
Army;  had  not  thought  of  politics  or  party  issues,  in 
deed,  had  not  cast  a  vote  in  all  his  life ;  all  he  could 
say  was,  that  if  elected,  he  would  serve  the  people 
honestly  and  faithfully.  He  also  declared,  that  he 
would  not  receive  a  nomination  from  any  parti/ — Demo- 


XIII.]      CANDIDATES  FOR  THE   PRESIDENCY— 1848.  171 

cratic,  Whig,  or  National;  but  if  nominated  and 
elected,  it  must  be  by  the  people,  regardless  of  parties ; 
still,  if  nominated  by  the  Whig  party,  he  should  not 
decline  the  nomination,  provided  he  was  left  free  of 
all  pledges — if  pledges  were  demanded,  he  should  de 
cline  the  nomination.  Whigs  objected  to  this,  and 
declared  that  no  man  was  fit  to  represent  that  party 
who  was  ashamed  or  afraid  to  proclaim  for  its  doc 
trines. 

The  Democratic  National  Convention  met  at  Balti 
more,  May  22d,  1848.  The  composure  of  the  Conven 
tion  was  disturbed  by  double  sets  of  delegates  from 
New  York — the  "  Hunkers"  and  "  Barnburners" — each 
claiming  to  be  the  regular  party.  Neither  of  these  par 
ties,  however,  took  any  part  in  the  Convention. 
General  Lewis  'Cass  received  the  nomination  for  the 
Presidency. 

The  Whig  National  Convention  met  at  Philadelphia, 
June  7th,  1848.  General  Zachary  Taylor  was  nom 
inated  for  the  Presidency  over  Henry  Clay,  Daniel 
Webster,  General  Scott,  and  John  McLean.  Great  con 
fusion  and  excitement  followed  the  announcement  of 
the  nomination.  The  leading  Whigs  of  the  Free 
States  who  had  favored  Webster,  Scott,  or  Clay,  in 
preference  to  Taylor,  felt  that  the  nominee  was  not  the 
representative  of  the  progressive  ideas  of  the  great 
Whig  party;  indeed,  one  of  them,  Mr.  Allen,  of  Mas 
sachusetts,  proclaimed  in  the  Convention  after  the 
nomination,  that  the  Whig  party  had  tliat  day  been  dis 
solved.  Millard  Fillmore  was  nominated  for  the  Vice- 
Presidency.  Resolutions  were  introduced  amidst  great 
confusion,  to  the  effect  that  Congress  possessed  the 
legal  power  to  prohibit  Slavery  in  the  Territories. 
This  caused  a  storm  most  violent  from  the  Southern 


172  REPUBLICANISM  IN   AMERICA.        .          [Chap. 

wing  of  Taylor's  supporters.  Right  here  was  the 
element  of  destruction  preying  upon  the  Whig  party. 
No  more  than  oil  and  water  can  be  united  could  the 
sentiments  of  the  Pro-Slavery  and  Anti-Slavery  ele 
ments  of  this  body  be  harmonized.  At  every  step 
new  converts  were  being  made  for  the  new  part}^ — the 
Abolition  or  Republican  party.  "  Barnburners"  and 
u  Hunkers"  were  calling  mass  meetings,  and  proclaim 
ing  against  the  Democratic  nominee,  General  Cass. 
While  this  was  going  on,  disaffected  Whigs  were  hold 
ing  meetings,  and  looking  to  some  new  combination 
through  which  they  might  have  a  fair  exponent  and  a 
representative  of  their  principles. 

The  "  Barnburners,"  now  a  powerful  organization, 
particularly  throughout  New  York  State,  had  held  a 
Convention  at  Utica,  New  York,  June  23d,  1848. 
They  favored  Van  Buren  for  their  nominee  for  the 
Presidency,  but  he  declined,  at  the  same  time,  pro 
claiming  in  favor  of  Free  Territory,  and  avowing  that 
he  could  not  support  either  the  Democratic  or  Whig 
nominees  for  the  Presidency.  The  Convention,  not 
withstanding  his  declination,  nominated  him  for  the 
Presidency  by  acclamation. 

A  mass  Convention  of  the  friends  of  Free  Territory 
was  held  at  Buffalo,  New  York,  August  9th,  1848. 
Nearly  all  the  Free  States  and  the  States  of  Virginia, 
Maryland,  and  Delaware  were  represented.  The  Con 
vention  was  composed  of  many  of  the  purest  and  best 
men  of  the  country,  attracting  to  it  those  persons  of 
all  previous  parties  who  were  opposed  to  human 
Slavery.  The  three  following  resolutions  were  unani 
mously  passed: 

"  First,  That  it  is  the  duty  of  the  Federal  Government  to  abol 
ish  Slavery  wherever  it  has  the  constitutional  power  to  do  so, 


XIII.]  THE  FREE-SOIL  PARTY.  .    173 

and  that  the  Government  is  responsible  for  its  existence  in  such 
places.  Second,  That  the  States  within  which  Slavery  exists,  are 
alone  responsible  for  the  continuance  or  existence  of  it  within 
those  States,  and  that  the  General  Government  has  no  authority 
over  Slavery  within  the  States.  Third,  That  the  true  and  safe 
means  of  preventing  the  existence  of  Slavery  in  territory  now 
free  is  by  Congressional  action." 

Charles  Francis  Adams,  of  Massachusetts,  was  chosen 
President  of  the  Convention,  and  a  Yice-President 
from  each  of  the  States  was  also  chosen.  Martin  Van 
Buren  was  nominated  for  the  Presidency,  and  John  P. 
Hale  for  Vice-President,  the  former  receiving  244 
votes,  and  the  latter  181.  Mr.  Hale  was  at  the  time 
a  Democratic  Congressman  from  New  .Hampshire,  but 
his  " free-soil"  doctrines  had  placed  him  outside  the 
ring  of  his  party.  Hale,  who  had  been  previously 
nominated  for  the  Presidency  by  the  Anti-Slavery 
party,  at  his  request  had  his  name  withdrawn,  and 
Charles  Francis  Adams  was  nominated  for  Vice-Presi 
dent  by  acclamation. 

The  Anti-Slavery  party,  which  had  run  Birney  twice 
for  the  Presidency,  now  centered  their  forces  upon 
Yan  Buren,  who  went  into  the  field  with  great  reluc 
tance,  he  having  publicly  announced  some  years  pre 
viously  that  he  should  not  again  be  a  candidate  for  the 
Presidency.     In  the  meantime  Taylor,  the  Whig  can 
didate,  was  gaining  strength  from  the  Democratic  ranks. 
Many  of  the  Southern  people,  tiring  of  that  party, 
feared  that  Lewis  Cass,  being  a  Northern  man,  would 
not  prove  sound  on  the  Slavery  question.     During  this 
time,  those  who  were  more  progressive  in  both  the 
Democratic    and   Whig   parties,    and   the   disaffected 
"  Barnburners,"  "  Hunkers,"  and  Abolitionists  rallied 
to  Yan  Buren' s  support,  and  swelled  his  vote  in  the 
fall  election  to  291,455.     Here  was  an  increase  of  jive- 
12 


174  REPUBLICANISM  IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

fold  in  the  last  four  years  for  the  Free- Soil  party. 
Taylor,  the  Whig  candidate  for  President,  with  Mil- 
lard  Fillmore  for  Yice-President,  were  elected,  they 
receiving  1,362,031,  and  Cass  and  Butler  1,222,445 
popular  votes.  Taylor  was  inaugurated  President  on 
the  5th  of  March,  (the  4th  being  Sunday,)  1849,  and 
Mr.  Fillmore  as  Yice-President. 

The  leading  topics  engaging  his  first  attention  were 
the  Acts  of  Congress  in  relation  to  the  formation  of 
governments  for  the  Territories  of  Oregon  and  Utah 
and  the  admission  of  California.  (See  California.) 

President  Taylor  died  July  10th,  1850,  and  was  suc 
ceeded  on  the  %sarne  day  by  his  Yice-President,  Mr. 
Fillmore.  The  violent  'struggle  maintained  by  the 
Democracy  during  Taylor's  and  Fillmore' s  administra 
tions  to  perpetuate  Slavery  in  all  the  Free  Territory, 
and  their  opposition  to  the  admission  of  California, 
will  be  found  treated  upon  under  the  head  of  that 
State,  in  other  chapters  of  this  book. 

The  National  Democratic  Convention  met  at  Balti 
more,  June  1st,  1852.  Lewis  Cass  was  a  prominent 
member  before  it  for  the  Presidency.  James  Bu 
chanan,  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  and  W.  L.  Marcy  were  also 
before  the  Convention.  Several  days  were  spent  with 
out  effecting  a  nomination.  On  the  fifth  day  of  the 
Convention,  Cass  had  run  as  high  as  123  votes;  still 
there  was  no  nomination.  It  was  now  apparent  that 
a  "compromise"  must  be  effected.  Franklin  Pierce, 
of  New  Hampshire,  whose  name  had  not  before  been 
mentioned,  was  presented  by  the  Yirginia  delegation. 
Pierce,  on  the  49th  ballot,  received  the  nomination. 
W.  R.  King,  of  Alabama,  was  nominated  for  the  Yice- 
Presidency. 

The  Whig  National  Convention  met  at  Baltimore,  on 


XIII.]  DEMOCRATIC   RESOLUTIONS   OF    1852.  175 

the  16th  of  June,  1852.  The  prominent  candidates 
before  it  were  Fillmore,  Gen.  Scott,  and  Daniel  Web 
ster.  Scott  received  the  nomination  on  the  fifty-third 
ballot,  as  follows:  Scott  159,  Fillmore  112,  Wqbster 
21.  "W.  A.  Graham,  of  North  Carolina,  was  nominated 
for  Vice-President.  The  issue  'upon  the  subject  of 
Slavery  was  still  a  leading  subject  of  discord. 

The  following  extracts  from  the  platforms  of  these 
two  parties  will  clearly  present  their  positions  upon 
the  subject  of  Slavery,  at  this  time  the  one  agitating 
the  public  more  than  all  others: 

DEMOCEATIC  RESOLUTIONS  OF  1852. 

"  Resolved,  That  Congress  has  no  power  under  the  Constitu 
tion  to  interfere  with  or  control  the  domestic  institutions  of  the 
several  States,  and  that  such  States  are  the  sole  and  proper 
judges  of  everything  appertaining  to  their  c'^n  affairs  and  not 
prohibited  by  the  Constitution;  that  all  efforts  of  Abolitionists  or 
others  made  to  induce  Congress  to  interfere  with  questions  of 
Slavery,  or  to  take  incipient  steps  in  relation  thereto,  are  calcu 
lated  to  lead  to  the  most  alarming  and  dangerous  consequences, 
and  that  all  such  efforts  have  an  inevitable  tendency  to  diminish 
the  happiness  of  the  people,  and  to  endanger  the  stability  and 
permanency  of  the  Union,  and  ought  not  to  be  countenanced  by 
any  friend  of  our  political  institutions. 

"  Resolved,  .That  the  foregoing  proposition  covers  and  is  in 
tended  to  embrace  the  whole  subject  of  Slavery  agitation  in  Con 
gress;  and,  therefore,  the  Democratic  party  of  the  Union,  stand 
ing  on  this  national  platform,  will  abide  by  and  adhere  to  a 
faithful  execution  of  the  acts  known  as  the  Compromise  meas 
ures,  settled  by  the  last  Congress — the  act  for  reclaiming  fugi 
tives  from  service  or  labor  included — which  act,  being  designed 
to  carry  out  an  express  provision  of  the  Constitution,  cannot, 
with  fidelity  thereto,  be  repealed,  nor  so  changed  as  to  destroy 
or  impair  its  efficiency. 

"  Resolved,  That  the  Democratic  party  will  resist  all  attempts 
at  renewing,  in  Congress  or  out  of  it,  the  agitation  of  the  Slavery 
question,  under  whatever  shape  or  color  the  attempt  may  be 
made." 


176  REPUBLICANISM  IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

WHIG  KESOLTJTIONS  OF  1852. 

"Eighth.  That  the  series  of  acts  of  the  XXXIst  Congress, 
known  as  the  Compromise  measures  of  1850 — the  act  known  as 
the  Fugitive  Slave  Law  included — are  received  anrl  acquiesced 
in  by  the  "Whig  party  of  the  United  States  as  a  settlement,  in 
principle  and  substance,  of  the  dangerous  and  exciting  questions 
which  they  embrace;  and  so  far  as  they  are  concerned,  we  will 
maintain  them,  and  insist  on  their  strict  enforcement,  until  time 
and  experience  shall  demonstrate  the  necessity  of  further  legis 
lation  to  guard  against  the  evasion  of  the  laws  on  the  one  hand 
and  the  abuse  of  their  powers  on  the  other — not  impairing  their 
present  efficiency;  and  we  deprecate  all  further  agitation  of  the 
question  thus  settled,  as  dangerous  to  our  peace,  and  will  dis 
countenance  all  efforts  to  continue  or  renew  such  agitation  when 
ever,  wherever,  or  however  the  attempt  may  be  made;  and  we 
will  maintain  this  system  as  essential  to  the  nationality  of  the 
Whig  party  and  the  integrity  of  the  Union." 

The  "Free-Soil  Democracy/'  or  Abolition  party,  still 
in  the  lead  of  the  old  Whig  party  on  the  subject  of 
prohibiting  Slavery  in  the  Free  Territories,  composed 
now  of  all  the  leading  Abolitionists  in  the  country, 
held  their  National  Convention  at  Pittsburg,  Pennsyl 
vania,  on  August  llth,  1852.  John  P.  Hale,  of  New 
Hampshire,  was  nominated  for  the  Presidency,  and 
George  W.  Julian,  of  Indiana,  for  the  Vice-Eresidency. 
Franklin  Pierce  and  W.  R.  King,  the  Democratic  nom 
inees,  were  elected.  Gen.  Scott,  the  Whig  candidate, 
carried  but  four  States — Massachusetts,  Kentucky, 
Tennessee,  and  Vermont — casting  42  electoral  votes, 
while  Pierce  carried  twenty-seven  States,  casting  254 
votes  in  the  electoral  college.  The  popular  vote  of 
the  three  parties  was  as  follows:  Pierce,  1,590,490; 
Scott,  1,378,589;  J.  P.  Hale,  Abolitionist,  157,296. 
The  latter  party  did  not  carry  a  single  State.  Pierce 
was  inaugurated  March  4th,  1853. 

The  pacific  measures   of  Mr.   Pierce,  suggested  to 


XIII.]  GOVERNMENT    OF   THE   TERRITORIES.  177 

Congress  on  December  6th,  1853,  no  doubt  settled  in 
his  mind  the  once  agitating  subject  of  Slavery  in  the 
Territories;  but  the  bills  introduced  early  in  the  ses 
sion  for  the  government  of  the  Territories  of  Kansas 
and  Nebraska,  opened  the  whole  subject  afresh,  and 
brought  the  troubled  subject  of  the  Missouri  Compro 
mise  to  the  surface.  Bills  were  introduced  to  exempt 
this  Territory  from  the  application  of  the  Compromise, 
and  leading  Democrats  at  once  proclaimed  themselves 
in  favor  of  opening,  without  restraint,  all  the  territory 
to  Slavery.  This  announcement  startled  the  people 
of  the  Free  States,  and  soon  the  Slavery  question  be 
gan  to  develop  in  gigantic  proportions. 

Stophen  A.  Douglas,  with  his  heresy  of  ll  Squatter 
Sovereignty,"'  was  widening  the  breach  between  the 
Pro- Slavery  and  An ti- Slavery  parties  of  the  country, 
to  which  his  position  as  Chairman  of  the  Committee 
on  Territories  at  this  time  increased  his  influence. 
The  able  and  patriotic  stand  taken  by  Salmon  P.  Chase 
of  Ohio,  at  this  time  in  the  Senate,  against  the  spread 
of  Slavery,  lent  new  hope  to  the  friends  of  Freedom, 
and  placed  his  name  before  the  American  people  as  an 
able  champion  of  human  freedom. 

Nebraska  and  Kansas  were  filling  up  with  emigrants 
from  Free  and  Slave  States.  The  Pro- Slavery  element, 
encouraged  by  the  doctrines  of  Douglas  and  others, 
soon  began  to  make  their  way  in  large  numbers  from 
Missouri  to  Kansas,  taking  their  slaves  with  them, 
where  they  met  with  considerable  opposition  from  the 
Anti- Slavery  settlers.  The  former,  amongst  other 
things,  early  in  Pierce's  administration,  passed  the  fol 
lowing  resolutions  at  a  public  meeting  held  by  leading 
men  of  the  party  in  Kansas: 

"  Resolved,  That  we  will  afford  protection  to  no  Abolitionist 


ITS  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

as  a  settler  of  this  Territory.  That  we  recognize  the  institution 
of  Slavery  as  already  existing  in  this  Territory,  and  advise  slave 
holders  to  introduce  their  property  as  early  as  possible." 

During  the  whole  of  Pierce's  administration  a  reign 
of  terror  prevailed  throughout  the  Territory  of  Kansas. 
This  was  the  last  great  battle  field  for  the  supremacy 
of  human  bondage  in  the  Territory,  and  the  Democracy 
made  a  desperate  struggle  against  the  party  of  Free 
dom,  in  which  they  were  aided  by  the  Executive  and 
Stephen  A.  Douglas. 

The  political  campaign  of  1856,  for  the  election  of 
President  and  Vice- President  of  the  United  States, 
opened  with  unusual  spirit.  Three  parties  were  in  the 
field,  one  of  which  was  the  Democratic  party,  repre 
senting  all  the  elements  and  doctrines  of  the  party 
since  the  formation  of  the  Government,  and  which 
have  been  already  deajt  with  in  preceding  chapters, 
and  must  continue  to  form  a  link  in  the  present  volume 
to  its  close. 

The  Democratic  National  Convention  met  in  Cin 
cinnati  on  June  2d,  1856,  and  nominated  Jamas 
Buchanan,  of  Pennsylvania,  for  President,  and  John 
C.  Breckinridge,  of  Kentucky,  for  Vice-President. 
Stephen  A.  Douglas  was  a  candidate  before  the  Con 
vention,  but  failed  to  obtain  the  nomination.  Buchanan 
had  a  clear  Democratic  record.  He  had  stood  by  his 
party,  whilst  they  repealed  the  Act  prohibiting  Slavery 
from  extending  into  the  Western  Territories,  known  as 
the  "  Missouri  Compromise."  He  had  years  of  ex 
perience,  and  was  well  skilled  in  the  art  of  Democratic 
diplomacy,  as  will  appear  more  fully  toward  the  close 
of  this  chapter.  The  Convention,  among  other  planks 
of  its  platform,  adopted  the  following: 

"  1st.  Resolved,  That,  claiming  fellowship  with,  and  desiring 


XIIL]  THE   REPUBLICAN   PARTY.  179 

the  cooperation  of,  all  who  regard  the  preservation  of  the  Union 
under  the  Constitution  as  the  paramount  issue,  and  repudiating 
all  sectional  parties  and  platforms  concerning  domestic  Slavery, 
which  seek  to  embroil  the  States,  and  incite  to  treason  and  armed 
resistance  to  law  in  the  Territories,  and  whose  avowed  purpose, 
if  consummated,  must  end  in  civil  war  and  disunion,  the  Amer 
ican  Democracy  recognize  and  adopt  the  principles  contained  in 
the  organic  laws  establishing  the  Territories  of  Kansas  and 
Nebraska,  as  embodying  the  only  sound  and  safe  solution  of  the 
Slavery  question  upon  which  the  great  national  idea  of  the 
people  of  this  whole  country  can  repose  in  its  determined  con 
servation  of  the  Union,  and  non-interference  of  Congress  with 
Slavery  in  the  Territories  or  in  the  District  of  Columbia." 

A  new  and  powerful  organization-  was  now  in  the 
field,  made  up  of  the  leaders  of  the  old  Whig  party, 
who  had  stood  in  direct  opposition  to  the  Democratic 
party  upon  national  and  constitutional  powers  and 
principles.  It  also  drew  to  its  support  all  those  who 
were  opposed  to  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise, 
and  those  of  all  parties  and  sections  who  believed 
in  the  constitutional  powers  of  Congress  to  legislate 
upon  the  subject  of  Slavery  in  the  Territories.  It  had 
been  gathering  strength  and  form  since  1840,  at  which 
time  it  formed  a  national  organization  known  as  the 
Abolition  party,  headed  by  J.  G.  Birneyf  as  Presidential 
candidate,  who  polled  7,000  votes.  The  party  had 
through  each  successive  step,  from  that  period  to  1856, 
drawn  within  its  circle  the  leading  progressive  men  of 
the  nation — those  imbued  with  the  spirit  that  inspired 
the  Pilgrim  Fathers,  and  such  champions  of  human 
freedom  as  Washington,  Warren,  Mather,  Franklin, 
John  Adams,  John  Quincy  Adams,  Jefferson,  Lafayette 
and  others. 

At  this  date,  whatever  was  pure  in  the  Democratic 
ranks  was  either  attaching  itself  to  the  Whig  or 
the  new  Pvepublican  party.  The  bloody  crusades  of 


180  REPUBLICANISM   IN  AMERICA.  [Chap. 

the  Democracy  against  the  Anti-Slavery  men  in 
Kansas  during  the  preceding  few  years,  had  fully 
demonstrated  the  fact  that  until  Slavery  was  obliter 
ated,  the  fiendish  propensities  of  that  reckless,  in 
human,  illiterate,  and  vagrant  band  of  ruffians,  strug 
gling  for  the  enslavement  of  men  upon  the  Free 
Territory,  would  not  cease.  Fully  conscious  of  this, 
the  Republican  party  came  into  the  contest  with 
increasing  numbers,  and  inspired  with  the  justness 
of  their  cause,  manifested  great  determination.  In 
1854  they  had  carried  most  of  the  State  elections  in 
the  Free  States. 

Their  National  Convention,  under  the  name  of  the 
Republican  party,  met  at  Pittsburg,  Pennsylvania, 
February  22d,  1856;  but  little  more  was  done  than  to 
declare  principles,  and  to  give  shape  and  vitality  to  the 
organization,  which  was  destined  to  be  the  most 
powerful  political  party  ever  organized  in  America. 
Arrangements  were  made  for  the  calling  of  a  National 
Nominating  Convention,  which  was  called,  and  met  at 
Philadelphia,  June  17th,  1856.  John  C.  Fremont, 
of  California;  Abraham  Lincoln,  of  Illinois;  John 
McLean,  of  0-hio,  and  William  L.  Dayton,  of  New 
Jersey,  were  before  the  Convention  for  nomination. 
Fremont  received  the  nomination  for  President,  and 
Dayton  for  Vice-President,  and  the  Republican  party 
entered  upon  their  first  national  campaign  with  great 
hope  and  activity.  They  took  strong  grounds  in 
favor  of  the  constitutional  powers  of  Congress  to  legis 
late  in  all  things  needful  for  the  Territories,  and  in 
corporated  the  following  resolutions  as  a  part  of  their 
principles : 

"  Resolved,  That  with  our  Eepublican  fathers,  we  hold  it  to  be 
a  self-evident  truth  that  all  men  are  endowed  with  the  inalien- 


XIII.]  THE  AMERICAN  PARTY.  181 

able  rights  to  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness;  and 
that  the  primary  object  and  ulterior  design  of  our  Federal  Gov 
ernment  was  to  secure  these  rights  to  all  persons  within  its  ex 
clusive  jurisdiction.  That  as  our  Kepublican  fathers,  when  they 
had  abolished  Slavery  in  all  our  National  Territory,  ordained 
that  no  person  should  be  deprhed  of  life,  liberty,  or  property, 
without  due  process  of  law,  it  becomes  our  duty  to  maintain  this 
provision  of  the  Constitution  against  all  attempts  to  violate  it 
for  the  purpose  of  establishing  Slavery  in  any  Territory  of  the 
United  States,  by  positive  legislation,  prohibiting  its  existence 
and  extension  therein.  That  we  deny  the  authority  of  Congress, 
of  a  Territorial  Legislature,  of  any  individual  or  association  of 
individuals,  to  give  legal  existence  to  Slavery  in  any  Territory  of 
the  United  States  while  the  present  Constitution  shall  be  main 
tained. 

"  Eesolved,  That  the  Constitution  confers  upon  Congress  sover 
eign  power  over  the  Territories  of  the  United  States  for  their 
Government;  and  that,  in  the  exercise  of  this  power,  it  is  both 
the  right  and  duty  of  Congress  to  prohibit  in  the  Territories 
those  twin  relics  of  barbarism — Polygamy  and  Slavery." 

In  the  campaign  of  1856,  a  third  party,  known  as 
the  American  party,  was  also  in  the  field.  It  differed 
essentially  from  each  of  the  other  two  parties,  still  it 
held  a  close  affinity  with  the  Democratic  party  upon 
the  subject  of  Slavery  in  the  Territories.  Their  can 
didate  for  the  Presidency  took  strong  grounds  against 
the  Republican  party,  denouncing  it  as  a  "  sectional 
party/' 

Their  National  Convention  met  at  Philadelphia, 
February  22d,  1856.  A  cardinal  principle  of  the  party 
was,  that  "  Native  born  Americans  must  rule  Amer 
ica."  Millar d  Fillmore,  of  New  York,  GTeorge  Law, 
of  New  York,  and  Andrew  Jackson  Donelson,  of  Ten 
nessee,  were  before  the  Convention  for  nomination. 
Fillmore  was  nominated  for  the  Presidency,  and 
Donelson  for  the  Vice-Presidency,  The  following  reso 
lution,  as  a  part  of  their  principles,  adopted  in  the 
Convention,  is  a  kind  of  political  homeopathic  dose: 


182  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

"  The  recognition  of  the  right  of  native  born  and  naturalized 
citizen  of  the  United  States,  permanently  residing  in  any  Ter 
ritory  thereof,  to  frame  their  Constitution  and  laws,  and  to 
regulate  their  domestic  and  social  affairs  in  their  own  mode, 
subject  only  to  the  provisions  of  the  Federal  Constitution,  with 
the  privilege  of  admission  into  the  Union,  whenever  they  have 
the  requisite  population  for  one  representative  in  Congress: 
Provided,  always,  that  none  but  those  who  are  citizens  of  the 
United  States,  under  the  Constitution  and  laws  thereof,  and  who 
have  a  fixed  residence  in  any  such  Territory. oufrht  to  participate 
in  the  formation  of  the  Constitution,  or  in  the  enactment  of  laws 
for  said  Territory  or  State." 

The  Whig  party  was  not  represented  as  an  organized 
body  in  the  Presidential  campaign  of  1856 ;  disease  had 
set  in  upon  it  on  the  adoption  of  its  platform  in  1852. 
The  Southern  wing  of  the  Democracy,  which  had  affili 
ated  itself  with  it  at  that  time,  (because  Gen.  Cass,  the 
regular  nominee  of  their  own  party,  was  a  Northern 
man)  soon  dispersed  the  glorious  old  Whig  party,  not 
however  to  obscurity,  bat  to  the  ranks  of  the  new 
party  of  Republican  Liberty,  where  they  have  continued 
since  to  march,  carrying  the  Nation's  Constitution,  flag, 
honor,  and  arms,  high  in  the  ranks  of  greatness  and 
universal  freedom. 

The  Democratic  candidates  were  successful.  Bu 
chanan  received  a  popular  vote  of  1,803,029.  Fremont 
received  1,342,164,  and  Fillmore  874,625.  Buchanan 
was  elected  President,  and  Breckinridge  Vice-President, 
still  not  by  a  majority  of  the  popular  vote. 

In  the  Electoral  College,  the  vote  stood  as  follows: 
Buchanan,  174;  Fremont,  114;  Fillmore,  8— total,  291 
— thirty-one  States  voting.  The  vote  for  Vice-Presi- 
dent  was  in  each  case  as  above. 

The  Republicans  carried  the  six  New  England  States 
and  Ohio,  Iowa,  Michigan,  Wisconsin,  and  the  State  of 
New  York  by  80,000  majority. 


XIII.]  BUCHANAN'S  CABINET.  183 

Buchanan  carried  Pennsylvania,  Indiana,  New  Jersey, 
California,  and  Illinois — the  three  latter  giving  him  a 
plurality  vote.  He  also  carried  all  the  Slave  States, 
except  Maryland,  which  went  for  Fillmore. 

Buchanan  being  installed  at  the  head  of  the  nation, 
proceeded  to  select  his  Cabinet,  some  of  whom  seem  to 
have  been  chosen  with  an  eye  to  their  fitness  for  trea 
son  and  villainy,  as  will  more  fully  appear  hereafter. 
«His  Cabinet  was  as  follows:  Lewis  Cass,  of  Michigan. 
Secretary  of  State;  Howell  Cobb,  of  Georgia,  Secre 
tary  of  the  Treasury;  Jacob  Thompson,  of  Mississippi, 
Secretary  of  the  Interior ;  Isaac  Toucey,  of  Connecticut, 
Secretary  of  the  Navy;  John  B.  Floyd,  of  Virginia, 
Secretary  of  War;  Jeremiah  Black,  of  Pennsylvania, 
Attorney- General ;  and  Aaron  Y.  Brown,  of  Tennessee, 
Postmaster-General. 

The  new  Administration  having  in  the  first  but  little 
business  of  importance,  turned  its  attention  to  the  sub 
ject  of  the  purchase  of  Cuba.  I  ncreasing  troubles  in 
Kansas,  and  the  raid  of  the  eccentric  old  John  Brown 
into  Virginia  gave  it  some  exercise.  The  Governor  of 
Missouri  offered  a  reward  of  three  thousand  dollars  for 
John  Brown,  on  the  charge  of  his  running  off  slaves. 
James  Buchanan  came  in  with  his  mite,  and  added  two 
hundred  and  fifty  dollars  to  the  reward.  Congress  was 
engaged  in  maturing  schemes  for  the  acquisition  of 
Cuba.  Fourteen  out  of  the  fifteen  Slave  States  having 
supported  Buchanan,  the  patronage  of  the  Government 
was  extended  to  them. 

The  hostility  of  Southern  leaders,  both  before  and 
after  the  election  of  1856,  against  Republicans  and 
their  doctrines  was  bitter  in  the  extreme,  and  threats 
of  open  violence  were  made,  that  no  Republican  Presi 
dent  would  be  allowed  to  be  inaugurated  if  elected. 


184  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

Senator  Butler,  of  South  Carolina,  said: 

"  When  Fremont  is  elected  we  must  rely  upon  what  we  have — 
good  State  Governments.  Every  Governor  of  the  South  should 
call  the  Legislature  of  his  State  together  and  have  measures  of  the 
South  decided  upon;  if  they  did  not,  and  submit  to  the  degrada 
tion,  they  would  deserve  the  fate  of  slaves.  I  shall  advise  my 
Legislature  to  go  at  the  tap  of  the  drum." 

In  1856,  at  Lynchburg,  Virginia,  Mr.  Keitt,  of  South 
Carolina,  in  a  speech,  said:  "I  tell  you  now,  that  i£ 
Fremont  is  elected,  adherence  to  the  Union  is  treason  to  lib 
erty.  I  tell  you  now,  that  the  Southern  man  who  will 
submit  to  his  election  is  a  traitor  and  a  coward." 

South  Carolina  Congressman,  Preston  S.  Brooks, 
(who  made  the  attack  on  Senator  Sumner,)  at  a  festi 
val  gotten  up  by  his  constituents  for  him,  said: 

1 '  We  have  the  issue  upon  us  now,  and  how  are  we  to  meet  it  ? 
I  tell  you,  fellow  citizens,  from  the  bottom  of  my  heart,  that  the 
only  mode  which  I  think  available  for  meeting  it  is  just  to  to^r 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  trample  it  under  foot,  and 
form  a  Southern  Confederacy;  every  State  of  which  will  be  a 
slaveholding  State.  (Loud  and  prolonged  cheers.)  I  believe  it, 
as  I  stand  in  the  face  of  my  Maker;  I  believe  it  on  my  responsi 
bility  to  you  as  your  representative,  that  the  only  hope  of  the 
South  is  in  the  South,  and  that  the  only  available  means  to  make 
that  hope  effective  is  to  cut  asunder  the  bonds  that  tie  us  to 
gether,  and  take  our  separate  positions  among  the  family  of 
nations.  These  are  my  opinions;  they  have  always  been  my 
opinions.  I  have  been  a  Disunionist  from  the  time  I  could  think. 
If  Fremont  be  elected  President  of  the  United  States,  I  am  for 
the  people,  in  their  majesty,  rising  above  the  law  and  the  lead 
ers,  taking  the  power  into  their  own  hands,  going  by  concert  or 
not  by  concert,  and  ]aying  the  strong  arm  of  Southern  freemen 
upon  the  treasury  and  archives  of  the  Government.  (Applause.)" 

Henry  A.  Wise,  Governor  of  Virginia,  in  an  address 
to  the  people  in  1856,  said: 

"  The  South  cannot,  without  degradation,  submit  to  the  elec- 


XIII.]  SOUTHERN   SECESSION  THREATS.  185 

tion  of  a  Black  Eepublican  President.  To  tell  me  that  we  should 
submit  to  a  Black  Republican,  under  circumstances  like  these, 
is  to  tell  me  that  Virginia  and  the  fifteen  Slave  States. are  already 
subjugated  and  degraded.  (Cheers.)" 

The  Richmond  Examiner,  an  influential  Democratic 
paper,  speaking  of  Brooks'  assault  on  Sumner,  said : 

"  Sumner  and  Sumner's  friends  must  be  punished  and  silenced. 
Either  such  wretches  must  be  hung  or  put  in  the  penitentiary, 
or  the  South  should  prepare  at  once  to  quit  the  Union.  If  Fremont 
is  elected,  it  will  be  the  duty  of  the  South  to  dissolve  the  Union 
and  form  a  Southern  Confederacy." 

The  Charleston  Mercury,  an  influential  Democratic 
organ,  said: 

"  Upon  the  policy  of  dissolving  the  Union,  of  separating  the 
South  from  our  Northern  enemies,  and  establishing  a  Southern 
Confederacy,  parties,  press,  politicians,  and  the  people  are  a 
unit.  There  is  not  a  public  man  in  her  limits,  not  one  of  her 
present  representatives  in  Congress,  who  is  not  pledged  to  the 
lips  in  favor  of  Disunion." 

Senator  Iveson,  of  Georgia,  in  1860,  addressing  his 
constituents,  said: 

"  Slavery  must  be  maintained  in  the  Union  if  possible,  out  of 
it  if  necessary;  peaceably  if  we  may,  forcibly  if  we  must." 

Senator  Brown,  of  Mississippi,  in  an  address  to  his 
State,  said: 

"I  want  Cuba,  I  want  Tamaulipas,  Potosi,  and  one  or  two 
other  Mexican  States.  I  want  them  all  for  the  same  reason — 
for  the  planting  and  spreading  of  Slavery — and  a  footing  in  Cen 
tral  America  will  powerfully  aid  us  in  acquiring  those  ot*her 
States.  Yes!  I  want  these  countries  for  the  spread  of  Slavery, 
like  the  religion  of  our  Divine  Master,  to  the  uttermost  ends  of 
the  earth,  and  rebellious  and  wicked  as  the  Yankees  have  been, 
I  would  even  extend  it  to  them." 

Toombs,  of  Georgia,  in  1856,  said 

"  If  Fremont  is  elected  the  Union  would  be  dissolved  and  ought 
to  be  dissolved." 


186  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

William  L.  Yancey,  (now  deceased)  a  leading  Demo 
crat  of  Alabama,  said  in  1858: 

"  We  shall  fire  the  Southern  heart,  instruct  the  Southern  mind, 
give  courage  to  each  other,  and  at  the  proper  moment,  by  our  or 
ganized,  concentrated  action,  we  can  precipitate  the  Cotton  States  into 
a  rebellion. " 

Mr.  Parks,  in  the  Convention  at  Charleston,  which 
passed  the  Secession  Ordinance,  said: 

"  It  is  no  spasmodic  effort  that  has  come  suddenly  upon  us, 
but  it  has  been  gradually  culminating  for  a  long  series  of  years,  un 
til  at  last  it  has  come  to  that  point  when  we  may  say  the  matter 
is  entirely  right."  . 

Mr.  Inglis  said: 

"As  my  friend  has  said,  most  of  us  have  had  this  matter  under 
consideration  for  the  last  twenty  years,  and  I  presume  we  have 
by  this  time  arrived  at  a  decision  on  the  subject." 

Mr.  Keitt  added: 

"  I  have  been  engaged  in  this  movement  ever  since  I  entered  polit 
ical  life.  I  am  content  with  what  we  have  done  to-day,  and 
content  with  what  will  take  place  to-morrow.  We  have  carried 
the  body  of  this  Union  to  its  last  resting  place,  and  now  we  will 
drop  the  flag  over  its  grave." 

Mr.  Rhett  said: 

"The  secession  of  South  Carolina  is  not  an  event  of  to-day. 
It  is  not  anything  produced  by  Mr.  Lincoln's  election,  9r  by  the 
non-execution  of  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law;  it  has  been  a  matter 
which  has  been  gathering  head  for  thirty  years." 

* 

The  extracts  from  the  speeches  of  leading  Democrats 

of  the  South  and  from  the  leading  Democratic  journals 
above,  will  sufficiently  disabuse  the  minds  of  those 
who,  (if  any  there  be)  entertain  the  idea  that  the 
election  of  Lincoln  to  the  Presidency  in  1860  and 
his  hostility  to  Slavery  was  the  immediate  cause  of 


XIII.]  SECESSION   LONG   PREMEDITATED.  187 

the  Senators  and  Congressmen  from  the  Slave  States 
taking  their  departure  from  the  National  Legislature 
and  entering  into  hearty  cooperation'  with  the  Gov 
ernors  of  the  Southern  States  in  passing  their  ordi 
nances  of  secession,  and  in  levying  war  against  the 
General  Government.  The  people  of  the  South  them 
selves  never  believed  that  any  great  danger  awaited 
them  from  the  election  of  Lincoln,  nor  did  their 
feelings  undergo  any  change  upon  the  subject  of 
their  rights  during  the  period  from  the  nomination 
of  Fremont  in  1856  to  the  nomination  of  Lincoln  in 
1860.  Neither  the  events  of  this  period,  nor  the  his 
tory  of  the  past,  will  warrant  any  such  belief,  and  the 
pretext  of  "  danger"  and  "encroachment  upon  the 
institutions  of  the  South,"  are  but  the  specious  argu 
ments  of  apologists,  for  those  who  for  years  secretly 
connived  at  the  destruction  of  the  American  Union, 
and  who,  as  is  abundantly  demonstrated  by  their  own 
declarations,  rejoiced  at  the  opportunity  of  proclaiming 
the  "  Sovereignty"  of  the  several  States. 

The  history  of  the  country  from  the  adoption  of  the 
Articles  of  Confederation  and  through  each  successive 
stage,  both  of  State  and  National  policy  and  legislation, 
fully  demonstrates  that,  at  what  is  called  the  North  and 
South,  (popularly  designated  the  Free  and  Slave  States) 
a  wide  difference  of  opinion  prevailed  upon  the  subject 
of  the  relation  of  the  States  to  the  Union,  and  the 
power  of  the  National  Legislature  to  govern  in  certain 
matters  of  vital  National  interest.  The  popular  opinion 
that  tha  institution  of  Slavery  at  the  South  had  arrayed 
its  people  against  extended  National  legislation,  and 
that  a  hatred  of  Slavery  by  the  people  of  the  Free  States 
stimulated  them  in  upholding  and  advocating  National 
authority  over  the  public  domain,  and  upon  other 
points,  is  not  entirely  correct. 


188  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

"Whilst  it  must  be  conceded  that  the  interest  of 
these  opposite  conditions  of  Slavery  in  one  section  and 
no  Slavery  in  the  other,  were  not  without  their  due 
share  of  influence,  and  tended  much  to  embitter  the 
political  relations  of  the  two  sections,  yet  impartial  his 
tory  teaches  us  that  these  conditions  were  not  the  only, 
nor  can  we  concede  them  to  be  the  prime,  moving  cause 
of  their  divided  action  upon  questions  of  National  le 
gislation;  for  when  all  the  States  in  the  Union,  North 
and  South,  were  possessed  of  the  element  (Slavery)  that 
is  said  to  have  brought  about  these  opposite  views  of 
National  authority,  almost  the  same  opinions  were  en 
tertained  by  the  two  sections,  as  were  in  1860. 

Numerous  extracts  of  speeches,  debates,  and  letters 
already  given  in  this  volume,  will  fully  establish  this 
position ;  and  the  State  legislation  of  the  several  States, 
which  is  a  fair  reflex  of  the  views  of  the  people, 
will  at  once  show,  that  while  in  one  section  a  steady 
inarch  of  progressive  freedom  and  acquiescence  in  the 
supremacy  of  the  National  Government  existed,  in  the 
other  section  a  constant  proscription  of  the  religious 
and  political  freedom  of  the  people,  with  a  persistent 
opposition  to  National  legislative  authority,  were  prac 
ticed.  That  the  tendencies  of  both  sections  were  di 
rectly  opposite  upon  the  general  principles  of  State 
policy  and  Republican  government,  is  apparent.  This 
subject  will  be  found  fully  discussed  in  the  treatise 
upon  the  several  State  Constitutions  in  this  volume. 

From  the  earliest  period  of  the  Government,  the 
people  of  the  New  England  and  other  Northern  States 
seemed  to  comprehend  and  realize  the  necessity  of  a 
Nationality.  "In  Union  there  is  strength"  seemed 
to  be  their  inspiring  theme.  •Early  in  the  seventeenth 
century  they  had  torn  themselves  from  the  parent 


XIII.]  UNITED   ACTION.  189 

country,  seeking  religious  liberty.  With  the  search  of 
this  came  the  necessity  of  corribination,  discipline  end 
government.  Before  they  had  left  the  shores  of  Britain 
they  felt  this;  and  as  their  ship  approached  the  Ameri 
can  Continent,  they  found  that  for  the  government 
of  the  country,  and  the  future  government  of  their 
little  band,  Union  must  be  established,  and  to  that  end 
they  formed  themselves  into  a  body  politic,  framed  a 
Constitution  (already  set  forth  in  this  work),  elected  a 
Governor,  and  entered  upon  the  discharge  of  the  duties 
of  the  government  of  the  country.  The  subsequent 
Government  of  the  New  England  Colonies  and  their 
Confederation,  the  Articles  of  Association,  Declaration 
and  Constitution  of  the  United  States  were  the  off 
spring  and  echo  of  these  principles  and  practices;  and 
at  each  step  of  the  struggle  against  British  oppression, 
these  people  felt  keenly  the  necessity  of  a  reliance  in  a 
well  organized  and  concentrated  system  of  action,  by 
which  they  could  throw  their  whole  force  and  strength 
against  the  enemy,  and  thus  gradually  and  almost  im 
perceptibly  what  are  now  known  as  the  Northern  States, 
and  particularly  the  New  England  States,  grew  into  a 
National  Republic ;  and  by  each  assault  from  the  ag 
gressor,  the  riots  in  Boston,  .the  opposition  to  the  Stamp 
and  Duty  Acts,  and  when  they,  single-handed,  engaged 
the  British  troops  at  Lexington,  and  followed  them  to 
Bunker  Hill  and  declared  war  against  them— the  most 
powerful  nation  of  the  earth — without  any  knowledge 
that  they  would  be  joined  by  any  of  the  other  Colonies, 
they  felt  the  necessity  of  Union,  nor  indeed  had  they 
much  reason  to  hope  for  assistance  from  their  Southern 
sister  Colonies. 

When  Warren,    Putman,    Franklin,    and   Hancock, 
rallied  their  men  at  Bunker  Hill  and  the  siegy  of  Bos- 
13 


190  REPUBLICANISM   IN  AMERICA.  [Chap. 

ton,  then  was  Union  determined  upon ;  and  when  after 
seven  years  of  bloody  war,  wherein  Massachusetts 
alone  sent  into  the  field  13,825  more  men  than  all  the 
South  (notwithstanding  that  the  population  of  Virginia 
at  that  time  was  double  as  much  as  that  of  Massachu 
setts).;  then,  when  the  green  grass  shrouded  the  bravest 
of  her  sons,  and  the  nation  draped  in  mourning  wept 
for  her  heroic  dead — when  Independence  was  demon 
strated,  and  the  flag  of  the  new  Republic  took  its 
proud  position  among  the  family  of  nations'  symbols, 
then,  more  than  ever,  did  they  feel  the  glory  and  the 
majesty  of  Union. 

From  1620  to  the  day  of  the  Independence  of  Amer 
ica,  the  New  England  Colonies  had  passed  through 
the  probationary  stages  of  National  Republicanism, 
and  their  people  became  well  versed  in  the  science  and 
practice  of  organized  government.  Their  whole  cir 
cumstances,  the  objects  of  their  leaving  England,  their 
separation  and  aspirations  toward  a  complete  religious 
and  political  freedom,  taught  them  that,  for  the  per 
petuity  of  those  objects  and  blessings,  a  "perfect 
Union ''  of  the  States  was  their  only  safety;  and  as  a 
consequence  and  incident  of  the  Union,  the  su 
premacy  of  the  Government  as  the  head  of  the  nation 
must  be  recognized ;  and  as  each  branch  of  the  Gov 
ernment —  Legislative,  Judicial,  and  Executive — per 
formed  their  varied  functions,  an  acquiescence  and  co 
operation  with  them  characterized  their  actions,  and 
at  each  sound  of  alarm  from  without  or  within,  tend 
ing  to  impair  or  thwart  the  action  or  the  usefulness  of 
any  of  its  branches,  new  jealousies  were  aroused  and 
new  safeguards  were  established  for  its  perpetuity, 
until  the  Northern  States  became  the  National  Repub- 
lican  Government  of  America,  acting  as  the  great  safety- 


XIIL]   COLONIAL  -GOVERNMENT  OF  THE  SOUTH.      191 

valve  of  the  nation,  holding  in  its  hand  the  key  to 
national  existence,  and  the  perpetuity  of  American 
liberty. 

The  people  of  the  Southern  States,  from  the  earliest 
period  of  their  settlement,  presented  directly  opposite 
characteristics,  opinions  and  practices.  Their  coloni 
zation  was  not  the  result  of  search  after  freedom,  either 
religious  or  political.  The  leaders  were  men  of  learn 
ing,  high  ambition,  and  exalted  ideas — of  hereditary 
fame  and  descent.  They  were  fully  imbued  with  the 
doctrine  of  the  "  divine  right  of  kings;"  and  as  they  held 
the  lower  class,  or  what  the  slaves  called  "poor  white 
trash/'  in  a  species  of  vassalage,  they  soon  learned  to 
believe  that  they,  too,  "the  first  families,"  were  kingly 
(in  their  way),  viewed  the  status  of  man,  in  proportion 
to  his  possessions,  and  in  each  Colony  and  State,  set  up 
a  species  of  Royal  Government,  which  was  super 
intended  by  a  few  wealthy  families,  to  the  exclusion 
of  those  not  possessed  of  the  legal  property  qualifica 
tions. 

On  the  breaking  out  of  the  Revolutionary  War,  in 
1776,  the  South  fell  in  with  the  Northern  States,  al 
though  not  without  strong  opposition  from  the  wealthy 
class  and  those  generally  in  authority.  As  the  war 
progressed,  a  hearty  cooperation  was  tendered  by  the 
great  majority  of  the  South;  still,  the  altered  political 
condition  of  the  country  had  but  little  changed  the 
views  of  those  in  authority,  and  it  is  fair  to  conclude 
that.not  until  the  surrender  of  the  armies  of  the  Con 
federate  Government  in  the  late  Rebellion  [1865]  did 
the  people  of  the  Slave  States  realize  that  their  State 
Governments  could  be  divested  of  their  "sovereignty" 
Settled  down  in  their  own  States,  surrounded  by  com 
forts,  and  educated  in  the  school  of  domination,  they 


192  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

fully  believed  in  the  nationality  of  the  States,  and  re 
garded  each  State  as  an  independent  nation. 

No  better  evidence  upon  this  is  necessary  than  the 
proceedings  and  debates  in  the  Convention  that  framed 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  which  will  be 
found  in  a  preceding  chapter  of  this  volume,  and  the 
history  of  the  constant  opposition  on  the  .part  of  South 
ern  Senators  and  Representatives  to  the  powers  of  the 
National  Legislature.  Indeed,  the  very  idea  and  name 
of  National  Go vernment  have  been  repugnant  to  them;  and 
their  statesmen,  in  National  and  State  legislation,  have 
carefully  avoided  the  use  of  the  term,  either  in  debate 
or  the  framing  of  laws,  and  have,  in  more  than  one 
important  national  act,  caused  the  word  " National"  to 
be  stricken  out,  declaring  that  the  use  of  the  term  was 
inconsistent  with  the  nature  of  the  Government,  and 
repugnant  to  the  dignity  of  the  "  Sovereign  States." 
They  held  that  the  Constitution  did  not  consolidate 
the  States  into  a  National  Union,  but  into  a  Confeder 
ation  of  Sovereign  States;  and  to  this  idea  all  legisla 
tion,  whether  of  State  or  General  Government,  was 
conformed,  at  least  so  far  as  the  influence  of  Southern 
statesmen  could  control  it. 

As  the  Northern  States  began  to  loose  the  bonds  of 
the  slave,  and  to  extend  the  elective  franchise  and 
abolish  religious  proscriptions,  and  assimilate  them 
selves  to  the  requirements  of  the  Federal  Constitution, 
their  representatives  went  to  the  National  Capital  with 
enlarged  ideas  of  liberal  legislation,  and  a  sincere  be 
lief  in  the  necessity  of  a  National  legislative  depart 
ment  to  adjust  and  redress  public  grievances.  But 
the  Southern  representatives  were  imbued  with  entirely 
opposite  views.  The  delegates  from  the  South  in  the 
lower  house  of  the  National  Congress  went  there  upon 


XIII.]  NATIONAL   LEGISLATION.  193 

a  three-fifth  representation  of  "men  held  to  service," 
who  in  law  were  merchandise — not  by  the  laws  of  na 
tions,  the  civil  or  common  law,  but  by  the  local  laws 
of  the  individual  States.  Their  views  of  liberal  legis 
lation  did  not,  therefore,  keep  pace  with  the  views  of 
men  from  the  Free  States,  who  had  a  representation  in 
Congress  based  not  upon  the  inanimate  commodity 
of  "chattels,"  but  upon  the  basis  of  freemen — think 
ing,  active,  resolute  men. 

The  North  did  not  dread  liberal  National  legisla 
tion,  but  rather  courted  it.  Her  State  Governments 
were  in  harmony  with  the  spirit  of  liberal  laws.  Her 
statesmen  began  to  take  strong  grounds  for  an  ac 
knowledgment  of  the  constitutional  authority  of  the 
National  Legislature  to  govern  the  public  domain;  and 
in  proportion  as  they  advocated  this  view,  it  met 
with  violent  opposition  from  the  Southern  Statesmen, 
who,  fearing  that  the  "sovereignty"  of  their  States 
would  be  merged  into  the  General  Government,  de 
clared  that  any  attempt  to  legislate  upon  such  matters 
by  the  General  Government  would  be  subversive  of 
"State  Rights;"  and  as  at  each  step  of  legislative 
progress  at  the  North,  the  people  advocated  and 
upheld  enlarged  Federal  legislation,  the  representatives 
from  the  South  made  determined  opposition,  until  the 
two  sections  stood  in  direct  antagonism,  which  was 
occasionally  relaxed  by  one  or  the  other  to  hold  the 
balance  of  power,  or  forward  party  interests. 

But  the  balance  of  power  could  not  have  been  ex 
pected  long  to  remain  with  the  people  of  the  South. 
The  tendencies  of  their  doctrines  were  in  conflict  with 
the  letter  and  spirit  of  the  Constitution  and  Declaration 
of  Independence;  and  each  year  carried  them  further 
from  the  philosophy  of  Republican  Government,  until 


194  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

the  year  1860  found  them  with  weapons  in  their  hands 
protesting  against  and  defying  the  authority  of  the 
legally  constituted  authorities  of  the  General  Govern 
ment.  Under  this  state  of  affairs  their  opposition  was 
more  formidable  than  at  any  former  stage  of  the  Gov 
ernment,  but  not  mbrfc  opposed  to  its  principles;  for 
at  no  time  since  the  Union  of  the  States  had  the 
Southern  States  acknowledged  the  National  Govern 
ment.  At  no  time  had  they  been  "  Republican  in 
form."  At  no  time  had  they  formed  a  part  of  \he 
American  Nation  (save  in  name),  nor  affiliated  with 
the  spirit  of  Republican  Government.  They  were  as 
foreign  to  the  interests  and  progress  of  America  as  was 
Spain  or  Russia;  and,  indeed,  were  the  greatest  obstruc 
tion  to  the  carrying  out  of  the  system  of  government, 
designed  by  the  patriots  and  statesmen  of  the  revolu 
tionary  period — not  passive  and  inactive,  non-partici 
pants  in  the  affairs  of  the  Government,  but  active  and 
persistent  obstructionists,  who,  at  every  progressive  step 
made  by  the  party  in  harmony  with  the  principles  of 
the  Constitution,  entered  with  renewed  vigor  upon  bold 
and  defiant  opposition  to  the  laws  and  measures  of  the 
Federal  Government. 

The  struggle  between  the  Democratic  and  Republi 
can  party  during  the  period  of  President  Buchanan's 
administration,  from  March  4th,  1857,  to  March  4th, 
1861,  was  one  of  the  most  momentous  and  fierce  con 
tests  for  liberty  or  despotism  ever  fought  within  the 
arena  of  political  combat.  The  National  Union  Re 
publican  party  was  on  the  outside  of  the  ring ;  the 
Anti-National  party  on  the  inside,  and  securely  en 
trenched  at  the  Capital  of  the  Nation.  Buchanan,  as 
their  chief,  had,  in  compensation  for  the  undivided 
vote  of  the  Slave  States,  extended  the  whole  Federal 


XIII.]  FEDERAL  PATRONAGE.  195 

patronage  to  the  supporters  of  the  party.  Old  line 
Whigs  and  disaffected  Democrats,  with  modern  school 
Republicans,  were  expelled  from  official  positions  in 
every  State  and  Territory,  with  a  recklessness  and 
ferocity  unparalleled  in  the  history  of  the  Government; 
and  although  the  labor  thus  to  be'  performed  was  not 
great,  yet  it  was  thoroughly  done.  Indeed,  almost  the 
entire  patronage  and  emoluments  of  the  Government 
of  the  Nation  had  been  in  the  hands  of  the  Democratic 
party  since  the  formation  of  the  Government.  The 
Army,  the  Navy,  and  the  great  civil  list  of  appointees 
and  employes  were  made  up  of  persons  from  the  Slave 
States,  or  those  in  sympathy  with  their  views  at  the 
North,  interspersed  with  an  occasional  appointment 
from  the  Free  States,  as  policy  might  require. 

Slave  labor  and  the  emoluments  of  the  Federal  Gov 
ernment  supported  in  luxury  the  "first  families"  of 
the  South,  and  now  for  the  first  time  in  the  history  of 
the  Government  that  there  was  danger  of  the  Federal 
supply  being  cut  off  by  the  encroachments  of  the  new 
party  (Republican),  a  double  incentive  was  apparent 
that  they,  at  all  sacrifices,  hold  the  " balance  of  power;" 
and  never  did  General  entrench  himself  with  more 
caution,  or  throw  out  his  pickets  with  more  watch 
fulness  against  an  invading  enemy,  than  did  the  slave 
power  within  the  entire  lines  of  the  Federal  Govern 
ment. 

The  majority  of  Buchanan's  Cabinet  were  "picked 
men,"  well  versed  in  the  diplomacy  of  villainy.  Prom 
inent  among  the  most  efficient  was  his  Secretary  of 
War,  John  B.  Floyd.  Subtle  as  a  serpent,  employed 
for  the  especial  purpose  of  supplying  the  Democracy 
with  the  necessary  amount  of  military  stores,  and  a 
proper  distribution  of  the  army  within  the  slavehold- 


196  REPUBLIC ANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

ing  States.  How  well  and  how  faithfully  he  discharged 
his  duties  can  be  ascertained  by  an  examination  of  the 
history  of  his  stripping  and  dismantling  armories  and 
arsenals  throughout  the  Free  States  and  concentrating 
the  military  stores  and  equipments  of  the  Nation  within 
and  about  the  forts  and  harbors  of  the  South. 

From  January  1st,  1 360,  to  January  1st,  1861,  Floyd 
had  sent  South  from  the  Springfield  Armory,  Massa 
chusetts,  105,000  percussion  muskets;  from  Water- 
town,  Now  York,  6,000  percussion  rifles  ;  and  from 
Watervlit,  New  York,  4,000  percussion  rifles. 

The  Secession  Ordinance  of  South  Carolina,  of  De 
cember  20th,  1860,  and  the  belligerent  attitude  of  the 
South,  caused  the  gallant  Major  Anderson,  on  the 
26th,  to  concentrate  his  forces  at  Fort  Sumter.  Floyd 
made  a  peremptory  order  for  the  transfer  of  all  the 
heavy  guns  at  Alleghany  Arsenal,  Pennsylvania.  He 
said: 

"  Send  immediately  to  Ship  Island,  near  Balize,  (mouth  of 
the  Mississippi)  46  cannon— 21  ten-inch  columbiads,  21  eight- 
inch  columbiads,  4  thirty-two  pounders,  (iron);  and  to  Galves- 
ton,  78  cannon — 23  ten-inch  columbiads,  48  eight-inch  colum 
biads,  7  thirty-two  pounders,  (iron.)" 

Floyd  resigned  his  office  on  December  29th,  1861, 
and  joined  his  Southern  brethren.  Honorable  Joseph 
Holt,  of  Kentucky,  (who  has  since  proven  himself  one 
of  America's  truest  patriots)  was  appointed  his  suc 
cessor,  and  stopped  further  shipment  of  arms  South. 
The  whole  North  was  rendered  defenseless,  and  the 
,South  placed  upon  a  strong  military  basis  for  either 
offensive  or  defensive  operations,  as  circumstances 
might  demand. 

Another  picked  man  was  the  Attorney- General  of 
Buchanan;  and  for  an  appreciation  of  judgment  made 


XIII.]  NATIONAL   REPUBLICAN  PARTY.  197 

in  his  selection,  and  the  Democratic-like  manner  in 
which  he  discharged  the  duties  devolving  upon  him, 
the  reader  is  referred  to  his  written  opinion  to  the 
President  upon  the  subject  of  the  seceding  States, 
where  he,  like  Buchanan,  held  that  there  was  ano  con 
stitutional  power  in  the  General  Government  to  coerce  a 
State  that  had  seceded,  or  was  about  to  secede" 

The  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  were  well 
stocked  with  some  of  the  "  best  blood"  of  the  South, 
who  seemed  by  some  presentiment  to  be  aware  that 
their  days  in  the  National  Legislature  were  drawing  to 
a  close  forever;  and  as  the  days  of  Buchanan's  Admin 
istration  were  counted  off — like  the  prisoner  in  his  cell 
tells  through  the  weary  night  the  hours  that  hasten  him 
on  to  execution — they  numbered  theirs;  and  although 
the  uninitiated  could  not  see  danger  in  the  defeat  of 
Fremont  and  the  Republican  party  in  1856,  yet,  in  this 
defeat  and  this  party,  the  sagacious  politician  saw  a 
victory;  the  " handwriting"  was  "on  the  wall." 

The  new  Republican  party  was  full  of  vigor.  It 
came  up  from  the  direction  of  the  rising  sun,  where  the 
monuments  erected  to  the  Nation's  heroes  have  never 
been  gazed  upon  by  a  slave.  Came  with  a  platform 
upon  which  Liberty  stood;  equal  justice  before  the  law 
was  inscribed  upon  its  banners;  freedom,  industry, 
virtue  and  patriotism  marched  in  its  ranks,  and  high 
upon  its  banners  was  "  Union  now,  and  forever,"  from 
which  the  party  in  power  shrank  like  a  guilty  thing 
under  a  terrible  summons. 

Through  the  four  years  of  the  administration 
(Buchanan's)  the  Democratic  party  was  in  the  sweat 
and  gall  of  bitterness.  The  new  National  Republican 
party  was  daily  gaining  strength.  Local  elections 
were  watched  by  the  party  in  power,  only  to  extract 
groans  from  them  as  they  witnessed  their  defeat. 


198  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

Republicanism  made  heavy  draughts  from  the  ranks  of 
the  Democracy  in  the  Free  States.  The  power  of  the 
press,  that  mighty  engine,  shed  its  illuminating  rays 
upon  the  new  party.  The  pulpit  came  to  the  rescue, 
and  a  "political  sermon  by  special  request,"  was  rel 
ished  by  the  village  " church-goers"  throughout  the 
land.  New  clubs  and  organizations  were  formed,  and 
old  familiar  faces  from  the  Democratic  ranks  joined 
them,  which  cast  radiant  smiles  upon  the  faces  of  Re 
publicans,  while  the  once  cheery  countenance  of  the 
Democratic  official  was  quite  chop-fallen  and  woe 
begone. 

The  spring  of  1860  had  opened  with  increased  polit 
ical  activity.  The  immense  Federal  patronage  in  the 
hands  of  the  Democrats,  would  almost  seem  to  warrant 
their  success  in  the  coming  election  in  November,  and 
a  death  struggle  was  inaugurated  to  keep  afloat  the  old 
Democratic  craft;  but  she  was  top-heavy,  sails  torn, 
helm  unsteady  and  leaking  badly,  and  the  roar  of 
breakers  could  be  heard  in  the  distance.  As  time  wore 
on,  it  was  evident  that  dissensions  were  rife  among  the 
Democrats  of  the  "  Border  States"  and  at  the  North; 
and  that  a  third  party,  if  not  a  fourth,  would  be  in  the 
field;  and  sure  enough  there  was.  The  time  for  nomi 
nations  for  the  Presidency  was  at  hand,  and  despite  all 
influences  brought  to  the  rescue,  four  political  parties 
were  before  the  people. 


CHAPTER    XIY. 

PRESIDENTIAL  CAMPAIGN  OF  1860.  —  NOMINATION  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.— 
STEPHEN  A.  DOUGLAS.— JOHN  C.  BRECKINRIDGE.— JOHN  BELL.— LINCOLN 
ELECTED.  —  SECESSION  OF  SLAVE  STATES.— LAST  DAYS  OF  BUCHANAN'S 
ADMINISTRATION.  — THE  LONDON  TIMES  ON  BUCHANAN'S  OFFICIAL  CON 
DUCT.— PLATFORMS  OF  THE  PARTIES.— OFFICERS  OF  THE  SOUTHERN  CON 
FEDERACY. 

THE  history  of  civilized  nations  presents  no  chapter 
so  black  with  official  corruption  as  that  of  the  period 
from  Buchanan's  election,  in  1856,  to  the  close  of  his 
term,  March  4th,  1861;  and  upon  this  subject  the  most 
conclusive  documentary  evidence  abounds. 

A  period  had  evidently  arrived  in  the  history  of  the 
American  Government,  when  chicanery,  deception, 
robbery  of  the  Federal  Treasury,  and  even  the  prosti 
tution  of  the  Executive  office  to  subserve  partisan 
ends,  and  carry  State  and  National  elections, were  re 
garded  as  virtues.  [The  reader  is  referred  to  the 
proceedings  of  Congress  during  the  month  of  March, 
1860,  upon  the  investigation  of  frauds;  also,  to  the 
"  American  Statesman,"  page  1035,  edition  of  1866.] 
Contracts  were  let  by  the  Government  to  extreme  Dem 
ocrats,  at  rates  thousands  of  dollars  higher  than  "  Con 
servative  "  men  had  bid.  The  days  of  Democratic  power 
were  drawing  to  a  close,  and  they  came  into  the  fall 
campaign  of  1860,  with  a  keen  sense  of  the  power  of 
the  Republican  party,  and  with  a  determination  to 
make  a  death  struggle  to  retain  that  place  and  power 
30  long  usurped  by  them. 

The  National  Democratic  Convention  met  at  Charles- 


200  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

ton.  South  Carolina,  April  23d;  but  although  all 
seemed  well  upon  the  surface,  they  were  doomed  to 
trouble,  and  right  in  this  Convention  Secession  began — 
secession  and  demoralization  in  their  own  ranks — for 
it  was  ascertained  that  double  sets  of  delegates  were 
present  from  some  States,  entertaining  and  advocating 
views  that  could  not  be  hoped  to  be  harmonized. 
After  days  of  debate,  a  committee  was  appointed  to 
draft  and  present  a  platform  for  the  party,  and  after 
great  delay,  contention,  and  excitement,  two  sets  of 
platforms  and  resolutions  were  presented;  one  by  the 
majority  of  the  Convention,  and  one  by  the  minority. 
The  report  of  the  majority  was  in  harmony  with  the 
political  sentiments  of  the  delegates  from  the  Slave 
States.  The  minority  report  was  more  in  harmony 
with  the  Northern  Democrats,  and  received  the  support 
of  the  Douglas  wing  of  the  Convention.  Upon  the 
propositions  for  the  adoption  of  the  reports  and  reso 
lutions,  the  friends  of  each  took  strong  and  decided 
grounds  to  maintain  their  respective  positions;  and  a 
scene  of  Democratic  discord  ensued,,  such  as  never  had 
been  witnessed  among  civilized  men  before. 

The  Douglas  Democrats  in  the  Convention  were  in 
the  majority;  they  favored  the  minority  report,  and  on 
a  vote  taken,  it  was  adopted  as  the  platform  of  the 
"  National  Democratic  Party."  Upon  the  announce 
ment  of  the  result,  the  Southern  wing  of  the  hall  began 
to  disgorge,  and  a  Secession  "ordinance"  was  mutually 
and  speedily  entered  into  by  the  delegates  from  South 
Carolina,  Texas,  Alabama,  Arkansas,  Mississippi,  Lou 
isiana,  Florida,  and  Georgia,  who  beating  a  hasty  re 
treat,  entrenched  themselves  in  another  hall,  hoisted 
their  flag,  and  set  up  a  new  "  Confederacy."  This 
spread  demoralization  through  the  ranks  of  the  Dem- 


XIV.]  NOMINATION   OF  LINCOLN.  201 

ocracy  over  the  entire  country  j  but  the  Seceders  de 
clared  their  determination  to  "die  in  the  last  ditch" 
before  they  would  succumb  to  the  "softs"  of  the 
Northern  Democracy. 

The  National  Democratic  party,  after  several  inef 
fectual  ballots,  adjourned  May  31st,  to  meet  again  at 
Baltimore  on  the  18th  of  June,  1860.  At  last  the 
Seceders  had  adopted  a  platform  and  started  business; 
and  after  four  days'  session  adjourned  to  meet  at  Rich 
mond,  June  llth,  1860. 

The  Republican  National  Convention  met  at  Chi 
cago,  on  Wednesday,  May  16th,  1860.  On  calling  the 
roll  it  was  found  that  all  the  Free  Stated  were  repre 
sented  by  delegates ;  and  that  of  the  Slave  States,  Mis 
souri,  Delaware,  Maryland,  and  Virginia,  also  the  Dis 
trict  of  Columbia,  were  the  only  ones  present  •  the 
others  having  refused  to  elect  delegates. 

This  was  the  first  time  in  the  history  of  the  Govern 
ment  that  so  decided  a  sectional  hostility  existed,  that 
a  National  Convention  for  Presidential  nominations,  be 
there  ever  so  many  parties,  did  not  receive  delegates 
from  all  sections  of  the  Union.  The  country  was  di 
vided.  On  Friday,  May  18th,  the  Convention  pro 
ceeded  to  nominate  for  President  and  Vice-President 
of  the  United  States.  Abraham  Lincoln,  of  Illinois, 
was  nominated  for  President,  and  Hannibal  Hamlin, 
of  Maine,  for  Vice-President.  The  announcement  of 
these  nominations  caused  great  commotion  among  the 
Democrats.  Threats  loud  and  violent  came  from  the 
Slave  States,  that  they  never  would  submit  to  "  Lin 
coln  rule;"  that  if  he  was  elected,  he  should  "never 
take  his  seat." 

A  fourth  organization,  known  as  the  "  Constitutional 
Union"  party,  made  up  of  those  once  known  as  the 


202  REPUBLICANISM  IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

"  American"  party;  differing  from  all  the  other  parties, 
they  might  properly  be  called  Conservative  Republic 
ans.  Their  political  doctrines  were  not  very  fully  de 
fined,  but  they  were  for  the  "  Union/'  upholding  Fed 
eral  authority  and  the  supremacy  of  the  laws.  They 
were  a  " split"  from  or  a  mixture  of  Union  Democrats 
and  Conservative  Republicans.  They  met  at  Baltimore, 
May  19th,  1860,  and  nominated  John  Bell,  of  Tennes 
see,  for  President  of  the  United  States,  and  Edward 
Everett,  of  Massachusetts,  for  Yice-President.  The 
better  to  understand  their  position  their  platform  is 
here  inserted: 

"  Whereas,  Experience  has  demonstrated  that  platforms, 
adopted  by  the  partisan  Conventions  of  the  country,  have  had  the 
effect  to  mislead  and  deceive  the  people,  and  at  the  same  time  to 
widen  the  political  divisions  of  the  country,  by  the  creation  and 
encouragement  of  geographical  and  sectional  parties,  therefore, 

"Resolved,  That  it  is  both  the  part  of  patriotism  and  of  duty  to 
recognize  no  political  principle  other  than  the  Constitution  of  ike 
country,  the  Union  of  the  States,  and  the  enforcement  of  the  laws; 
and  that,  as  representatives  of  the  Constitutional  Union  men  of 
the  country  in  National  Convention  assembled,  we  hereby  pledge 
ourselves  to  maintain,  protect  and  defend,  separately  and  unit 
edly,  these  great  principles  of  public  liberty  and  national  safety 
against  all  enemies,  at  home  or  abroad;  believing  that  thereby 
peace  may  once  more  be  restored  to  the  country,  the  rights  of 
the  people  and  of  the  States  re-established,  and  the  Government 
again  placed  in  that  condition  of  justice,  fraternity  and  equality 
which,  under  the  example  and  Constitution  of  our  Fathers,  has 
solemnly  bound  every  citizen  of  the  United  States  to  maintain 
a  more  perfect  Union,  establish  justice,  insure  domestic  tran- 
quility,  provide  for  the  common  defense,  promote  the  general 
welfare,  and  secure  the  blessings  of  liberty  to  ourselves  and  our 
posterity." 

Next  in  order,  were  the  Seceders  or  extreme  Southern 
party.  They,  pursuant  to  adjournment,  met  at  Rich 
mond,  on  June  llth,  I860,  and  after  a  day's  consulta- 


XIV.]  POSITION   OF  PARTIES.  203 

tion,  adjourned  to  the  21st,  and  met  again  on  the  28th, 
(twenty-one  States  were  represented)  when  they  nomi 
nated  John  C.  Breckinridge,  of  Kentucky,  for  Presi- 
dent.of  the  United  States,  and  Joseph  Lane,  of  Oregon, 
for  Vice-President. 

Pursuant  to  adjournment  at  Charleston,  the  Na 
tional  Democratic  Convention  met  at  Baltimore,  on 
Monday,  June  18th,  1860.  On  calling  the  roll,  discord 
again  presented  itself.  Delegates  from-the  Slave  States, 
claiming  to  be  in  the  place  of  those  who  seceded  at 
Charleston,  presented  themselves,  and  great  confusion 
followed.  Delegates  from  other  States  withdrew, .  and 
it  was  now  apparent  that  demoralization,  if  not  chronic 
decay,  had  seized  upon  the  Democratic  body  politic. 
The  Convention  assumed  order;  Stephen  A.  Douglas, 
of  Illinois,  was  nominated  for  President  of  the  United 
States,  and  Benjamin  Fitzpatrick,  of  Alabama,  was 
nominated  for  Vice-President,  but  the  latter  declined 
the  nomination,  and  Herschel  V.  Johnson,  of  Georgia, 
was  substituted. 

That  the  position  of  the  three  remaining  parties  may 
be  understood,  the  following  extracts  from  their  plat 
form  are  here  given: 

"1.  Lincoln. — Slavery  can  only  exist  by  virtue  of  municipal 
law,  and  there  is  no  law  for  it  in  the  Territories,  and  no  power 
to  enact  one.  Congress  can  establish  oslegalize  Slavery  nowhere, 
but  is  bound  to  prohibit  it  in,  or  exclude  it  from,  any  and  every 
Federal  Territory,  whenever  and  wherever  there  shall  be  neces 
sity  for  such  exclusion  or  prohibition." 

"  2.  Douglas. — Slavery,  or  no  Slavery,  in  any  Territory  is  en 
tirely  the  affair  of  the  white  inhabitants  of  said  Territory.  If  they 
choose  to  have  it,  it  is  their  right;  if  they  choose  not  to  have  it, 
they  have  a  right  to  exclude  or  prohibit  it.  Neither  Congress  nor 
the  people  of  the  Union,  or  of  any  part  of  it  outside  of  said  Ter 
ritory,  have  any  right  to  meddle  with  or  trouble  themselves  about 
the  matter." 


204  REPUBLICANISM  IN  AMERICA.  [Chap. 

"3.  Breclcmridge* — The  citizen  of  any  State  has- a  right  to 
migrate  to  any  Territory,  taking  with  him  anything  which  is  prop 
erty  by  the  law  of  his  own  State,  and  hold,  enjoy,  and  be  pro 
tected  in  the  use  of  such  property  in  said  Territory;  and  Congress 
is  bound  to  render  such  protection  wherever  necessary,  whether 
with  or  without  the  cooperation  of  the  Territorial  Legislature." 

The  secession  of  the  extreme  Southerners  from  the 
Charleston  Convention,  is  now  well  known  to  have  been 
a  premeditated  arrangement,  to  divide  the  party  and 
cause  the  election  of  a  Northern  President,  as  a  pretext 
for  discontent  and  apparent  cause  of  grievances  when 
they  would  secede;  and  this  belief  is  well  supported  by 
the  ample  preparation  made  by  Floyd  and  Buchanan, 
and  the  whole  Democratic  party  of  the  South,  to  arm 
and  discipline  the  people  and  prepare  them  for  the 
conflict. 

The  campaign  opened  immediately  after  the  nomina 
tions,  and  the  champions  of  the  respective  parties  took 
the  field  in  person.  Lincoln  and  Douglas  were  the 
great  centre  of  attraction.  Popular  opinion  had  cast 
the  impression,  that  the  abilities  of  Douglas,  as  a 
debater,  would  give  him  a  great  advantage  over  Mr. 
Lincoln ;  but  this  delusion  soon  vanished,  for  not  only 
was  Douglas  matched  but  completely  mastered  by  Mr. 
Lincoln,  who,  during  that  memorable  canvass,  estab 
lished  himself  as  the  leading  debater  upon  National 
questions  in  the  whole  country,  and  made  himself  a 
great  favorite,  even  among  his  political  opponents,  for 
his  calm,  dignified  and  honest  manner  of  debate. 

The  " split"  in  the  Democratic  ranks,  and  the  fact  that 
their  vote  would  be  divided  among  three  parties,  while 
the  real  Republican  party  would  rally  to  its  standard 
the  strength  of  the  whole  party,  presented  a  formidable 
and  serious  aspect  to  the  Democracy.  The  Republic 
ans  began  to  be  sanguine  of  success,  and  the  leaders, 


XIV.]  CAMPAIGN   OF    1860.  205 

from  Oregon  to  Maine,  plunged  into  the  combat  with 
the  spirit  of  desperation,  determined  to  win. 

The  summer  elections  for  State  officers  began  to  de 
velop  signs  of  Republican  strength.  New  Hampshire, 
Connecticut,  Maine,  Vermont,  Pennsylvania,  and  Indi 
ana  had  given  decided  Republican  majorities.  Lincoln 
and  his  friends  had  made  a  thorough  canvass  of  the 
Free  States,  while  Douglas  and  his  party,  and  the  other 
two  parties,  canvassed  both  North  and  South,  Douglas 
making  a  thorough  tour  of  the  Slave  States  in  person; 
but  his  " Squatter  Sovereignty"  was  too  tame  within 
the  regions  of  the  cotton-fields  of  the  South,  and  they 
spewed  the  "  Little  Giant  "and  his  doctrines  out  of 
their  mouths  for  the  more  agreeable  theory  that  the 
people  of  the  Territories  should  not  legislate  Slavery  out 
of  them,  and  that  Slavery,  like  any  other  property,  had 
a  right  to  be  protected  in  any  State  or  Territory,  and 
"  must  be  protected." 

Monday,  November  6th,  1860,  was  the  day  for  hold 
ing  the  Presidential  election  throughout  the  whole 
Union ;  that  of  all  days,  since  the  accomplishment  of 
the  American  Independence,  was  the  most  eventful* 
The  whole  nation  had  been  wrought  up  to  a  fever  by 
the  interests  of  the  issues,  and  the  excitement  of  the 
campaign  carried  on  by  four  rival  parties  upon  a  scale 
and  with  a  determination  never  before  known  in  the 
country.  Daily  and  nightly  meetings  in  every  city, 
town  and  village ;  long  lines  of  nightly  torchlight  pro 
cessions  ;  banners  of  every  size ;  devices  and  mottoes, 
new,  novel  and  exciting.  Fire  and  militia  companies, 
bonfires,  and  the  roar  of  cannon,  had  for  months  given 
the  whole  country  the  aspect  of  a  great  military  encamp 
ment  preparing  to  march  upon  the  enemy  at  a  moment's 
warning.  The  combatants  came  into  the  ring  eager  for 
14 


206  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

the  fray;  and  if  any  doubt  rested  in  the  minds  of  the 
Republican  party  respecting  their  victory,  it  was  dis 
pelled  before  the  sun  reached  the  meridian  on  that  day, 
and  the  Republican  hosts  marched  to  their  quarters  at 
the  close  of  the  day  with  victory  perched  upon  their 
banners. 

Every  Free  State  in  the  Nation  had  been  carried  by 
the  Republicans,  except  New  Jersey.  And  now,  for 
the  first  time  in  the  history  of  the  country,  a  party  de 
claring  that  "the  nation  could  not  live  half  slave  and 
half  free,"  and  who  proclaimed  their  belief  that  Con 
gress  had  the  constitutional  power  to  legislate  upon 
Slavery  in  the  Territories,  had  taken  the  lead  in  the 
affairs  of  the  Government. 

The  regular  Democratic,  the  " Constitutional  Union," 
and  the  extreme  Southern  parties,  were  all  defeated 
and  sorely  demoralized,  and  the  announcement  of  the 
result  was  the  signal  for  the  Slave  States  to  carry  out 
their  long  cherished  plans  of  seceding  from  the  Union. 
Congress  was  not  in  session,  and  the  Senators,  Con 
gressmen,  Cabinet,  and  other  Government  officials 
were  with  the  people  of  their  respective  States. 

On  the  summing  up  of  the  vote  of  the  country,  a 
most  remarkable  sectional  feeling  at  the  South  was 
manifest.  Lincoln  had  not  carried  a  single  State  of 
the  Slave  States  in  the  Electoral  College.  In  only 
three  of  them,  and  they  bordering  on  the  Free  States, 
did  he  receive  a  single  vote  of  the  people.  Delaware, 
Kentucky,  and  Maryland  had  given  him  a  few  scatter 
ing  votes,  while  in  all  the  other  Slave  States  his 
name  was  not  before  the  people. 

The  vote  of  the  Electoral  College  was  303,  of  which 
Lincoln  received  180;  Breckinridge,  72;  Bell,  39,  and 
Douglas,  12.  Lincoln  received  57  more  than  all  the 


XIV.]  THE   SLAVE   STATES  FOR   SECESSION.  207 

others,  and  38  over  the  necessary  majority  to  elect 
him.  The  whole  popular  vote  cast,  at  large,  was 
4,680,193,  of  which  Lincoln  received  1,866,452;  all 
others,  2,813,741.  (See  Appendix.)  Douglas,  in  the 
Electoral  College,  received  only  three  votes  from  New 
Jersey,  and  the  nine  votes  of  Missouri — twelve  in  all. 

On  the  news  of  the  result  of  the  election,  South  Car 
olina  was  ripe  for  action.  The  Secession  Ordinance 
of  1832,  relinquished  through  the  dread  of  General 
Jackson  dealing  summary  punishment,  was  again 
revived.  The  Governor  of  the  State  had  advised 
the  people,  November  5th,  1860,  the  day  before  the 
election,  that  if  Lincoln  should  be  elected,  the  people 
should  seek  redress,  and  added  that  the  u  secession  of 
South  Carolina  from  the  Federal  Union"  alone  would 
satisfy  the  people. 

On  the  day  after  the  election,  November  7th,  1860, 
the  leaders  in  the  Slave  States  were  wild  with  joy. 
Mass  meetings  filled  every  hall,  where  separation  and 
"no  compromise"  was  the  theme.  The  North  must 
be  rebuked  for  the  election  of  a  President.  It  was  a 
tl sectional"  election,  and  South  Carolina  at  once  pro 
ceeded  to  organize  her  " sovereign  powers"  into  an 
independent  nation.  At  this  time  it  was  not  certain 
that  any  of  the  "  Sovereign  States"  would  form  them 
selves  into  a  National  Government;  indeed,  the  con 
trary  opinion  prevailed.  tl  National "  and  "  Union"  Gov 
ernment  had  been  repugnant  to  them ;  still,  the  general 
belief  was  that  those  "  Sovereign  Nations"  should  each 
retain  their  position  among  the  family  of  governments, 
but  for  purposes  offensive  and  defensive  they  should 
"Confederate." 

Steps  were  at  once  taken  for  the  independence  of 
South  Carolina.  November  7th,  the  day  after  the 


208  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Cliap. 

election,  the  Federal  officers  at  Charleston  resigned. 
(It  will  be  remembered  that  Lincoln's  term  of  office 
would  not  commence  until  March  4th,  1861,  just  five 
months  from  the  date  of  these  proceedings.) 

At  the  meeting  of  the  South  Carolina  Legislature, 
called  by  Governor  Gist,  and  which  met  a*t  Columbia, 
November  5th,  the  day  before  the  election,  James 
Chestnut,  Jr.,  United  States  Senator  from  South 
Carolina,  being  called  upon  for  a  speech,  said : 

''Before  the  setting  of  to-morrow's  sun,  in  all  human  proba 
bility,  the  destiny  of  this  Confederated  Kepublic  will  be  decided. 
He  solemnly  thought,  in  all  human  probability,  that  the  Repub 
lican  party  would  triumph  in  the  election  of  Lincoln  as  Presi 
dent.  In  that  event,  the  lines  of  our  enemies  seem  to  be  closing 
around  us;  but  they  must  be  broken.  They  might  see  in  the 
hurried  paths  of  these  starched  men  of  livery  the  funeral  cortege 
of  the  Constitution  of  the  country.  Peace,  hope,  independence, 
liberty,  power,  and  the  prosperity  of  Sovereign  States  may  be 
draped  as  chief  mourners;  still,  in  the  rear  of  this  procession 
there  is  the  light  of  the  glorious  past,  from  which  they  might  re 
kindle  the  dying  blaze  of  their  own  altars.  We  see  it  all,  know 
it  all,  feel  it  all,  and,  with  heaven's  help,  we  will  meet  it  all. 

( '  But  the  question  now  was,  would  the  South  submit  to  a 
Black  Republican  President,  and  a  Black  Republican  Congress, 
which  will  claim  the  right  to  construe  the  Constitution  of  the 
country  and  administer  the  Government  in  their  own  hands,  not 
by  the  law  of  the  instrument  itself,  nor  by  that  of  the  fathers  of 
the  country,  nor  by  the  practices  of  those  who  administered  sev 
enty  years  ago,  but  by  rules  drawn  from  their  own  blind  con 
sciences  and  crazy  brains  ?  They  call  us  inferior,  semi-civilized 
barbarians,  and  claim  the  right  to  possess  our  lands,  and  give 
them  to  the  destitute  of  the  Old  World  and  the  profligates  of 
this.  They  claim  the  dogmas  of  the  Declaration  of  Independ 
ence  as  part  of  the  Constitution,  and  that  it  is  their  right  and 
duty  to  so  administer  the  Government  as  to  give  full  effect  to 
them.  The  people  now  must  choose  whether  they  will  be  gov 
erned  by  enemies,  or  govern  themselves. 

"  For  himself,  he  would  unfurl  the  Palmetto  flag,  fling  it  to 
the  breeze,  and  with  the  spirit  of  a  brave  man,  determine  to  live 


XIV.]  THE  SLAVE   STATES  FOR   SECESSION.  209 

and  die  as  became  our  glorious  ancestors,  and  ring  the  clarion 
notes  of  defiance  in  the  ears  of  an  insolent  foe.  He  then  spoke 
of  the  undoubted  right  to  withdraw  their  delegated  powers,  and 
it  was  their  duty,  in  the  event  contemplated,  to  withdraw  them 
• — it  was  their  only  safety." 

A  loading  Congressman  of  South  Carolina,  W.  W. 
Boyce,  in  a  speech  on  November  5th,  spoke  as  follows : 

tc  The  question  then  is,  what  are  we  to  do  ?  In  my  opinion, 
the  South  ought  not  to  submit.  If  you  intend  to  resist,  the  way 
to  resist  in  earnest  is  to  act.  The  way  to  enact  revolution  is  to 
stare  it  in  the  face.  I  think  the  only  policy  for  us  is  to  arm  as 
soon  as  we  receive  authentic  intelligence  of  the  election  of  Lin 
coln.  It  is  for  South  Carolina,  in  the  quickest  manner,  and  by 
the  most  direct  means,  to  withdraw  from  the  Union;  then  we 
will  not  submit,  whether  the  other  Southern  States  will  act  with 
us  or  with  our  enemies." 

On  the  confirmation  of  the  election  of  Lincoln,  the 
Cotton  States  wore  in  a  blaze  of  excitement.  Such  re 
joicings  and  congratulations  had  never  before  been  seen; 
every  male  citizen  was  improvised  into  a  military  chief 
tain;  lazy  and  sluggish  gaits  of  corpulent  "Chivs" 
were  hastened  into  blustering  swagger,  and  the  slave- 
driver  cracked  his  whip  until  aged  "  chattels'  "  eyeballs 
stood  out  in  alarm,  thinking  that  the  judgment  day 
was  at  hand. 

The  secession  of  the  Slave  States,  in  the  order  in 
which  they  passed  their  ordinances,  is  here  given. 

SOUTH  CAROLINA. — November  7th,  1860,  the  Federal 
officers  at  Charleston  resigned.  November  10th,  bill 
introduced  into  the  Legislature  for  the  enrollment  of 
10,000  volunteers.  James  Chestnut,  Jr.,  and  James 
H.  Hammond,  United  States  Senators,  resigned  their 
seats.  A  Convention  was  called  to  meet  December 
17th,  delegates  to  be  elected  December  6th.  Decem- 


210  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap.- 

ber  13th,  a  bill  passed  in  the  Legislature  staying  the 
collection  of  all  debts  due  citizens  of  non-slaveholding 
States;  Francis  W.  Pickens  elected  Governor.  De 
cember  20th,  Ordinances  of  Secession  adopted  unan 
imously,  as  follows: 

<c  We,  the  people  of  the  State  of  South  Carolina,  in  Conven 
tion  assembled,  do  declare  and  ordain,  and  it  is  hereby  declared 
and  ordained,  that  the  Ordinance  adopted  by  us  in  Convention, 
on  the  23d  day  of  May,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord,  1788,  whereby 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  of  America  was  ratified, 
and  also  all  Acts  and  parts  of  Acts  of  the  General  Assembly  of 
this  State,  ratifying  the  amendments  of  the  said  Constitution  are 
hereby  repealed;  and  that  the  Union  now  subsisting  between 
South  Carolina  and  other  States,  under  the  name  of  the  United 
States  of  America,  is  hereby  dissolved." 

December  21st,  Commissioners  were  appointed  to 
proceed  to  Washington  to  treat  with  the  United  States 
Government  for  all  its  property  within  the  limits  of 
South  Carolina;  a  Southern  Congress  proposed,  and 
Commissioners  were  appointed  to  the  other  Slavehold- 
ing  States.  December  24th,  Representatives  in  Con 
gress  withdrew.  January  3d,  1861,  Commissioners 
from  South  Carolina  left  Washington.  January  4th, 
1861,  Delegates  to  a  Southern  Congress  appointed. 
January  5th,  Convention  adjourned,  subject  to  the  call 
of  the  Governor.  January  14th,  Legislature  declared 
that  any  attempt  on  the  part  of  the  United  States  to 
reinforce  Fort  Sumter,  will  be  considered  as  a  declara 
tion  of  war.  Accepted  the  services  of  Catawba  In 
dians,  and  approved  the  Governor's  action  in  firing  on 
the  Star  of  the  West.  January  27th,  Commissioners 
from  Virginia  received,  but  declined  to  cooperate  with 
them.  The  following  resolution  was  passed : 

"Eesolved,  unanimously,  That  the  separation  of  South  Caro 
lina  from  the  Federal  Union  is  final,  and  she  has  no  farther  inter- 


XI  f.]  SECESSION   OF   SLAVE   STATES.  211 

est  in  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  and  that  the  only  appro 
priate  negotiation  between  her  and  the  Federal  Government  is, 
as  to  their  mutual  relations  as  foreign  States." 

March  26th,  Convention  met  at  Charleston.  April 
3d,  1861,  "Confederate"  Constitution  ratified.  April 
8th,  forts  and  all  other  United  States  property  in  South 
Carolina  transferred  by  the  Legislature  of  the  State  to 
the  Confederate  Government. 

GEORGIA. — November  8th,  1860,  Legislature  met 
pursuant  to  adjournment.  November  18th,  Convention 
called;  $1,000,000  appropriated  to  arm  the  State.  De 
cember  3d,  Legislature  adopts  resolutions,  proposing  a 
conference  of  the  Southern  States  to  meet  at  Atlanta, 
February  20th,  1861.  January  17th,  Convention  met; 
Commissioners  from  Alabama  and  South  Carolina  re 
ceived.  January  18th,  resolutions  declaring  it  the  duty 
and  the  right  of  Georgia  to  secede  adopted;  vote — yeas 
165,  nays  130.  January  19th,  Secession  Ordinance 
passed.  .  January  21st,  Senators  and  Representatives  in 
Congress  withdrew.  January  24th,  Delegates  to  South 
ern  Congress  elected  to  meet  at  Montgomery,  Alabama. 
January  28th,  Commissioners  to  other  Slaveholding 
States  elected.  January  29th,  Address  "to  the  South 
and  the  world"  adopted.  March  7th,  Convention  re 
assembled.  March  16th,  ratified  Confederate  Con 
stitution.  March  20th,  passed  ordinance  authorizing 
the  "Confederate"  Government  to  occupy,  use  and 
possess  the  Arsenals,  Forts,  Navy  Yards  and  Custom 
Houses  within  the  State  of  Georgia.  April  26th, 
Governor  Brown  issued  a  proclamation  repudiating  all 
debts  due  by  citizens  of  Georgia  to  Northern  men. 

MISSISSIPPI. — November  26th,  1860,  Legislature  met, 
and  adjourned  November  30th;  fixed  time  for  election 


212  REPUBLICANISM  IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

to  Convention  for  December  20th;  Convention  to  meet 
January  7th ;  Secession  bills  passed  unanimously ;  ap 
pointed  Commissioners  to  other  Slaveholding  States. 
January  7th,  1861,  Convention  met.  January  9th, 
Ordinance  of  Secession  passed;  the  people  declared  in 
their  ordinance  their  desire  to  join  in  a  Southern  Con 
federacy.  January  10th,  Commissioners  from  other 
States  received ;  South  Carolina,  by  resolution,  recog 
nized  as  a  "Sovereign  and  Independent  State."  Janu 
ary  12th,  Representatives  in  United  States  Congress 
withdrew.  January  19th,  resolutions  to  provide  for 
Southern  Confederacy  adopted.  January  21st,  Sena 
tors  in  Congress  withdrew.  March  30th7  Confederate 
Constitution  ratified. 

FLORIDA. — November  26th,  1860,  Legislature  met; 
immediate  secession  recommended  by  Governor  Perry. 
December  1st,  bill  for  Convention  passed.  January  3d, 
1861,  Convention  met.  January  7th,  Commissioners 
from  Alabama  and  South  Carolina  received.  January 
10th,  Secession  Ordinance  passed.  January  18th,  Del 
egates  to  Southern  Congress  at  Montgomery  appointed. 
January  21st,  Senators  and  Representatives  in  Con 
gress  withdrew.  February  14th,  Legislature  passed  an 
Act,  declaring  that  it  shall  be  treason,  punishable  with 
death,  for  any  citizen  of  Florida  to  hold  any  office  in 
the  Federal  Government,  after  a  collision  between  the 
troops  of  Florida  and  those  of  the  United  States ;  also, 
transferring  all  Government  property  over  to  the  Con 
federate  Government, 

LOUISIANA. — December  10th,  1860,  Legislature  met. 
December  llth,  called  Convention  for  'January.  De 
cember  23d,  passed  military  bill.  December  12th, 
Mississippi  Commissioners  received  instructions  from 


XI Y.]  SECESSION   OF   SLAVE   STATES.  213 

the  Governor  to  communicate  with  Governors  of  the 
other  Slave  States.  January  23d,  1861,  Convention 
met  and  organized ;  received  Commissioners  from  Ala 
bama  and  South  Carolina.  January  25th,  Secession 
Ordinance  passed.  February  5th;  Senators  and  Repre 
sentatives  withdrew  from  Congress ;  adopted  State  flag. 
March  7th,  $536,000  gold  in  the  United  States  Mint 
and  Customs  turned  over  to  the  Confederate  Gov 
ernment  by  Convention.  March  14th,  Confederate 
Congress  accepted  the  above  sum  with  resolutions  of 
"a  high  sense  of  the  patriotic  liberty  of  the  old  State  of 
Louisiana"  March  21st,  " Confederate "  Constitution 
ratified;  all  arms  and  property  in  Louisiana  "cap 
tured"  from  the  United  States  turned  over  to  the 
Confederate  Government.  March  27th,  Convention 
adjourned  sine  die. 

ALABAMA. — January  7th,  1861,  Convention  met.  On 
the  8th,  South  Carolina  Commissioners  arrived.  Janu 
ary  llth,  adopted  Secession  Ordinance;  in  secret  ses 
sion  refused  to  Submit  Ordinance  to  the  people.  Jan 
uary  14th,  Legislature  met.  January  19th,  Delegates 
to  Southern  Congress  elected.  January  20th,  Senators 
and  Representatives  in  Congress  withdrew.  January 
26th,  appointed  Commissioners  to  treat  with  United 
States  relative  to  United  States  Arsenals,  Forts,  and 
other  property  within  the  State;  Convention  invited 
the  people  of  the  States  of  Alabama,  Missouri,  Tennes 
see,  Kentucky,  Texas,  Arkansas,  Louisiana,  Mississippi, 
Georgia,  Florida,  South  Carolina,  North  Carolina,  Vir 
ginia,  Delaware,  and  Maryland,  to  meet  the  Delegates 
in  Convention,  at  Montgomery,  on  February  4th,  1861 ; 
passed  military  bill ;  appointed  Commissioners  to  Slave- 
holding  States.  March  4th,  Convention  re-assembled. 


214  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

March  13th,  Confederate  Constitution  ratified;  Forts, 
Arsenals,  etc.,  in  the  State,  transferred  to  the  control 
of  Confederate  Government. 

ARKANSAS. — January  16th,  1861,  bill  passed  by  Leg 
islature  calling  Convention.  February  18th,  Delegates 
elected.  March  4th,  Convention  met.  March  18th, 
Ordinance  of  Secession  defeated  in  Convention;  a  com 
promise  being  effected  by  the  Convention  agreeing  to 
submit  the  question  to  the  people  on  the  first  Monday 
in  August.  May  6th,  Secession  Ordinance  passed ;  Del 
egates  to  Provisional  Congress  instructed  to  transfer 
the  Arsenal  at  Little  Rock,  and  the  United  States  prop 
erty  in  the  State,  to  the  Confederate  Government. 

TEXAS. — January  21st,  1861,  Legislature  met.  Jan 
uary  28th,  State  Convention  met.  January  29th,  Leg 
islature  passed  resolutions  declaring  that  the  Federal 
Government  has  no  power  to  coerce  a  Sovereign  State 
after  she  has  separated  from  the  Federal  Union.  Feb 
ruary  1st,  Secession  Ordinance  passed  in  Convention; 
passed  military  bill.  February  7th,  Ordinance  for  the 
forming  of  a  Southern  Confederacy  passed;  Delegates 
to  Southern  Congress  elected;  Ordinance  of  Secession 
was  voted  on  by  the  people.  February  23d,  Ordinance 
of  Secession  voted  on  by  the  people  adopted.  March 
4th,  Convention  declared  the  State  out  of  the  Union; 
a  proclamation  to  that  effect  was  issued  by  Governor 
Houston.  March  16th,  Convention  deposed  General 
Houston ;  Houston  protested  against  this,  and  appealed 
to  the  people.  March  20th,  action  of  the  Convention 
was  confirmed  by  the  Legislature;  transferred  all 
United  States  property  in  the  State  to  the  Confeder 
ate  Government.  March  23d,  Confederate  Constitu 
tion  ratified. 


XI V.]  SECESSION   OF  SLAVE   STATES.  215 

NORTH  CAROLINA. — November  20th,  1860,  Legisla 
ture  met;  Governor  Ellis  recommended  a  Congress  of 
Southern  States,  a  thorough  organization  of  the  miHtia, 
and  an  enrollment  of  all  unenrolled  persons  between 
18  and  45  years  of  age;  the  organization  of  a  corps 
of  ten  thousand  men.  December  9th,  Committee  on 
Federal  Relations  reported  Convention  bill.  December 
17th,  $300,000  appropriated  to  arm  the  State.  Dec. 
18th,  Senate  passed  the  above  bill.  December  20th, 
Commissioners  from  Mississippi  and  Alabama  received. 
December  22d,  Senate  bill  above,  to  arm  the  State, 
failed  to  pass  the  House;  adjourned  till  7th  of  Janu 
ary,  1861.  January  8th,  Senate  bill  to  arm  the  State 
passed  the  House.  January  30th,  no  Ordinance  of 
Secession  was  to  be  valid  unless  it  was  ratified  by  a 
majority  of  the  legal  voters  of  the  State.  January 
31st,  elected  Thomas  L.  Clingman  United  States  Sen 
ator.  February  13th,  Georgia  Commissioners  publicly 
received.  February  20th,  military  bill  passed.  Feb 
ruary  28th,  the  people  voted  against  a  Convention  by 
661  majority.  May  1st,  extra  session  of  Legislature 
met  by  call  of  the  Governor;  same  day  the  Legisla 
ture  passed  a  bill  calling  a  Convention — delegates  to 
be  elected  on  the  15th  of  May,  1861.  May  2d,  Legis 
lature  adjourned.  May  13th,  delegates  elected  to 
Convention.  May  20th,  Convention  met  at  Raleigh. 
May  21st,  passed  Ordinance  of  Secession;  also  ratified 
Confederate  Constitution.  June  5th,  Ordinance  passed 
transferring  all  the  property  belonging  to  the  United 
States,  within  the  State,  to  the  Confederate  Govern 
ment. 

TENNESSEE. — January  6th,  1861,  Legislature  met. 
January  12th,  Convention  bill  passed.  January  30th, 


216  REPUBLICANISM  IN  AMERICA.  [Chap. 

appointed  Commissioners  to  Washington.  February 
8th,  'people  voted  in  favor  of  a  Convention.  May  1st, 
Legislature  passed  resolutions  authorizing  the  entering 
inu)  a  military  league  with  the  Confederate  States. 
May  7th,  the  Legislature,  in  secret  session,  declared 
that  until  Tennessee  became  one  of  the  members 
of  the  Confederate  States  she  would  place  her  whole 
military  force  at  the  disposal  of  the  President  of 
the  Confederate  States,  and  turn  over  to  the  Confed 
erate  Government  all  the  military  stores,  public  and 
private  property  of  the  United  States  in  the  State  ; 
passed,  also,  an  Ordinance  of  Secession,  and  an  Ordi 
nance  ratifying  and  adopting  the  Confederate  Con 
stitution.  The  two  latter  were  to  be  voted  on  June 
8th.  On  June  14th,  the  Governor  declared  the  vote 
of  the  people  to  be  for  Secession,  104,019;  against  it, 
47,238.  Tennessee  was  declared  out  of  the  Union. 

VIRGINIA. — January  7th,  1861,  Legislature  met.  Jan 
uary  8th,  anti-coercion  resolutions  passed.  January 
10th,  Governor  sends  to  the  Legislature  a  dispatch 
from  the  Mississippi  Convention  announcing  the  un 
conditional  secession  of  that  State.  January  16th, 
Commissioners  from  Alabama  received.  January  17th, 
passed  resolutions  requesting  the  United  States  Gov 
ernment  to  avoid  a  collision  with  the  Southern  States. 
January  18th,  $1,000,000  appropriated  for  the  defense 
of  the  State.  January  19th,  passed  resolutions  advi 
sory  of  Virginia  uniting  her  destinies  with  her  sister 
Slaveholding  States.  April  9th,  Convention  recognized 
the  independence  of  the  Southern  Confederacy.  April 
17th,  in  secret  session,  passed  Ordinance  of  Secession. 

On  the  4th  of  February,  1861,  the  delegates  from 
the  seceded  States  assembled  at  Montgomery,  Ala 
bama,  to  form  a  "New  Nation." 


XI V.]  ORGANIZATION  OF  SOUTHERN  CONFEDERACY.    217 

The  organization  of  the  Confederacy  was  effected 
February  8th,  1861.  On  that  day  the  Congress 
adopted  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  with 
such  alterations  as  suited  their  views.  This  Constitu 
tion  was  to  last  one  year.  The  word  " Confederacy" 
was  substituted  for  the  word  "  Union."  The  President 
was  to  hold  his  office  for  one  year.  The  Congress 
could,  by  a  two-third  vote,  alter  or  amend  the  Consti 
tution.  All  legislative  powers  were  delegated  to  Con 
gress.  On  the  following  day,  after  the  adoption  of  the 
Provisional  Constitution,  R.  W.  "Walker  was  sworn  in 
as  President  of  Congress.  He,  in  turn,  swore  in  the 
members  to  support  the  Constitution  and  the  Confed 
eracy.  The  members  went  into  a  secret  session,  after 
which  the  doors  were  thrown  open,  when  the  members 
proceeded  to  elect,  by  ballot,  a  President  and  Vice- 
President  for  the  Confederacy  for  one  year.  The  vote 
was  taken  by  States,  each  State  having  one  vote.  On 
the  first  ballot  Jefferson  Davis,  of  Mississippi,  received 
six  votes,  the  whole  number  cast.  Alexander  H. 
Stephens,  of  Georgia,  received  the  same  vote  for  Vice- 
President.  Davis  was  declared  President,  and  Stephens 
Vice- President,  of  the  Confederacy.  The  announcement 
of  the  election  was  the  cause  of  unbounded  joy,  and 
the  President  and  "Vice-President  of  the  "  Confederated 
States  of  North  America"  received  the  homage  of  their 
subjects  from  that  time  forward  until  the  unlucky  day, 
to  them,  of  the  2d  of  April,  1865,  when  Ulysses  S. 
Grant  put  an  extinguisher  upon  the  "  Government  at 
Richmond." 

On  February  18th,  1861,  Davis  was  inaugurated 
President,  and  Alexander  H.  Stephens  Vice-President 
of  the  Southern  Confederacy.  The  Cabinet  of  the 
Provisional  Government  was  as  follows:  Robert 


218  REPUBLICANISM   IN  AMERICA.  [Chap. 

Toombs,  Secretary  of  State;  C.  G.  Memminger,  Secre 
tary  of  the  Treasury;  L.  P.  Walker,  Secretary  of  War; 
Stephen  R.  Mallory,  Secretary  of  the  Navy;  Judah  P. 
Benjamin,  Attorney-General;  John  H.  Reagan,  Post 
master-General. 

An  election  for  President  and  Yice-President  of  the 
Confederacy  was  held  November  6th,  1861,  under  the 
"permanent  Constitution."  Jefferson  Davis  was  elected 
President,  and  Alexander  H.  Stephens  Yice-President, 
each  for  the  term  of  six  years.  There  were  no  oppos 
ing  candidates  at  this  election.  The  States  participat 
ing  in  it  were  as  follows,  with  the  following  votes  in 
the  Electoral  College:  Alabama,  11;  Arkansas,  6; 
Florida,  4;  Georgia,  12;  Louisiana,  8;  Mississippi,  9; 
North  Carolina,  12;  South  Carolina,  8;  Tennessee,  13; 
Texas,  8;  Virginia,  18 — total,  109.  They  were  inaugu 
rated  February  22d,  1862. 

The  following  was  the  "permanent"  Administration 
from  February  22d,  1862,  to  April  2d,  1865:  Presi 
dent,  Jefferson  Davis,  of  Mississippi;  Yice-President, 
Alexander  H.  Stephens,  of7  Georgia. 

The  Cabinet,  confirmed  March  23d,  1862,  was  as 
follows:  Secretary  of  State,  Judah  P.  Benjamin,  of 
Louisiana ;  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  Charles  G.  Mem 
minger,  of  South  Carolina — resigned  in  June,  1864, 
and  was  succeeded  by  George  A.  Trenholm,  of  South 
Carolina;  Secretary  of  War,  Geo.  W.  Randolph,  of  Vir 
ginia — resigned,  and  was  succeeded  by  James  A.  Seddon, 
of  Virginia;  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  Stephen  R.  Mai- 
lory,  of  Florida;  Attorney-General,  Thomas  H.  Watts, 
of  Alabama — resigned  on  election  as  Governor  of  Ala 
bama,  in  November,  1863,  and  was  succeeded  by 
George  Davis,  of  North  Carolina;  Postmaster-General, 
John  H.  Reagan,  of  Texas.  (Those  names  italicized 


XIV.]  SECESSION   LONG  PREMEDITATED,  219 

were  formerly  members  of  the  Congress  of  the  United 
States.  For  Confederate  Constitution,  see  Appendix.) 

At  the  date  of  the  commencement  of  the  Secession 
movements,  there  were  four  other  Slave  States — Mis 
souri,  Maryland,  Delaware  and  Kentucky  —  fifteen 
Slave  States  in  all.  But  these  four,  through  a  strong 
attachment  for  the  old  Union,  and  the  fact  that  they 
were  all  bordering  on  the  Free  States,  did  not  pass 
any  Ordinance  of  Secession.  Their  people  were  much 
divided,  and  they  supplied  each  army,  Union  and 
Rebel,  with  soldiers. 

It  will  be  borne  in  mind  that  proceedings  were  taken 
by  every  one  of  the  eleven  seceded  States  to  place 
themselves  out  of  the  Union  many  months  before  Mr. 
Lincoln's  term  of  office  began.  In  the  first  stage  of 
the  Secession  Ordinance  the  National  Congress  was  not 
in  session. 

The  second  session  of  the  36th  Congress  convened 
at  Washington,  December  3d,  1860.  John  C.  Breck- 
inridge,  Vice-President,  and  the  defeated  candidate  of 
one  wing  of  the  Democracy  for  the  Presidency  in  the 
preceding  month,  was  President  of  the  Senate,  and  Mr. 
Jefferson  Davis,  ex-President  of  the  late  Southern 
Confederacy,  was  in  the  Senate  from  Mississippi. 

The  Democratic  members  of  the  Senate  and  Con 
gress  came  to  the  Capital  sadly  depressed.  They 
seemed  to  be  conscious  of  their  impending  doom. 
There  were  yet  four  months  for  them  to  hold  possession 
of  the  reins  of  Government ;  for  at  the  end  of  that  time, 
Lincoln,  at  the  head  of  the  new  party  in  power,  would 
take  charge  of  the  Executive  Department,  and  with 
the  withdrawal  of  the  Senators  and  Congressmen  of 
the  eleven  seceded  States,  the  Republicans  would  have 
complete  control  of  the  legislative  branch — in  fact  of 


220  REPUBLICANISM   IN  AMERICA.  [Chap. 

every  department  of  the  Government.  Democracy  was 
at  a  sad  discount  in  Northern  latitudes,  and  those  of 
the  Cotton  States  sighed  to  join  their  brethren  down 
in  the  "New  Nation."  They  were  in  a  strange' land — 
upon  foreign  soil.  They  were  in  the  United  States  of 
America,  while  they  (many  of  them)  had  declared 
themselves  citizens  of  the  Confederacy,  and  owing  no 
allegiance  to  the  United  States  Government. 

Buchanan  came  into  the  Executive  chair  with  the  tre 
mor  of  palsy  upon  him.  Seventy  winters  had  bleached 
him  white  for  the  sepulchre ;  imbecility  and  duplicity 
had  adorned  him,  and  chosen  him  as  a  fit  instrument 
to  consign  to  the  tomb  the  gaunt  spectre  of  the  slave 
power  that  still  haunted  the  Capitol.  His  message 
(the  last  he  issued)  was  looked  for  with  deep  interest 
by  the  people  North  and  South,  and  by  the  whole 
civilized  world ;  for  upon  its  tone  and  the  position 
taken  by  the  Executive,  at  this  critical  juncture  of 
National  affairs,  seemed  to  rest  the  future  destiny  of 
the  American  Republic.  It  came,  and  it  did  ample 
justice  to  its  author,  and  his  friends  and  advisers  of 
the  Slave  States.  It  was  the  reflex  of  the  sentiments 
of  the  political  leaders  of  the  seceded  States,  and  it  was 
the  crowning  act  of  his  life ,  to  consign  him  to  eternal 
oblivion  and  desecration  by  the  free  millions  of  the 
nation,  who  now  saw  this  old  man,  with  the  political 
sins  and  heresies  of  three-quarters  of  a  century  fresh 
blown  upon  him,  struggling  to  drag  into  the  grave 
with  him  the  constitutional  liberty  of  a  nation. 

The  statesmen  and  patriots  of  the  whole  land  were 
shocked  at  the  doctrines  set  forth  in  this  monument  of 
Democratic  statesmanship.  The  whole  of  Europe  was 
astounded,  and  English  statesmen,  jurists,  and  writers, 
condemned  in  severe  terms  the  outrage  he  had  com- 


X1Y.]          BUCHANAN'S  VIEWS  ON  SECESSION.  221 

mitted  upon  the  American  people.  Some  extracts 
from  the  message  ars  given  here.  It  was  delivered  at 
the  Capitol,  at  Washington,  on  Tuesday,  December  4th, 
1860.  Mr.  Buchanan  alluded  to  the  distracted  condi 
tion  of  the  country,  and  appealed  to  the  American 
people.  He  declared  that  the  election  of  any  one  of 
our  fellow  citizens  to  the  office  of  President  does  not 
of  itself  afford  just  cause  for  dissolving  the  Union. 
In  his  message  he  said: 

"The  question,  fairly  stated,  is:  Has  the  Constitution  dele 
gated  to  Congress  the  power  to  coerce  a  State  into  submission 
which  is  attempting  to  withdraw,  or  has  actually  withdrawn,  from 
the  Confederacy  ?  If  answered  in  the  affirmative,  it  must  be  on 
the  principle  that  the  power  has  been  conferred  upon  Congress 
to  declare  and  to  make  war  against  a  State.  After  much  serious 
reflection,  I  have  arrived  at  the  conclusion  that  no  such  power 
has  been  delegated  to  Congress,  nor  to  any  other  department  of 
the  Federal  Government.  It  is  manifest,  upon  an  inspection  of 
the  Constitution,  that  this  is  not  among  the  specific  and  enumer 
ated  powers  granted  to  Congress ;  and  it  is  equally  apparent 
that  its  exercise  is  not  necessary  and  proper  for  carrying  into 
execution  any  one  of  these  powers.  *  *  *  *  But,  if  we 
possessed  this  power,  would  it  be  wise  to  exercise  it  under  exist 
ing  circumstances?  The  object  would  doubtless  be  to  preserve 
the  Union.  War  would  not  only  present  the  most  effectual 
means  of  destroying  it,  but  would  banish  all  hope  of  its  peaceable 
reconstruction.  Besides,  in  the  fraternal  conflict  a  vast  amount 
of  blood  and  treasure  would  be  expended,  rendering  future 
reconciliation  between  the  States  impossible.  In  the  meantime, 
who  can  foretell  what  would  be  the  sufferings  and  privations  of 
the  people  during  its  existence  ? 

' e  The  fact  is,  that  our  Union  rests  upon  public  opinion,  and 
can  never  be  cemented  by  the  blood  of  its  citizens  shed  in  civil 
war.  If  it  cannot  live  in  the  affections  of  the  people,  it  must 
one  day  perish.  Congress  possesses  many  means  of  preserving 
it  by  conciliation,  but  the  sword  was  not  placed  in  their  hand  to 
preserve  it  by  force." 

In  this  message,  President  Buchanan  announced  to 
15 


222  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

the  world  that  in  the  American  Union  no  element  of 
self-preservation  existed;  that  what  was  known  at 
home,  and  regarded  abroad ,  as  the  American  Nation, 
was  but  a  confederate  body  of  States  or  separate  Gov 
ernments,  each  distinct  in  its  political  organization, 
practices  and  interests ;  that  the  tenure  of  their  Union 
depended  upon  the  pleasure,  interest  or  caprice  of  the 
several  sections,  and  that  no  power  existed  in  the  Gen 
eral  Government  to  hold  together  by  coercive  means 
any  portion  of  the  Nation  that  had  seceded,  or  was 
attempting  to  withdraw  from  the  Union.  In  this  proc 
lamation,  if  his  position  be  true,  he  had,  with  one  dash 
of  his  pen,  struck  from  the  map  of  Nations  a  Republic 
composed  of  thirty  millions  of  the  most  enlightened, 
prosperous  and  industrious  people  on  the  globe. 

The  Constitution  that  the  people  claimed  to  hold 
them  together,  was  but  a  political  delusion,  possessing 
none  of  the  elements  of  self-preservation;  and  all  the 
laws,  treaties  and  proclamations  passed  and  adopted 
in  pursuance  of  it,  were  delusive  and  void;  and  the 
tenure  of  the  period  of  the  existence  of  the  American 
Republic  was  the  capricious  political  views  of  the 
several  sections  of  the  nation. 

This  had  been  the  favorite  doctrine  of  the  leaders 
of  the  Slave  States,  from  the  adoption  of  the  Consti 
tution;  and  although  leaders  and  even  States  of  that 
section  had  attempted  to  carry  these  doctrines  into 
effect,  yet  the  National  Government  had  always  dis 
owned  and  checked  such  doctrines.  But  now,  with  the 
Slave  States  passing  their  Ordinances  of  Secession, 
possessing  themselves  of  the  Forts,  Arsenals,  and 
Custom  Houses,  Mints,  Post  Offices,  Treasury  and  all 
property  of  the  United  States  Government  within  their 
limits — raising  armies,  and  declaring  themselves  sepa- 


XIV.]  EFFECTS   OF   SECESSION.  223 

rate  and  foreign  nations — one  fact  seemed  to  assure  the 
people  that  even  if  Buchanan  was  wrong  as  to  the 
constitutional  power  to  coerce,  that  the  practical  part 
of  coercion  would  be  difficult  under  the  circumstances. 
But  the  promulgation  of  this  doctrine  was  not  suffi 
cient  to  induce  American  patriots  to  abandon  the  Na 
tion  that  had  afforded  them  liberty  and  protection; 
and  on  its  announcement  the  people  of  the  Free  States 
proclaimed  against  it.  The  minds  of  the  people  were 
set  to  thinking:  How  long  will  the  American  Nation 
last  ?  How  many  States  must  leave  the  Union  to  dis 
solve  the  Nation  ?  If  several  States  confederate  into 
separate  foreign  Nations,  may  they  not  soon  be  superior 
to  the  remnant  of  the  remaining  States,  proscribe  and 
overpower  them  ?  Or  if  the  States  drop  off  one  after 
another  until  but  two  or  three  remain,  and  finally 
every  State  forming  the  Union  separate  itself  from 
the  Union,  and*  but  one  State,  remain,  will  that  be  the 
United  States  of  America  ? — and  even  the  Government 
of  the  last  one  become  monarchical,  where  will  the 
United  States  be  ?  Where  will  the  old  flag  hang  ? 
Where  will  the  laws  of  the  United  States  be?  Where 
the  Constitutions  and  treaties  with  Foreign  Nations  ? 
"  Who  will  I  be?"  asked  the  American  citizen-patriot. 
"  To  whom  will  I  owe  allegiance  ?  Where  will  be  my 
protection?  Where  the  history  of  my  country,  the 
traditions  of  my  forefathers,  the  monuments  erected  to 
the  memory  of  the  heroes  of  my  country;  where,  oh! 
where  are  all  these  things  to  be  ?  I  no  longer  an  Amer 
ican?"  The  patriot  heart  swelled;  tears,  whose  fount 
ains  had  been  dried  for  years,  coursed  down  the 
cheeks  of  brave  young  men,  and  lingered  in  the  fur 
rows,  made  by  time,  upon  the  pale  face  of  aged  patriots 
as  they  contemplated  the  dissolution  of  their  country. 


224  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA  [Chap. 

On  the  20th  of  November,  I860,  Jeremiah  S.  Black, 
Buchanan's  Attorney-General,  in  response  to  the  re 
quest  of  the  President,  submitted  a  written  opinion 
upon  the  subject  of  the  powers  of  the  General  Govern 
ment  to  "  coerce  Sovereign  States." 

The  following  extracts  will  give  an  idea  of  the  legal 
knowledge  and  patriotism  of  the  last  of  the  Democratic 
Attorney- Generals : 

"  ATTORNEY-GENEKAI/S  OFFICE,  November  20th,  1860. 

"  Sir:  I  have  had  the  honor  to  receive  your  note  of  the  17th, 
and  I  now  reply  to  the  grave  questions  therein  propounded,  as 
fully  as  the  time  allowed  me  will  permit.  *  *  Military  force 
can  suppress  only  such  combinations  as  are  found  directly  oppos 
ing  the  laws  and  obstructing  the  execution  thereof.  It  can  do 
no  more  than  what  might  and  ought  to  be  done  by  a  civil  posse,  if 
a  civil  posse  could  be  raised  large  enough  to  meet  the  same  op 
position.  On  such  occasions  especially  the  military  power  must 
be  kept  in  strict  subordination  to  the  civil  authority,  since  it  is 
only  in  aid  of  the  latter  that  the  former  can  work  at  all . 

"But  what  if  the  feeling  in  any  State  against  the  United 
States  should  become  so  universal  that  the  Federal  officers  them 
selves,  (including  Judges,  District  Attorneys,  and  Marshals,) 
would  be  reached  by  the  same  influences,  and  resign  their 
places  ?  Of  course  the  first  step  would  be  to  appoint  others  in 
their  stead,  if  others  could  be  got  to  serve.  But,  in  such  an 
event,  it  is  .more  than  probable  that  great  difficulty  would  be 
found  in  filling  the  offices.  We  can  easily  conceive  how  it  might 
become  altogether  impossible.  "We  are  therefore  obliged  to  con 
sider  what  can  be  done  in  case  we  have  no  Courts  to  issue  judi 
cial  process,  and  no  ministerial  officers  to  execute  it.  In  that 
event  troops  would  certainly  be  out  of  place,  and  their  use 
wholly  illegal.  If  they  are  sent  to  aid  the  Courts  and  Marshals, 
there  must  be  Courts  and  Marshals  to  be  aided.  Without  the 
exercise  of  those  functions,  which  belong  exclusively  to  the  civil 
service,  the  laws  cannot  be  executed  in  any  event,  no  matter 
what  may  be  the  physical  strength  which  the  Government  has  at 
its  command.  Under  such  circumstances,  to  send  a  military 
force  into  any  State,  with  orders  to  act  against  the  people,  would 
be  simply  making  war  upon  them. 


XlVf]  JEREMIAH   S.  BLACK   ON   SECESSION.  225 

"  The  existing  laws  put  and  keep  the  Federal  Government 
strictly  on  the  defensive.  You  can  use  force  only  to  repel  an 
assault  on  the  public  property,  and  aid  the  Courts  in  the  per 
formance  of  their  duty.  If  the  means  given  you  to  collect  the 
revenue  and  execute  the  other  laws  be  insufficient  for  that  pur 
pose,  Congress  may  extend  and  make  them  more  effectual  to  that 
end. 

"  If  one  of  the  States  should  declare  her  independence,  your 
action  cannot  depend  upon  the  rightfulness  of  the  cause  upon 
which  such  declaration  is  based.  Whether  the  retirement  of  a 
State  from  the  Union  be  the  exercise  of  a  right  reserved  in  the 
Constitution  or  a  revolutionary  movement,  it  is  certain  that  you 
have  not  in  either  case  the  authority  to  recognize  her  independ 
ence  or  to  absolve  her  from  her  Federal  obligations.  Congress, 
or  the  other  States  in  Convention  assembled,  must  take  such 
measures  as  may  be  necessary  and  proper.  In  such  an  event,  I 
see  no  course  for  you  but  to  go  straight  onward  in  the  path  3rou 
have  hitherto  trodden — that  is,  execute  the  laws  to  the  extent  of 
the  defensive  means  placed  in  your  hands,  and  act  generally 
upon  the  assumption  that  the  present  constitutional  relations 
between  the  Statqs  and  the  Federal  Government  continue  to 
exist  until  a  new  order  of  things  shall  be  established,  either  by 
law  or  force. 

"Whether  Congress  has  the  constitutional  power  to  make 
war  against  one  or  more  States,  and  require  the  Executive  of  the 
Federal  Government  to  carry' it  on  by  means  of  force  to  be 
drawn  from  other  States,  is  a  question  for  Congress  itself  to  con 
sider.  It  must  be  admitted  that  no  such  power  is  expressly 
given;  nor  are  there  any  words  in  the  Constitution  which  imply 
it.  Among  the  powers  enumerated  in  Article  I,  section  8,  is  that 
*  to  declare  war,  grant  letters  of  marque  and  reprisal,  and  to 
make  rules  concerning  captures  on  land  and  water/  This  cer 
tainly  means  nothing  more  than  the  power  to  commence  and 
carry  on  hostilities  against  the  foreign  enemies  of  the  Nation. 
Another  clause  in  the  same  section  gives  Congress  the  power  '  to 
provide  for  calling  forth  the  militia/  and  to  use  them  within  the 
limits  of  the  State.  But  this  power  is  so  restricted  by  the  words 
which  immediately  follow,  that  it  can  be  exercised  only  for  one 
of  the  following  purposes:  1.  To  execute  the  laws  of  the  Union 
— that  is,  to  aid  the  Federal  officers  in  the  performance  of  their 
regular  duties.  2.  To  suppress  insurrections  against  the  States. 


226  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

But  this  power  is  confined  by  Article  IV,  section  4,  to  cases  in 
which  the  State  herself  shall  apply  for  assistance  against  her 
own  people.  3.  To  repel  the  invasion  of  a  State  by  enemies  who 
come  from  abroad  to  assail  her  in  her  own  territory.  All  these 
provisions  are  made  to  protect  the  States,  not  to  authorize  an 
attack  by  one  part  of  the  country  upon  another;  to  preserve 
their  peace,  and  not  to  plunge  them  into  civil  war.  Our  fore 
fathers  do  not  seem  to  have  thought  that  war  was  calculated  '  to 
form  a  more  perfect  union,  establish  justice,  insure  domestic 
tranquillity,  provide  for  the  common  defense,  promote  the  gen 
eral  welfare,  ancl  secure  the  blessings  of  liberty  to  ourselves  and 
our  posterity. '  There  was  undoubtedly  a  strong  and  universal 
conviction  among  the  men  who  framed  and  ratiiied  the  Consti 
tution,  that  military  force  would  not  only  be  useless  but  perni 
cious  as  a  means  of  holding  the  States  together. 

"If  it  be  true  that  war  cannot  be  declared,  nor  a  system  of 
general  hostilities  carried  on  by  the  Central  Government  against 
a  State,  then  it  seems  to  follow  that  an  attempt  to  do  so  would 
be  ipso  facto  an  expulsion  of  such  State  from  the  Union.  Being 
treated  as  an  alien  and  an  enemy,  she  would  be  compelled  to 
act  accordingly.  And  if  Congress  shall  break  up  the  present 
Union  by  unconstitutionally  putting  strife  and  enmity,  and 
armed  hostility,  between  different  sections  of  the  country,  in 
stead  of  the  '  domestic  tranquillity '  which  the  Constitution  was 
meant  to  insure,  will  not  all  the  States  be  absolved  from  their 
Federal  obligations?  Is  any  portion  of  the  people  bound  to 
contribute  their  money  or  their  blood  to  carry  on  a  contest  like 
that? 

The  right  of  the  General  Government  to  preserve  itself  in  its 
whole  constitutional  vigor  by  repelling  a  direct  and  positive 
aggression  upon  its  property  or  its  officers,  cannot  be  denied. 
But  this  is.  a  totally  different  thing  from  an  offensive  war  to 
punish  the  people  for  the  political  misdeeds  of  their  State  Gov 
ernments,  or  to  prevent  a  threatened  violation  of  the  Constitu 
tion,  or  to  enforce  an  acknowledgment  that  the  Government  of 
the  United  States  is  supreme.  The  States  are  colleagues  of  one 
another,  and  if  some  of  them  shall  conquer  the  rest  and  hold 
them  as  subjugated  provinces,  it  would  totally  destroy  the  whole 
theory  upon  which  they  are  now  connected. 

"  If  this  view  of  the  subject  be  as  correct  as  I  think  it  is,  then 
the  Union  must  utterly  perish  at  the  moment  when  Congress 


XIV.]  EFFECTS   OF   BUCHANAN'S   MESSAGE.  227 

shall  arm  one  part  of  the  people  against  another  for  any  purpose 
beyond  that  of  merely  protecting  the  General  Government  in 
the  exercise  of  its  proper  constitutional  functions. 
"  I  am,  very  respectfully,  yours,  etc., 

"  J.  S,  BLACK. 
"  To  the  President  of  the  United  States." 

On  the  announcement  of  this  doctrine,  the  Nations 
of  Europe  began  to  speculate  upon  the  subject  of 
American  nationality  and  diplomacy.  What  is  the 
United  States  of  America?  If  one-half  of  the  Na 
tion  has  separated  since  we  entered  into  treaties, 
which  half  is  to  be  responsible  to  us  ?  Are  the  min 
isters,  consuls,  and  other  agents  who  came  to  our 
Courts  from  the  American  Republic  one  year  ago, 
still  the  representatives  of  America  ?  Is  the  so- 
called  great  Nation  of  the  United  States  of  America 
but  a  myth  ?  If  the  elements  of  disintegration  be  a 
constituent  part  of  her  very  existence,  and  dissolution 
of  her  parts  follow  the  proclamation  of  her  President, 
that  "there  is  no  power  in  the  Union  to  preserve  its 
nationality;  and  if  this  be  the  theory  and  philosophy 
of  Republicanism,  then  the  doctrine  of  Republicanism 
is  exploded,  and  the  American  Nation  has  no  perma 
nent  abiding  place  in  the  family  of  nations. 

The  light  in  which  the  calm  judgment  of  British 
statesmen  viewed  the  proclamation  of  Buchanan,  may 
be  somewhat  understood  from  the  tone  of  the  leading 
English  newspapers.  The  u  London  Times,"  the  ablest 
political  journal  in  Europe,  commenting  upon  the 
proclamation,  on  January  9th,  1861,  makes  the  follow* 
ing  able  comments: 

ft  Never  for  many  years  can  the  United  States  be  to  the  world  what 
they  have  been.  Mr.  Buchanan's  message  has  been  a  greater  blow 
to  the  American  people  than  all  the  rants  of  the  Georgian  Gov 
ernor  or  the  ordinances  of  the  Charleston  Convention.  The 


228  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

President  has  dissipated  the  idea  that  the  States  which  elected 
him  constitute  one  people.  We  had  thought  that  the  Federation 
was  of  the  nature  of  a  nationality;  we  find  it  nothing  more  than 
a  partnership.  If  any  State  may,  on  grounds  satisfactory  to  a 
local  convention,  dissolve  the  union  between  itself  and  its  fel 
lows  ;  if  discontent  with  the  election  of  a  President,  or  the 
passing  of  an  obnoxious  law  by  another  State;  or,  it  may  be,  a 
restrictive  tariff,  gives  a  State  the  '  right  of  revolution/  and  per 
mits  it  to  withdraw  itself  from  the  community,  then  the  position 
of  the  American  people  with  respect  to  foreign  powers  is  completely 
altered.  It  is  strange  that  a  race  whose  patriotic  captiousness 
when  in  the  society  of  Europeans  is  so  remarkable,  should  be  so 
ready  to  divide  and  to  give  up  the  ties  of  fellow  citizenship  for  a 
cause  which  strangers  are  unable  to  appreciate.  Still  stranger 
is  it  that  a  chief  magistrate,  who  would  have  plunged  the  world 
in  war  rather  than  a  suspicious  craft  should  be  boarded  by  Eng 
lish  officers  after  it  had  displayed  the  Stars  and  Stripes,  or  would 
have  done  battle  against  despots  for  any  naturalized  refugee  from 
Continental  Europe,'  should,  without  scruple,  and  against  the 
advice  of  his  own  Secretary  of  State,  declare  the  Federal  Union 
dissolved  whenever  a  refractory  State  chooses  to  secede. 

"It  may  well  be  imagined  that  the  American  people  have 
been  taken  by  surprise,  both  by  the  suddenness  and  violence  of 
the  outcry  for  secession,  and  by  the  ready  concessions  of  the 
President.  From  the  day  the  message  appeared,  it  was  evident 
that  South  Carolina  no  longer  formed  part  of  the  Union.  The 
State  had,  by  every  organ  which  it  possessed — by  its  Senators, 
its  Representatives,  by  the  voice  of  the  Press,  of  the  great  slave 
owners,  and  of  the  multitude — declared  its  resolution  to  secede. 
Only  courage  like  that  of  General  Jackson,  could  have  quelled 
the  "  Gamecock  State,"  as  we  perceive  some  of  its  admirers  call 
it.  But  there  was  a  middle  path  between  civil  war  and  such  an 
instant  recognition  as  Mr.  Buchanan  thought  advisable.  As  one 
charged  with  the  duty  of  upholding  Federal  power,  he  might 
have  easily  used  the  authority  vested  in  him  to  delay  the  move 
ment,  and  give  tb?  Union  and  South  Carolina  itself  time  for 
reflection.  Mr.  Cass  would,  probably,  deprecate  holding  a  State 
by  force;  but  he  still  declined  to  remain  in  the  Cabinet  of  the 
Statesman  who  would  not  reinforce  Fort  Sumter,  and  assert,  dur 
ing  the  short  remainder  of  his  term  of  office,  the  supremacy  of 
the  Constitution.  But  as  things  went,  the  action  of  South  Car 
olina  was  predetermined. 


XIY.]  THE  LONDON  TIMES   ON   SECESSION.  229 

"  On  the  20th  of  December,  that  State  seceded  from  the  Union 
by  a  unanimous  vote,  and  by  this  time  has  probably  gained 
possession  of  all  the  Federal  property  within  its  borders,  and 
established  a  Post  Office  and  Custom  House  of  its  own.  The 
instruments  which  the  Carolinians  drew  up  on  this  occasion  are 
singular  and  almost  amusing.  The  philosophy  and  phraseology 
of  the  Declaration  of  Independence  of  1776  are  imitated.  Whole 
paragraphs  are  copied  from  that  famous  document.  The  thoughts 
and  style  of  Jefferson  were  evidently  \influenced  by  the  great 
writers  of  his  age,  and  we  may  trace  Montesquieu  and  Kousseau 
in  every  }ine  of  his  composition.  It  is  rather  interesting  to  see 
his  language,  which  denounced  King  George's  violation  of  the 
social  compact,  used  by  a  conclave  of  frantic  negro-drivers  to 
stigmatize  the  conduct  of  those  who  will  not  allow  a  Southern 
gentleman  to  bring  his  '  body  servant '  into  their  territory. 
South  Carolina,  however,  has  shown  wisdom  in  thus  taking  high 
ground.  People  are  generally  taken  at  the  value  which  they  set 
on  themselves,  and  Carolina  does  right  to  play  the  part  of  out 
raged  patience  and  indignant  virtue.  She  'has  declared,  in  the 
language  of  the  Fathers  of  the  Republic,  that  the  Federal  Union 
no  longer  answers  the  ends  of  its  foundation  by  insuring  the 
happiness  and  prosperity  of  South  Carolina,  and  that  the  con 
duct  of  several  States  having  been  a  violation  of  the  compact 
made  by  all,  South  Carolina  resumes  her  rights  as  a  sovereign 
community,  and  will  make  war  or  peace,  conclude  treaties,  or 
establish  commerce,  independently  of  the  Government  at  Wash 
ington. 

"  This  bold  course  has  its  natural  effect  on  the  excitable 
slave-owners.  The  secession  of  South  Carolina  has  been  re 
ceived  everywhere  with  enthusiasm.  It  may,  perhaps,  be  said 
that  the  other  States  have  feigned  an  approbation  which  they  do 
not  feel,  in  order  to  bring  the  North  to  terms  by  the  menace  of 
a  Southern  Eepublic.  But,  whether  from  feeling  or  policy,  the 
Secession  cry  was  just  at  its  loudest  at  the  close  of  the  year.  It 
was  looked  upon  as  certain  that  six  or  seven  States  would  sepa 
rate  from  the  Union  in  the  first  days  of  1861.  Georgia  leads  the 
van.  The  Ordinance  of  Secession  was  looked  upon  as  already 
passed.  The  North  Carolina  Legislature  had  read  a  second 
time  the  bill  for  arming  the  State.  Alabama  had  voted,  by  a 
large  majority,  in  favor  of  Secession.  In  Virginia — the  oldest, 
the  most  conservative,  and  the  most  cautious  of  the  Slave  States 


230  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

— we  are  told  that  the  Secession  feeling  was  gaining  ground. 
State  Conventions  are  to  meet  in  Florida  on  the  3d  of  January, 
in  Alabama  on  the  7th,  in  Texas  on  the  8th,  in  Georgia  on  the 
6th,  and  in  Louisiana  on  the  23d;  and  our  correspondent  believes 
that  '  there  will  be  a  majority  in  each  of  them  in  favor  of  imme 
diate  and  separate  Secession.'  Hence,  in  a  few  days  more,  the 
United  States  of  America,  as  the  world  has  hitherto  known 
them,  will  cease  to  exist. 

."  But  now  comes  the  most  singular  part  of  this  history.  Till 
within  a  few  weeks  hardly  anybody  in  this  country  believed  in 
the  dissolution  of  the  Union.  People  thought  that  instincts  of 
patriotism  and  private  interest  would  prevail,  and  that  the 
Yankees  and  the  Southerners  would  quarrel  harmoniously  for 
many  years  to  come.  The  event  seems  to  be  against  these  an 
ticipations,  and  Englishmen  are  content  to  look  on  in  silence 
and  wonder.  Not  so  the  Americans.  While  every  mail  is  bring 
ing  news  of  fiery  speeches  and  the  planting  of  palmetto  trees, 
the  almost  universal  tone  of  private  letters  is  that  there  is  noth 
ing  in  it  at  all.  South  Carolina  cannot  secede,  or  if  she  does 
she  must  come  back  again.  The  other  States  only  want  to  make 
terms  and  to  come  back  into  the  Union  after  having  extorted 
new  concessions  as  the  price  of  reconciliation.  The  wish  may 
be  father  to  the  thought,  but  that  such  is  the  thought  is  to  be 
learned  from  the  most  cursory  glance  at  the  American  news 
papers.  The  course  of  proceeding  is  to  be  as  follows:  South 
Carolina,  Alabama,  Mississippi,  Florida,  Texas,  perhaps  Louis 
iana,  are  to  separate,  form  a  federation  of  their  own,  and  then 
treat  on  equal  terms  with  those  who  remain  faithful  to  Mr.  Lin 
coln.  The  Northern  Slave  States,  with  Virginia  and  North  Car 
olina  at  their  head,  are  to  act  as  mediators,  and  enforce  conces 
sions  by  the  threat  of  joining  the  Southern  league,  which  would 
then  number  fifteen  Slave  States,  with  a  vast  territory,  and  a 
prospect  of  conquering  all  the  riches  of  Mexico.  The  President, 
it  is  whispered,  is  in  favor  of  compromise;  Governor  Seward  is 
in  favor  of  compromise;  in  short,  now  that  the  loss  of  Southern 
wealth  threatens  them,  great  numbers  of  the  staunchest  Anti- 
Slavery  men  are  in  favor  of  compromise.  What  the  terms  of 
compromise  shall  be  of  course  remains  in  doubt.  The  hope  of 
the  Democratic  party  in  the  North  is  that  the  slaveholders  will 
not  be  too  exacting,  or  insist  on  the  repeal  of  the  personal  lib 
erty  acts,  by  which  some  of  the  Abolition  States  have  nullified 


XI Y.]  THE  LONDON  TIMES   ON   SECESSION.  231 

the  Fugitive  Slave  Act.  Many  of  the  [Republicans  are  anxious 
to  revive  the  Missotiri  Compromise,  by  which  Slavery  will  be 
prohibited  in  any  part  of  the  United  States  territory  north  of 
36  degrees  30  minutes.  But  as  the  abolition  of  this  Compromise 
and  the  assertion  of  the  slave-owner's  right  to  carry  negroes  into 
any  part  of  the  territory  is  a  recent  and  very  great  victoiy,  it  is 
hardly  likely  that  the  South  will  concede  this. 

"  No  one  in  this  country  can  pretend  to  judge  of  the  event; 
but  this  we  may  conclude  from  the  tone  of  American  discussion, 
that  the  North  will  not  be  too  rigid,  and  that  the  slave-owners 
will  receive  what  all  but  the  most  rabid  of  them  will  consider 
satisfaction.  Gov.  Seward,  who  first  spoke  of  the  '  irrepressible 
conflict'  which  was  impending,  now  prophesies  peace  and  har 
mony  at  no  distant  day,  while  many  of  his  most  intimate  friends 
have  given  their  adhesion  to  the  scheme  of  compromise  brought 
forward  by  Mr.  Crittenden.  But  whatever  may  be  the  final  re 
sult,  we  may  expect  to  hear  shortly  that  other  States  have  fol 
lowed  the  example  set  by  South  Carolina." 


CHAPTER    XV. 

MEETING  OF  THIRTY-SIXTH  CONGRESS.— SECOND  SESSION.  DECEMBER  3D,  18CO. 
—CLOSING  SCENES  OF  BUCHANAN'S  ADMINISTRATION.— SOUTHERN  SENA 
TORS  AND  REPRESENTATIVES.— ORGANIZATION  OF  THE  "  SOUTHERN  CON 
FEDERACY."— OFFICERS  OF.— ALEXANDER  H.  STEPHENS.— HIS  POLITICS.— 
"CORNER-STONE"  AND  OTHER  SPEECHES.— JEFFERSON  DAVIS.  — HE  DE 
SIRES  MORE  ARMS  SENT  SOUTH. 

THE  second  session  of  the  Thirty-sixth  Congress 
having  met  at  the  Capitol  on  the  3d  day  of  December, 
I860,  President  Buchanan  delivered  his  last  message 
(already  alluded  to).  Most  of  the  Senators  and  Rep 
resentatives-  from  the  several  States  were  present. 
John  C.  Breckinridge,  the  lately  defeated  Democratic 
candidate  for  President  of  the  United  States,  in  his 
official  capacity  as  Yice-President  of  the  United  States, 
presided  as  President  of  the  Senate.  Many  of  the  Sen 
ators  and  Representatives  from  the  Slave  States  were 
at  the  Capital  in  a  double  capacity.  Some  of  them 
had  already  acted  as  commissioners  and  agents  in  car 
rying  their  States  out  of  the  Union.  South  Carolina, 
as  -early  as  the  17th  of  November,  1860,  had  jm^c-l 
her  Ordinance  of  Secession,  and  others,  during  the 
month  of  November,  had  arranged  for  Conventions 
to  declare  their  independence  ;  yet  their  representa 
tives  were  at  the  National  Capital,  for  their  term  of 
office  had  not  yet  expired,  and  they  deemed  it  their 
duty,  to  themselves  and  their  "Sovereign  States,"  to 
make  the  most  they  could  out  of  the  "old  concern" 
that  they  were  deserting;  and  the  scenes  of  flagrant 
treason  enacted  upon  the  floor  of  the  United  States 
Senate  and  Congress,  by  the  members  from  the  Slave 


XY.]  CLOSING   SCENES   OF   DEMOCRATIC   RULE.  233 

States,  have  never  been  equaled  in  the  history  of  civ 
ilized  nations.  But  the  Executive,  deaf  as  an  adder, 
sat  in  drowsy  apathy,  while  the  Vice-President,  Attor 
ney-General,  and  other  Cabinet  officers,  smiled  approv 
ingly  upon  the  scene. 

They  were  at  the  Capital  to  announce  that  their 
States  had  left  the  Union,  and  to  ask  the  Government 
at  Washington  (as  they  called  the  United  States  Gov 
ernment)  to  relinquish  her  right  to  all  public  property 
within  their  States ;  they  were  there  to  ask  the  United 
States  Government  to  recognize  the  Independence  of 
their  Sovereign  States;  they  were  there  to  keep  their 
brethren  at  the  South  informed,  by  letter  and  telegram, 
of  their  daily  proceedings  in  destroying  the  Govern 
ment  they  pretended  to  be  serving ;  they  were  there  to 
combat  and  choke  down  every  utterance  of  patriotism 
in  behalf  of  saving  the  Union ;  they  were  there  to  pos 
sess  themselves  of  the  small  remnant  of  arms  and 
Federal  munitions  of  war  in  the  Free  States ;  they  were 
there,  as  they  said,  to  "bury  the  old  Union  and  the 
old  flag." 

The  Democracy  were  in  working  majority  in  both 
branches  of  the  National  Legislature.  Jefferson  Davis, 
ex-President  of  the  late  Southern  Confederacy,  was  in 
the  Senate  from  the  State  of  Mississippi.  He  was  a 
faithful  worker  for  the  " cause;"  his  State  wanted  a 
few  more  rifles,  and  on  the  21st  of  February,  1861, 
on  presenting  a  bill  to  the  Senate,  so  that  his  men 
might  get  possession  of  any  Federal  arms  still  in  the 
Free  States,  he  said: 

"  I  should  like  the  Senate  to  take  up  a  little  bill,  which  I  hope 
will  excite  no  discussion.  [?]  It  is  the  bill  to  authorize  the  States 
to  purchase  arms  from  the  National  Armories.  There  are  a  num 
ber  of  volunteer  companies  wanting  to  purchase  arms,  but  the 
States  have  not  a  sufficient  supply.  I  move  to  take  up  the  bill." 


234  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

On  March  29th,  the  bill  passed  by  a  strict  party 
vote,  all  the  Democrats  voting  in  the  affirmative;  Re 
publicans  against  it. 

President  Buchanan's  Cabinet  officers  were  true  to 
their  Democratic  record.  Almost  four  years  of  active 
labor  in  their  high  positions  gave  them  ample  facili 
ties  for  carrying  their  schemes  into  practice ;  and  one 
by  one  they  deserted  the  old  ship  of  State,  leaving 
at  the  helm  the  imbecile,  James  Buchanan,  whose 
feeble  hands  and  drooping  spirits  utterly  failed  to 
control  her  ;  and  at  the  mercy  of  the  winds  and  faith 
less  crew  allowed  her  to  drift  well-nigh  upon  the 
rugged  coast,  from  whose  precipitous  walls  the  faithful 
agents  of  the  slave  power  had  removed  the  beacon 
lights  erected  by  the  fathers  of  the  country.  One, 
at  least,  was  found  faithful  to  the  Republic.  Lewis 
Cass,  Buchanan's  Secretary  of  State,  on  learning  that 
the  President  refused  to  defend  the  National  honor, 
resigned  his  office  December  12th,  1860.  On  the 
17th,  Attorney-General  Black  was  appointed  his  suc 
cessor.  December  10th,  Howell  Cobb,  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury,  resigned;  his  "duty  to  Georgia"  was  his 
reason.  On  December  12th,  Philip  F.  Thomas  was  ap 
pointed  his  successor ;  he  held  the  office  for  one  month, 
then  abandoned  the  old  ship  to  join  his  Democratic 
brethren  at  the  South,  as  he  "didn't  believe  in  laws  to 
enforce  the  collection  of  customs  at  the  port  of  Charles 
ton."  January  29th,  John  B.  Floyd,  Secretary  of  "War, 
became  displeased  because  "the  President  declined  to 
withdraw  the  garrison  from  the  harbor  of  Charleston." 
His  Secretary  of  the  Interior,  Jacob  Thompson,  also 
deserted  his  post,  January  8th,  1861  ;  he  was  "  dis 
pleased,"  because  "additional  troops,  he  had  heard, 
had  been  ordered  to  Charleston."  On  the  17th  of 


XY.]  CLOSING   SCENES   OF   DEMOCRATIC  RULE.  235 

December,  1860,  Jeremiah  S.  Black  resigned  as  Attor 
ney-General  and  made  his  way  South  to  meet  his 
"  brethren." 

The  period  from  the  meeting  of  the  Thirty-sixth 
Congress,  on  December  3d,  1860,  to  its  adjournment, 
April  4th,  1861,  was  a  period  of  triumph  and  political 
activity  with  the  Democracy,  both  in  the  Slave  States 
and  the  National  Capital ;  and  scenes  of  flagrant  trea 
son  were  enacted  upon  the  floor  of  the  National  Con 
gress,  that  in  any  country  of  Europe  would  have  con 
signed  the  actors  to  the  gallows;  but  the  Executive 
Department,  and,  in  fact,  the  Government  itself — that  is, 
those  chosen  by  the  people  to  administer  the  affairs  of 
the  Nation  and  see  that  its  laws  and  Constitution  were 
preserved  and  enforced,  were  of  a  piece  with  the  lead 
ers,  and  silently  acquiesced  in  their  treason. 

The  hands  of  the  victorious  Republican  party,  who 
had  carried  the  Presidential  election  in  November, 
1860,  were  completely  tied.  They  were  a  small  minor 
ity  in  the  Congress,  and  were  unrepresented  in  the 
various  departments  of  the  Government  at  Washing 
ton;  and  although  they  had  carried  every  one  of  the 
eighteen  Free  States  in  tfte  Electoral  College,  except 
New  Jersey  (and  Lincoln  received  four  out  of  the  seven 
of  her  votes),  yet  they  could  not  stay  the  scenes  of 
official  corruption  and  perfidy  that  now  desolated  the 
country. 

That  the  reader  may  have  a  further  knowledge  of 
the  manner  in  which  Democratic  United  States  Sena 
tors  of  those  times  guarded  the  interests  of  the  Nation, 
a  brief  record  of  the  legislation  of  Robert  Toombs,  Sen 
ator  from  Georgia,  is  here  given : 

"  MACON,  November  14th,  1860. 
"  To  the  Honorable  L.  M.  KEITT. — I  will  sustain  South  Caro- 


286  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

lina  in  Secession.  I  have  announced  to  the  Legislature  that  I 
will  not  serve  under  Lincoln.  If  you  have  the  power  to  act,  act 
at  once.  We  have  bright  prospects  here.  B.  TOOMBS." 

This  note  was  written  eight  days  after  Mr.  Lincoln's 
election. 

On  the  13th  of  December  a  manifesto^  signed  by  all 
the  leading  Senators  and  Congressmen  from  the  Slave 
States  at  Washington,  was  forwarded  to  their  constitu 
ents,  that  "the  sole  and  primary  aim  of  each  Slave- 
holding  State  ought  to  be  its  speedy  and  absolute  sepa 
ration  from  an  unnatural  and  hostile  Union." 

Senator  Toonibs,  on  December  24th,  telegraphed 
from  his  seat  in  the  United  States  Senate  a  manifesto 
addressed  to  the  people  of  Georgia,  as  follows: 

"  Fellow  citizens  of  Georgia:  I  am  here  to  secure  your  consti 
tutional  rights.  *  The  Committee  is  controlled 
by  Black  Kepublicans,  your  enemies.  *  *  *  Seces 
sion,  by  the  4th  of  March  next,  should  be  thundered  from  the 
ballot-box  by  the  unanimous  voice  of  Georgia.  On  the  second 
day  of  January  next  such  a  voice  will  be  your  best  guarantee  for 
liberty,  security,  tranquillity,  and  glory." 

Among  the  many  individuals  who  have  figured  con 
spicuously  in  the  affairs  of  the  late  Rebellion,  few 
have  had  a  more  prominent  position  than  Alexander 
H.  Stephens,  ex-Vice-President  of  the  late  Southern 
Confederacy;  and  no  man  in  the  American  Republic 
has  risen  to  more  public  notoriety  in  the  affairs  of  the 
Nation,  who  so  little  deserves  to  be  ranked  with  states 
men  or  philosophers,  than  this  same  man,  whose  doc 
trines  in  all  things  pertaining  to  public  affairs  are 
highly  seasoned  with  the  hypocritical  cant  of  the  poll- 
Hdaiij  and  entirely  destitute  of  the  essence  of  statesman 
ship.  No  man  in  the  country,  familiar  with  Mr. 
Stephens'  long  and  active  life  in  State  and  National 


XY.]  CLOSING   SCENES  OF   DEMOCRATIC  RULE.  237 

politics,  will  doubt  his  familiarity  with  the  political 
history  of  the  Nation.  Indeed,  his  whole  life  has  been 
one  of  constant  application  upon  political  affairs;  and 
his  large  knowledge  upon  these  subjects  is  often  con 
strued  by  his  partisan  friends,  and  tnose  who  do  not 
examine  his  political  career  critically,  as  a  fountain  of 
wisdom  and  statesmanship,  when  at  best  it  is  but  a 
well  stored  mass  of  general  knowledge,  whose  letter  is 
understood,  but  not  its  essence.  Indeed,  it  is  difficult  to 
conceive  of  a  mind  so  well  informed  upon  the  history 
of  the  events  of  the  Nation  and  yet  so  totally  ignorant 
of  the  principles  upon  which  they  are  founded.  Nor 
are  these  assertions  influenced  by  any  difference  of 
opinion,  but  are  stubborn  facts,  all  of  which  will  be 
verified  from  his  own  mouth.  And  as  I  take  the  lib 
erty  to  thus  comment  upon  the  public  record  of  this 
champion  of  Democracy,  a  place  will  be  given  here  to 
some  extracts  from  his  speeches  upon  National  ques 
tions. 

For  many  years  before  the  Democrats  commenced 
the  Rebellion,  Alexander  H.  Stephens  was  a  leading 
statesman  [?]  at  the  South,  and  had  achieved  a  notoriety 
through  the  whole  country ;  and  in  his  State  (Georgia) 
he  was  looked  upon  as  an  oracle  of  wisdom  in  all 
things  pertaining  to  the  affairs  of  the  Nation.  When 
dissensions  and  dangers  threatened  the  peace  of  the 
Republic,  he  was  relied  upon  as  the  great  expounder 
of  the  constitutional  rights  of  the  people  of  the  Sov 
ereign  States  (South),  and  in  the  discharge  of  these 
vast  responsibilities,  he  came  before  the  public  with 
his  statesmanship  and  philosophy  which  deluded  the 
people  into  rebellion  and  caused  them  to  hold  fast  to 
the  negro.  But  his  positions  were  not  always  consist 
ent,  nor  stable,  but  the  reverse;  and  form  a  series  of 
16 


238  REPUBLICANISM   IN    AMERICA.  [Chap. 

political  somersaults  as  novel  and  spasmodic  as  they  were 
inharmonious  and  ludicrous. 

The  following  is  a  speech  of  Alexander  H.  Stephens, 
delivered  before  the  Georgia  Legislature,  November 
14th,  1860: 

"  The  first  question  that  presents  itself  is,  shall  the  people  of 
the  South  secede  from  the  Union  in  consequence  of  the  election 
of  Mr.  Lincoln  to  the  Presidency  of  the  United  States?  My 
countrymen,  I  tell  you  frankly,  candidly  and  earnestly  that  I  do  not 
think  that  they  ought.  In  my  judgment  the  election  of  no  man, 
constitutionally  chosen  to  that  high  office,  is  sufficient  cause  for 
any  State  to  separate  from  the  Union.  It  ought  to  stand  by  and 
aid  still  in  maintaining  the  Constitution  and  the  country.  To 
make  a  point  of  resistance  to  the  Government,  to  withdraw  from 
it  because  a  man  has  been  constitutionally  elected,  puts  us  in  the 
wrong.  We  are  pledged  to  maintain  the  Constitution.  Many 
of  us  have  sworn  to  support  it.  Can  we,  therefore,  for  the  mere 
election  of  a  man  to  the  Presidency,  and  that,  too,  in  accordance 
with  the  prescribed  forms  of  the  Constitution,  make  a  point  of 
resistance  to  the  Government  without  becoming  the  breakers  of 
that  sacred  instrument  ourselves — withdraw  ourselves  from  it  ? 
Would  we  not  be  in  the  wrong  ?  Whatever  fate  is  to  befall  this 
country,  let  it  never  be  laid  to  the  charge  of  the  people  of  the 
South,  and  especially  to  the  people  of  Georgia,  that  we  were 
untrue  to  our  national  engagements.  Let  the  fault  and  the 
wrong  rest  upon  others.  If  all  our  hopes  are  to  be  blasted,  if 
the  Republic  is  to  go  down,  let  us  be  found  to  the  last  moment 
standing  on  the  deck,  with  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States 
waving  over  our  heads.  Let  the  fanatics  of  the  North  break  the 
Constitution,  if  such  is  their  fell  purpose.  Let  the  responsi 
bility  be  upon  them.  I  shall  speak  presently  more  of  their  acts; 
but  let  not  the  South — let  us  not  be  the  ones  to  commit  the  ag 
gression.  We  went  into  this  election  with  this  people.  The 
result  was  different  from  what  we  wished;  but  the  election  has 
been  constitutionally  held.  Were  we  to  make  a  point  of  resist 
ance  to  the  Government,  and  go  out  of  the  Union  on  that  ac 
count,  the  record  would  be  made  up  hereafter  against  us. 

"  But  it  is  said  Mr.  Lincoln's  policy  and  principles  are  against 
the  Constitution,  and  that  if  he  carries  them  out  it  will  be  de 
structive  to  our  rights.  Let  us  not  anticipate  a  threatened  evil. 


XV.]          ALEXANDER   H.    STEPHENS   ON   SECESSION.  239 

If  he  violates  the  Constitution,  then  will  come  our  time  to  act. 
Do  not  let  us  break  it  because,  forsooth,  he  may.  If  he  does, 
that  is  the  time  for  us  to  strike.  I  think  it  would  be  injudicious 
and  unwise  to  do  this  sooner.  I  do  not  anticipate  that  Mr.  Lin 
coln  will  do  anything  to  jeopardize  our  safety  or  security,  what 
ever  may  be  his  spirit  to  do  it;  for  he  is  bound  by  the  constitu 
tional  checks  which  are  thrown  around  him,  which  at  this  time 
render  him  powerless  to  do  any  great  mischief.  This  shows  the 
wisdom  of  our  system.  The  President  of  the  United  States  is 
no  Emperor,  no  Dictator — he  is  clothed  with  no  absolute  power. 
He  can  do  nothing  unless  he  is  backed  by  power  in  Congress. 
The  House  of  Representatives  is  largely  in  the  majority  against 
him. 

"  In  the  Senate  he  will  also  be  powerless.  There  will  be  a 
majority  of  four  against  him.  This,  after  the  loss  of  Bigler, 
Fitch,  and  others,  by  the  unfortunate  dissensions  of  the  National 
Democratic  party  in  their  States.  Mr.  Lincoln  cannot  appoint 
an  officer  without  the  consent  of  the  Senate.  He  cannot  form  a 
Cabinet  without  the  same  consent.  He  will  be  in  the  condition 
of  George  III,  (the  embody ment  of  Toryism)  who  had  to  ask 
the  Whigs  to  appoint  his  ministers,  and  was  compelled  to  receive 
a  Cabinet  utterly  opposed  to  his  views;  and  so  Mr.  Lincoln  will 
be  compelled  to  ask  of  the  Senate  to  choose  for  him  a  Cabinet, 
if  the  Democracy  of  that  body  choose  to  put  him  on  such  terms. 
He  will  be  compelled  to  do  this  or  let  the  Government  stop,  if 
the  National  Democratic  men — for  that  is  their  name  at  the 
North — the  conservative  men  in  the  Senate,  should  so  determine. 
Then  how  can  Mr.  Lincoln  obtain  a  Cabinet  which  would  aid 
him,  or  allow  him  to  violate  the  Constitution? 

"  Why,  then,  I  say,  should  we  disrupt  the  ties  of  this  Union 
when  his  hands  are  tied — when  he  can  do  nothing  against  us  ? 
I  have  heard  it  mooted  that  no  man  in  the  State  of  Georgia,  who 
is  true  to  her  interests,  could  hold  office  under  Mr.  Lincoln. 
But,  I  ask,  who  appoints  to  office  ?  Not  the  President  alone — 
the  Senate  has  to  concur.  No  man  can  be  appointed  without 
the  consent  of  the  Senate.  Should  any  man  then  refuse  to  hold 
office  that  was  given  to  him  by  a  Democratic  Senate?  [Mr. 
Toornbs  interrupted,  and  said  if  the  Senate  was  Democratic,  it 
•was  for  Mr.  Breckinridge.] 

""Well,  then,  continued  Mr.  Stephens,  I  apprehend  no  man 
could  be  justly  considered  untrue  to  the  interests  of  Georgia, 


240  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

or  incur  any  disgrace,  if  the  interests  of  Georgia  required  it,  to 
hold  an  office  which  a  Breckinridge  Senate  had  given  him,  even 
though  Mr.  Lincoln  should  be  President.  *  *  * 

' '  I  will  never  consent  myself,  as  much  as  I  admire  this  Union 
for  the  glories  of  the  past,  or  the  blessings  of  the  present — as 
much  as  it  has  done  for  the  people  of  all  these  States — as  much 
as  it  has  done  for  civilization — as  much  as  the  hopes  of  the  world 
hang  upon  it,  I  would  never  submit  to  aggression  upon  my  rights 
io  maintain  it  longer;  and  if  they  cannot  be  maintained  in  the 
Union,  standing  on  the  Georgia  platform,  where  I  have  stood 
from  the  time  of  its  adoption,  I  would  be  in  favor  of  disrupting 
ever}r  tie  which  binds  the  States  together.  * 

' '  The  next  evil  which  my  friend  complained  of,  was  the  tariff. 
"Well,  let  us  look  at  that  for  a  moment.  About  the  time  I  com 
menced  noticing  public  matters,  this  question  was  agitating  the 
country  almost  as  fearfully  as  the  slave  question  now  is.  In 
1832,  when  I  was  in  college,  South  Carolina  was  ready  to  nullify 
or  recede  from  the  Union  on  this  account.  And  what  have  we 
seen  ?  The  tariff  no  longer  distracts  the  public  counsels .  Rea 
son  has  triumphed !  The  present  tariff  was  voted  for  by  Massa 
chusetts  and  South  Carolina.  The  lion  and  the  lamb  lay  down 
together — every  man  in  the  Senate  and  House  from  Massachu 
setts  and  South  Ca^lina,  I  thick,  voted  for  it,  as  did  my  honor 
able  friend  himself.  And  if  it  be  true  —  to  use  the  figure  of 
speech  of  my  honorable  friend — that  every  man  in  the  North 
that  works  in  iron,  and  brass  and  wood,  has  his  muscles  strength 
ened  by  the  protection  of  the  Government,  that  stimulant  was 
given  by  his  vote,  and  I  believe  every  other  Southern  man.  So 
we  ought  not  to  complain  of  that." 

Mr.  Toombs. — "The  tariff  assessed  the  duties." 
Mr.  Stephens. — "Yes,    and    Massachusetts   with    unanimity 
voted  with  the  South  to  lessen  them,  and  they  were  made  just 
as  low  as  Southern  men  asked  them  to  be,  and  that  is  the  rate 
they  are  now  at.        *  *       *       There  were  many  among 

us  in  1850  zealous  to  go  at  once  out  of  the  Union,  to  disrupt 
every  tie  that  binds  us  together.  Now,  do  you  believe,  had  that 
policy  been  carried  out  at  that  time,  we  would  have  been  the 
same  great  people  we  are  to-day  ?  It  may  be  that  we  would,  but 
have  you  any  assurance  of  that  fact  V  Would  you  have  made  the 
same  advancement,  improvement,  and  progress  in  all  that  con 
stitutes  material  wealth  and  prosperity  that  we  have  ?  *  * 


XV.]          ALEXANDER  H.    STEPHENS   ON   SECESSION.  241 

"  I  look  upon  this  country  with  our  institutions  as  the  Eden 
of  the  world,  the  paradise  of  the  universe.  It  may  be  that  out 
of  it  we  may  become  greater  and  more  prosperous,  but  I  am 
candid  and  sincere  in  telling  you  that  I  fear  if  we  rashly  evince 
passion,  and  without  sufficient  cause  shall  take  that  step,  that 
instead  of  becoming  greater  or  more  peaceful,  prosperous,  and 
happy — instead  of  becoming  gods,  we  will  become  demons,  and 
at  no  distant  day  commence  cutting  one  another's  throats.  This 
is  my  apprehension.  Let  us,  therefore,  whatever  we  do,  meet 
those  difficulties,  great  as  they  are,  like  wise  and  sensible  men, 
and  consider  them  in  the  light  of  all  the  consequences  which 
may  attend  our  action.  Let  us  see  first  clearly  where  the  path 
of  duty  leads,  and  then  we  may  not  fear  to  tread  therein.  *  * 
I  say  the  same;  I  said  it  then;  I  say  it  now — if  Mr.  Lincoln's 
policy  should  be  carried  out.  I  have  told  you  that  I  do  not 
think  his  bare  election  sufficient  cause  ;  but  if  his  policy  should 
be  carried  out  in  violation  of  any  of  the  principles  set  forth  in 
the  Georgia  platform,  that  would  be  such  an  act  of  aggression 
which  ought  to  be  met  as  therein  provided  for.  If  his  policy 
shall  be  carried  out  in  repealing  or  modifying  the  Fugitive  Slave 
Law,  so  as  to  weaken  its  efficacy,  Georgia  has  declared  that  she 
will,  in  the  last  resort,  disrupt  the  ties  of  the  Union — and  I  say 
so  too.  I  stand  upon  the  Georgia  platform,  and  upon  every 
plank,  and  say,  if  these  aggressions  therein  provided  for  take 
place — I  say  to  you  and  to  the  people  of  Georgia,  keep  your 
powder  dry,  and  let  your  assailants  then  have  lead,  if  need  be. 
I  would  wait  for  an  act  of  aggression.  This  is  my  position. 
*  *  *  Should  Georgia  determine  to  go  out  of  the 
Union — I  speak  for  one,  though  my  views  might  not  agree  with 
them — whatever  the  result  may  be,  I  shall  bow  to* the  will  of  her 
people.  Their  cause  is  my  cause,  and  their  destiny  is  my  destiny; 
and  I  trust  this  will  be  the  ultimate  course  of  all.  The  greatest 
curse  that  can  befall  a  free  people  is  civil  war.  * 

Thus  far  it  is  a  noble  example,  worthy  of  imitation.  The  gen 
tleman,  Mr.  Cobb,  said  the  other  night  it  had  proven  a  failure. 
A  failure  in  what  ?  In  growth  ?  Look  at  our  expanse  in  national 
power.  Look  at  our  population  and  increase  in  all  that  makes  a 
people  great.  A  failure  ?  Why,  we  are  the  admiration  of  the 
civilized  world,  and  present  the  brightest  hopes  of  mankind. 

"  Some  of  our  public  men  have  failed  in  their  aspirations;  that 
is  true,  and  from  that  comes  a  great  part  of  our  troubles.  *  * 


242  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

"  Now,  when  this  Convention  assembles,  if  it  shall  be  called, 
as  I  hope  it  may,  I  would  say  in  my  judgment,  without  dictation, 
- — for  I  am  conferring  with  you  freely  and  frankly,  and  it  is  thus 
that  I  give  my  views — I  should  take  into  consideration  all  these 
questions  which  distract  the  public  mind  ;  should  view  all  the 
grounds  of  Secession  so  far  as  the  election  of  Mr.  Lincoln  is 
concerned,  and  I  have  no  doubt  they  would  say  that  the  consti 
tutional  election  of  no  man  is  a  sufficient  cause  to  break  up  the 
Union,  but  that  the  State  should  wait  until  he  at  least  does  some 
unconstitutional  act.3' 

Mr.  Toombs. — "  Commit  some  overt  act." 

Mr.  Stephens. — "  No,  I  did  not  say  that.  The  word  overt  is 
a  sort  of  technical  term  connected  with  treason,  which  has  come 
to  us  from  the  mother  country,  and  it  means  an  open  act  of 
rebellion.  I  do  not  see  how  Mr.  Lincoln  can  do  this,  unless  he 
should  levy  war  upon  us.  I  do  not,  therefore,  use  the  word 
overt.  I  do  not  intend  to  wait  for  that.  But  I  use  the  words 
unconstitutional  act,  which  our  people  understand  much  better, 
and  which  expresses  just  what  I  mean.  But  as  long  as  he  con 
forms  to  the  Constitution,  he  should  be  left  to  exercise  the  duties 
of  his  office.  *  *  *  *  In  this  way,  our  sister 
Southern  States  can  be  induced  to  act  with  us;  and  I  have  but 
little  doubt  that  the  States  of  New  York,  and  Pennsylvania,  and 
Ohio,  and  the  other  Western  States,  will  compel  their  Legisla 
tures  to  recede  from  their  hostile  attitudes  if  the  others  do  not. 
Then  with  these  we  would  go  on  without  New  England  if  she 
chose  to  stay  out." 

[A  voice  in  the  Assembly. — "  We  will  kick  them  out."] 

Mr.  Stephens. — "I  would  not  kick  them  out.  But  if  they 
chose  to  stay  wut,  they  might.  I  think,  moreover,  that  these 
Northern  States,  being  principally  engaged  in  manufactures, 
would  find  that  they  had  as  much  interest  in  the  Union  under 
the  Constitution  as  we,  and  that  they  would  return  to  their  con 
stitutional  duty — this  would  be  my  hope.  If  .they  should  not, 
and  if  the  Middle  States  and  Western  States  do  not  join  us,  we 
should  at  least  have  an  undivided  South.  I  am,  as  you  clearly 
perceive,  for  maintaining  the  Union  as  it  is,  if  possible.  I  will 
exhaust  every  means  thus  to  maintain  it  with  an  equality  in  it. 
My  principles  are  these  : 

"  First,  the  maintenance  of  the  honor,  the  rights,  the  equal 
ity,  the  security,  and  the  glory  of  my  native  State  in  the  Union; 


XV.]          ALEXANDER  H.  STEPHENS   ON   SECESSION.  243 

but  if  these  cannot  be  maintained  in  the  Union,  then  I  am  for 
their  maintenance  out  of  it  at  all  hazards.  Next  to  the  honor 
and  glory  of  Georgia,  the  land  of  my  birth,  I  hold  the  honor 
and  glory  of  our  common  country.  In  Savannah  I  was  made  to 
say,  by  the  reporters — who  very  often  make  me  say  things  which 
I  never  did  say — that  I  was  first  for  the  glory  of  the  whole  coun 
try,  and  next  for  that  of  Georgia. 

"  I  said  the  exact  reverse  of  this.  I  am  proud  of  her  history,  of 
her  present  standing.  I  am  proud  even  of  her  motto,  which  I 
would  have  duly  respected  at  the  present  time  by  all  her  sons — 
Wisdom,  Justice  and  Moderation.  I  would  have  her  rights  and 
that  of  the  Southern  States  maintained  now  upon  these  princi 
ples.  Her  position  now  is  just  what  it  was  in  1850,  with  respect 
to  the  Southern  States.  Her  platform  then  has  been  adopted  by 
most,  if  not  all,  the  Southern  States.  Now  I  would  add  but  one 
additional  plank  to  that  platform,  which  I  have  stated,  and  one 
which  time  has  shown  to  be  necessary. 

"If  all  this  fails,  we  shall  at  least  have  the  satisfaction  of 
knowing  that  we  have  done  our  duty  and  all  that  patriotism 
could  require." 

This  remarkable  speech,  a  tissue  of  irreconcilable 
generalities,  forms  a  most  singular  phenomenon  in  the 
history  of  incongruity  and  sophistry,  aided  in  the  ut 
terance  by  an  apparent  sincerity,  that  at  first  glance 
insures  it  attention  and  respect;  but,  when  probed  and 
viewed  in  its  true  light,  exhibits  the  knave  and  sophist, 
for  Mr.  Stephens  cannot  claim  the  charity  that  we 
would  like  (for  his  own  sake)  to  accord  to  him  of  not 
being  informed  upon  the  true  issues  involved  in  the 
subject  which  he  was  discussing. 

The  election  of  no  man,  constitutionally  elected,  is 
cause  for  the  South  to  secede;  and  he  is  pledged  to 
support  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States.  If  the 
Republic  is  to  go  down,  let  him  go  down  with  it.  He 
will  be  found  to  the  last  moment,  holding  aloft  the  old 
flag,  and,  with  the  Constitution  in  his  hands,  waving  it 
over  his  head,  he  should  go  down  with  the  old  ship 


244  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

of  State.  Let  the  fanatics  of  the  North  break  the 
Constitution,  he  would  not;  let  the  responsibility  be 
upon  others.  Was  he  to  make  a  point  of  resistance 
against  the  Government  and  go  out,  "the  record  would 
be  made  up  hereafter  against  us." 

The  President  of  the  United  States  is  no  Emperor 
or  Dictator;  and  "until  Mr.  Lincoln  will  do  some  act 
to  violate  the  Constitution,  he  will  stand  by  the  Union." 
He  did  not  anticipate  that  Mr.  Lincoln  would  do  any 
act  to  violate  the  Constitution;  he  will  be  powerless, 
for  he  cannot  appoint  an  officer  nor  form  his  Cabinet 
without  the  consent  of  the  Senate.  He  will  be  com 
pelled  to  receive  a  Cabinet  utterly  opposed  to  his 
views;  the  Democracy  in  the  Senate  must  choose  his 
Cabinet.  "Why  then,  I  say,  should  we  disrupt  the 
ties  of  this  Union,  when  his  hands  are  tied;  when  he 
can  do  nothing  against  us?"  He  would  not  disrupt 
the  ties  of  the  Union:  he  "admired  the  Union  for  its 
glorious  past."  The  North  had  given  the  South  all  it 
asked  for.  Massachusetts  had  voted  with  unanimity 
to  lessen  the  tariff.  He  looked  upon  the  American 
Republic  as  the  Eden  of  the  world — "the  paradise  of 
the  universe." 

Further  along,  as  will  be  seen,  he  says:  "If  Lincoln's 
policy  shall  be  carried  out  in  repealing  or  modifying 
the  Fugitive  Slave  Law,  so  as  to  weaken  its  efficiency 
in  Georgia,  I  shall  go  in  to  disrupt  the  ties  of  this  Union." 
The  breath,  before  giving  utterance  to  this  treason,  was 
used  in  lavish  praise  of  the  Union.  He  would  stand 
on  the  deck  of  the  ship  of  State  to  the  last.  The  Re 
public  is  declared  to  be  the  Eden  of  the  world;  and 
he  declares,  in  exact  terms,  that  he  will  not  disrupt  the 
Union.  Now  how  does  it  follow  that  ten  minutes  later 
in  his  speech  he  "will  disrupt?"  Where  is  his  love  of 


XY.]  TREASON   OF   ALEXANDER  H.  STEPHENS.  245 

the  "Eden?"  How  high  does  he  now  hold  aloft  the  old 
flag  and  the  Constitution? 

"Should  Georgia  determine  to  go  out  of  the  Unwn, 
I  speak  for  one,  though  my  views  might  not  agree  with 
them,  whatever  the  result  may  be,  I  shall  bow  to  the 
will  of  her  people.  Their  cause  is  my  cause;  their 
destiny  my  destiny."  How  does  this  comport  with  his 
first  remarks  in  this  speech?  Now  he  takes  back  all 
he  has  said  about  waiting  for  the  "fanatics  of  the  North 
to  break  it."  He  now  retracts  all  he  has  said  about 
letting  the  North  commit  some  act  of  aggression;  about 
the  glory  and  liberty  of  the  nation.  Not  as  the  Union 
goes  will  he  go  now,  but  as  Georgia  goes,  right  or  wrong. 
If  Georgia  " determine"  to  go  out  of  the  Union,  so  he 
will  go.  He  has  lost  sight  of  its  being  necessary  for 
some  "unconstitutional"  act  to  be  done;  and  he  says, 
although  his  views  might  not  agree  with  this  act,  yet  he 
will  go  with  his  State.  Then  he  will  do  an  act  with 
which  his  views  may  not  agree;  how  is  this?  His  con 
victions  and  views  tell  him  that  he  must  support  the 
Union  to  the  last;  and  yet  now  he  is  ready  to  bow  to 
the  will  of  Georgia.  "Their  cause  is  my  cause;  their 
destiny  is  my  destiny." 

Whatever  cause  Georgia  espoused,  that  is  his  cause; 
he  will  follow  her  (as  he  did)  to  commit  the  most  fla 
grant  treason  against  the  Government  he  has  sworn  to 
protect.  He  will  aid  her  and  her  people  in  applying 
the  torch  of  incendiary  rebellion  to  the  magazine  that 
is  to  explode  as  a  fearful  earthquake,  and  destroy  mill 
ions  of  the  patriots  of  the  Nation-8— bring  on  a  cruel, 
and  fratricidal  war.  He  will  deluge  the  whole  land 
in  a  sea  of  blood  ;  conscript  old  and  young  into  the 
army  to  destroy  the  happiness  and  liberty  of  the  peo 
ple.  He  will  convert  the  swamps  and  fens  of  the 


246  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

South  into  prison  pens,  in  which  he  will  confine  those 
who  go  forth  to  save  the  old  flag  and  the  glorious 
Union  about  which  he  has  said  so  much.  He  will  hire 
and  support  cruel  and  blood-thirsty  rebels  to  shoot 
down  these  patriots  if  they  cross  the  "  death  line." 
He  will  aid  in  starving  them  until  they  cry  to  heaven 
for  a  drop  of  water  which  he  refuses  them.  He  will 
hold  them  in  horrible  pest  pens,  bare-headed,  bare 
footed  and  bare-backed,  with  a  scorching  sun  beating 
upon  their  emaciated  frames,  until  with  hunger  and 
disease  they  die  by  thousands,  or  are  released  when  by 
famine  they  are  emaciated  skeletons,  beyond  the  hope 
of  recovery,  or  wandering  maniacs.  He  will,  if  Georgia 
says  so,  man  and  equip  pirates  to  prey  upon  the  unof 
fending  commerce  of  the  merchant  marine.  He  will 
send  spies  to  the  Capitol  and  employ  emissaries  to 
poison  the  aqueducts  of  cities  hundreds  of  miles  from 
the  seat  of  war.  He  will  put  the  torch  into  the  hand 
of  the  incendiary  to  fire  Northern  cities  thousands  of 
miles  off,  because  her  people  are  holding  up  the  old 
flag.  He  will  send  scientific  physicians  to  foreign 
lands  to  procure  the  virus  of  deadly  and  contagious 
disease,  and  infect  the  wounds  of  Northern  patriots, 
who  lie  in  hospitals,  with  the  dew  of  death  upon  them, 
caused  by  wounds  and  ill-treatment  received  while 
fighting  to  preserve  the  Union.  All  this  he  will  do  if 
Georgia  says  so.  Georgia  did  say  so,  and  did  do  so; 
and  Stephens  went  with  her.  Georgia  buried  the  old 
flag,  and  raised  a  foreign  and  hostile  one ;  her  people 
rallied  round  it,  and  Alexander  H.  Stephens  cheered 
them  on;  and  at  their  head,  tore  the  Stars  and  Stripes 
down,  trampled  upon  them,  and  raised  in  their  stead 
the  banner  of  the  Confederacy. 

Georgia  declared   herself  out  of  the  Union,  allied 


XV.]  TREASON   OF   ALEXANDER  H.  STEPHENS.  247 

herself  with  a  Government  declared  foreign  and  hostile 
to  the  American  Republic,  in  which  a  new  code  of  laws 
were  enacted,  a  new  Constitution  framed,  fleets  and 
armies  raised  and  maintained,  ministers  sent  abroad, 
and  all  the  functions  of  a  de  facto  Government  and 
belligerent  nation  maintained.  Alexander  H.  Stephens 
went  with  her.  He  did  all  those  things  in  the. name 
of  Georgia. 

He  will  secure  the  honor  and  the  glory  of  his  native 
State ;  and  if  this  cannot  be  done  in  the  Union,  then  at 
all  hazards  they  must  be  maintained  "out  of  the  Union." 
He  flings  back  the  idea  that  he  loved  the  Union  before 
and  above  his  State ;  it  is  just  the  reverse.  He  is  em 
phatically  "a  man  without  a  country,"  unless  he  can 
call  the  State  of  Georgia  a  country. 

In  this  most  inconsistent  speech,  he  concludes  that 
the  first  duty  of  the  citizen  is  to  his  State ;  that  for  his 
State,  and  as  she  may  determine,  right  or  wrong,  it  is 
the  duty  of  the  citizen,  patriot  or  statesman,  to  go. 
What  an  exalted  conception  this  patriot,  statesman 
and  philosopher  (?)  must  have  of  the  American  Re 
public.  How  truly  he  feels  inspired  with  her  history 
and  development.  How  fully  he  realizes  the  spirit 
that  actuated  the  patriots  of  the  Revolutionary  War. 
How  well  does  he  comprehend  the  principles  upon 
which  were  engrafted  into  the  Constitution  the  words: 
"  We  the  people  of  the  United  States,  in  order  to  form  a 
more  perfect  Union."  How  keenly  he  felt  the  glory 
of  the  great  system  of  liberty  and  free  institutions 
that  have  grown  up  and  prospered  under  the  National 
Government.  With  what  pride  did  he  look  upon  the 
record  of  the  achievements  of  the  National  arms;  and 
how  his  breast  swelled  with  gratitude  and  pride  as  he 
beheld  the  symbol  of  the  Nation's  freedom  floating 


248  REPUBLICANISM    IN    AMERICA.  [Chap. 

from  the  monuments  erected  to  the  memory  of  the 
Nation's  heroes.  How  he  admired  the  wisdom  of  the 
national  legislators,  and  the  system  of  national  and 
international  policy  established.  How  well  he  loved 
his  country;  Ms  country?  He  has  been  but  a  wanderer, 
a  sojourner  in  a  strange  land.  The  Republic  of  Amer 
ica  has  been  as  much  a  foreign  nation  to  him,  as  any 
of  the  Governments  of  Europe.  He  was  not  a  citizen 
of  the  Republic,  he  was  a  citizen  of  Georgia.  He  owed 
allegiance  to  his  State  first,  and  then  to  America.  The 
laws  and  treaties  of  his  Nation  were  co-extensive  with 
the  share  that  his  State  held  in  the  Southern  Confed 
eracy.  He  never  saw  the  flag  of  his  country,  unless 
he  saw  the  flag  of  Georgia.  He  wanders,  gazing  upon 
the  blue  sky  for  a  sign  of  the  symbol  of  his  country; 
the  meteor  banner  of  America  is  there,  but  his  eyes 
sweep  over  it  in  vacancy.  A  rend  from  which  the  Pal 
metto  has  been  torn,  shows  a  faint  line  that  is  fast 
closing,  never  to  behold  the  shadow  of  its  departed 
glory.  But  he  looks,  and  in  vain,  for  the  flag  of  his 
country;  but  alas  the  ensign  of  the  "Sovereign  State 
of  Georgia"  has  no  place  there.  He  is  the  man  with 
out  a  country. 

On  the  17th  of  January,  1861,  the  Georgia  Conven 
tion  met,  at  which  they  passed  an  Ordinance  of  Seces 
sion.  On  the  debate  upon  the  resolutions  declaring 
that  State  out  of  the  Union,  Alexander  H.  Stephens 
being  present,  opposed  secession,  principally  upon  the 
ground  that  there  was  no  cause  of  complaint  on  the 
part  of  the  South.  He  said: 

"  This  step  (of  Secession)  once  taken,  can  never  be  recalled; 
and  all  the  baleful  and  withering  consequences  that  must  follow 
will  rest  on  the  Convention  for  all  coming  time.  When  we  and 
our  posterity  shall  see  our  lovely  South  desolated  by  the  demon 


XV.]          ALEXANDER  H.  STEPHENS   ON   SECESSION.  249 

of  war,  which  this  act  of.  yours  will  inevitably  invite  and  call  forth  ; 
when  our  green  fields  of  waving1  harvest  shall  be  trodden  down 
by  the  murderous  soldiery  and  fiery  car  of  war  sweeping  over 
our  land;  our  temples  of  justice  laid  in  ashes;  all  the  horrors 
and  desolations  of  war  upon  us;  who  but  the  Convention  will  be 
held  responsible  for  it?  And  who  but  him  who  shall  have  given 
his  vote  for  this  unwise  and  ill-timed  measure,  as  I  honestly 
think  and  believe,  shall  be  held  to  strict  account  for  this  suicidal  act 
by  the  present  generation,  and  probably  cursed  and  execrated  by  pos 
terity  for  all  coming  time,  for  the  wide  and  desolating  ruin  that 
will  inevitably  follow  this  act  you  now  propose  to  perpetrate  ? 
Pause,  I  entreat  you,  and  consider  for  a  moment  what  reasons 
you  can  give  that  will  even  satisfy  yourselves  in  calmer  moments 
— what  rQasons  you  can  give  to  your  fellow  sufferers  in  the  calam 
ity  it  will  bring  upon  us.  What  reasons  can  you  give  the  nations 
of  the  earth  to  justify  it  ?  They  will  be  the  calm  and  deliberate 
judges  in  the  case;  and  what  cause,  or  one  overt  act,  can  you 
name  or  point,  on  which  to  rest  the  plea  of  justification  ?  What 
right  has  the  North  assailed?  What  interest  of  the  South  has  been 
invaded  ?  What  justice  has  been  denied  ?  and  what  claim,  founded 
in  justice  and  right,  has  been  withheld?  Can  either  of  you 
to-day  name  one  governmental  act  of  wrong,  deliberately  and 
purposely  done  by  the  Government  of  Washington,  of  which 
the  South  has  a  right  to  complain?  I  challenge  the  answer. 
While,  on  the  other  hand,  let  me  show  the  facts  (and  believe  me, 
gentlemen,  I  am  not  here  the  advocate  of  the  North,  but  I  am 
here  the  friend,  the  firm  friend,  and  lover  of  the  South  and  her 
institutions,  and  for  this  reason  I  speak  thus  plainly  and  faith 
fully  for  yours,  mine  and  every  other  man's  interest,  the  words 
of  truth  and  soberness),  of  which  I  wish  you  to  judge,  and  I 
will  only  state  facts  which  are  clear  and  undeniable,  and  which 
now  stand  as  records  authentic  in  the  history  of  our  country. 
When  we  of  the  South  demanded  the  slave  trade,  or  the  impor 
tation  of  Africans  for  the  cultivation  of  our  lands,  did  they  not 
yield  the  right  for  twenty  years  ?  When  we  asked  a  three-fifths 
representation  in  Congress  for  our  slaves,  was  it  not  granted? 
When  we  asked  and  demanded  the  return  of  any  fugitive  from 
justice,  or  the  recovery  of  those  persons  owing  labor  or  alle 
giance,  was  it  not  incorporated  in  the  Constitution,  and  again 
ratified  and  strengthened  by  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law  of  1850  ? 
But  do  you  reply,  that  in  many  instances  they  have  violated  this 


250  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

compact  and  have  not  been  faithful  to  their  engagements  ?  As 
individual  and  local  communities,  they  may  have  done  so;  but 
not  by  the  sanction  of  Government,  for  that  has  always  been 
true  to  Southern  interests.  Again,  gentlemen,  look  at  another 
act:  When  we  have  asked  that  more  territory  should  be  added, 
that  we  might  spread  the  institution  of  Slavery,  have  they  not 
yielded  to  our  demands  in  giving  us  Louisiana,  Florida  and 
Texas,  out  of  which  four  States  have  been  carved,  and  ample 
territory  for  four  more  to  be  added  in  due  time,  if  you  by  this 
unwise  and  impolitic  act  do  not  destroy  this  hope,  and,  perhaps, 
by  it  lose  all,  and  have  your  last  slave  wrenched  from  you  by 
stern  military  rule,  as  South  America  and  Mexico  were,  or  by  the 
vindictive  decree  of  a  universal  emancipation,  which  may  reasonably 
be  expected  to  follow  ? 

"But  again,  gentlemen,  what  have  we  to  gain  by  this  pro 
posed  change  of  our  relation  to  the  General  Government  ?  We 
have  always  had  the  control  of  it;  and  can  yet,  if  we  remain  in 
it,  and  are  as  united  as  we  have  been.  We  have  had  a  majority 
of  the  Presidents  chosen  from  the  South,  as  well  as  the  control 
and  management  of  most  of  those  chosen  from  the  North.  We 
have  had  sixty  years  of  Southern  Presidents  to  their  twenty-four, 
thus  controlling  the  Executive  Department.  So  of  the  Judges 
of  the  Supreme  Court,  we  have  had  eighteen  from  the  South 
and  but  eleven  from  the  North;  although  nearly  four-fifths  of 
the  judicial  business  has  arisen  in  the  Free  States,  yet  a  majority 
of  the  Court  has  always  been  from  the  South.  This  we  have  re 
quired  so  as  to  guard  against  any  interpretation  of  the  Constitu 
tion  unfavorable  to  us.  In  like  manner  we  have  been  equally 
watchful  to  guard  our  interests  in  the  legislative  branch  of 
Government.  In  choosing  the  presiding  Presidents  (pro  tern.) 
of  i;he  C :  nate,  we  have  had  twenty-four  to  their  eleven.  Speakers 
of  the  House,  we  have  had  twenty-three  and  they  twelve.  While 
the  majority  of  the  Representatives,  from  their  greater  popula 
tion,  have  always  been  from  the  North,  yet  we  have  so  generally 
seem  1  the  Speaker,  because  he,  to  a  great  extent,  shapes  and 
controls  the  legislation  of  the  country.  Nor  have  we  had  less 
control  in  every  other  department  of  the  General  Government. 
Attorney-Generals,  we  have  had  fourteen,  while  the  North  have 
had  bnf  five.  Foreign  Ministers,  we  have  had  eighty-six  and 
they  but  fifty-four.  While  three-fourths  of  the  business  which 
demands  diplomatic  agents  abroad  is  clearly  from  the  Free  States, 


XV.]          ALEXANDER  H.  STEPHENS   ON   SECESSION  251 

from  their  greater  commercial  interests,  yet  we  have  had  the 
principal  embassies  so  as  to  secure  the  world-markets  for  our 
cotton,  tobacco  and  sugar  on  the  best  possible  terms.  We  have 
had  a  vast  majority  of  the  higher  offices  of  both  army  and  navy, 
while  a  larger  proportion  of  the  soldiers  and  sailors  were  drawn 
from  the  North.  Equally  so  of  Clerks,  Auditors  and  Con 
trollers  filling  the  Executive  Department;  the  records  show  for 
the  last  fifty  years  that  of  the  three  thousand  thus  employed,  we 
have  had  more  than  two-thirds  of  the  same,  while  we  have  but 
one-third  of  the  white  population  of  the  Republic. 

"  Again,  look  at  another  item,  and  one,  be  assured,  in  which 
we  have  had  a  great  and  vital  interest.  It  is  that  of  revenue,  or 
means  of  supporting  Government.  From  official  documents  we 
learn  that  a  fraction  over  three-fourths  of  the  revenue  collected 
for  the  support  of  the  Government  has  uniformly  been  raised 
from  the  North. 

"  Pause  now  while  you  can,  gentlemen,  and  contemplate  care 
fully  and  candidly  these  important  items.  Look  at  another  nec 
essary  branch  of  Government,  and  learn  from  stern  statistical 
facts  how  matters  stand  in  that  department.  I  mean  the  mail 
and  Post  Office  privileges  that  we  now  enjoy  under  the  General 
Government  as  it  has  been  for  years  past.  The  expense  for  the 
transportation  of  the  mail  in  the  Free  States  was,  by  the  report 
of  the  Postmaster-General  for  the  year  1860,  a  little  over  $13,- 
000,000,  while  the  income  was  $19,000,000.  But  in  the  Slave 
States  the  transportation  of  the  mail  was  $14,716,000,  while  the 
revenue  from  the  same  was  $8,001,026,  leaving  a  deficit  of  $6,- 
704,974  to  be  supplied  by  the  North  for  our  accommodation,  and 
without  it  we  must  have  been  entirely  cut  off  from  this  most  es 
sential  branch  of  Government. 

' '  Leaving  out  of  view,  for  the  present,  the  countless  millions  of 
dollars  you  must  expend  in  a  war  with  the  North,  with  tens  of 
thousands  of  your  sons  and  brothers  slain  in  battle,  and  offered 
up  as  sacrifices  upon  the  altar  of  your  ambition — and  for  what, 
we  ask  again  ?  Is  it  for  the  overthrow  of  the  American  Govern 
ment,  established  by  our  common  ancestry,  cemented  and  built 
up  by  their  sweat  and  blood,  and  founded  on  the  broad  princi 
ples  of  Pdght,  Justice,  and  Humanity  f  And,  as  such,  I  must 
declare  here,  as  I  have  often  done  before,  and  which  has  been 
repeated  by  the  greatest  and  wisest  of  statesmen  and  patriots  in 
this  and  other  lands,  that  it  is  the  best  and  freest  Government — 


252  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

the  most  equal  in  its  rights,  the  most  just  in  its  decisions,  the 
most  lenient  in  its  measures,  and  the  most  aspiring  in  its  princi 
ples  to  elevate  the  race  of  men  that  the  sun  of  heaven  ever  shone 
upon.  Now,  for  you  to  attempt  to  overthrow  such  a  Govern 
ment  as  this,  under  which  we  have  lived  for  more  than  three- 
quarters  of  a  century — in  which  we  have  gained  our  wealth,  our 
standing  as  a  Nation,  our  domestic  safety  while  the  elements  of 
peril  are  around  us,  with  peace  and  tranquillity,  accompanied 
with  unbounded  prosperity  and  rights  unassailed — is  the  height 
of  madness,  folly,  and  wickedness,  to  which  I  can  neither  lend  my 
sanction  nor  my  vote." 

Here  Mr.  Stephens  invokes  the  people  of  Georgia 
not  to  take  the  fatal  step.  He  sees  their  green  fields 
trodden  down  by  the  murderous  soldiery  that  must 
follow  this  act  of  Secession.  "  Who  but  this  Convention 
will  be  held  responsible  for  all  these  evils"  he  says  to  the 
Convention — "  shall  be  held  to  a  strict  account  for  this  sui 
cidal  act  by  the  present  generation,  and  probably  cursed  and 
execrated  by  posterity  for  all  coming  time."  The  present 
generation  are  now  fulfilling  this  prophecy,  and  they 
do  not  forget  the  man  who,  while  he  said  these  things, 
told  the  world  that  as  Georgia  went  so  he  should  go, 
and  who  twenty  days  later  accepted  the  office  of  Vice- 
President  of  the  Southern  Confederacy.  No  justifica 
tion,  either  to  themselves  or  to  the  nations  of  the 
earth,  he  says,  can  be  offered  for  the  act  of  Secession. 
He  " challenges  the  answer"  that  the  North  has  ever 
assailed  a  single  right  of  the  South,  and  he  enters  into 
an  elaborate  array  of  historical  and  statistical  facts  to 
show  that  on  the  contrary  the  South  has  had  her  own 
way,  and  more  than  her  own  share  of  the  public  spoils 
and  patronage  of  the  Nation.  That  the  North,  at  great 
cost  and  inconvenience,  has  defrayed  the  expenses  of 
the  South,  and  permitted  them  to  fill  the  public  offices 
of  the  Government  far  beyond  their  legal  proportion. 


XV.]          ALEXANDER   H.  STEPHENS   ON    SECESSION.  253 

The  North  had  gracefully  extended  the  traffic  in  the 
slave  trade  to  accommodate  the  South.  The  North 
voted  that  the  South  should  have  a  representation  in 
Congress  based  upon  the  slave  property,  and  voted  to 
constitute  the  Federal  power  a  national  police  for  the 
arrest  and  return  of  fugitives  from  labor ;  and  when  the 
South  asked  more  territory  for  the  spread  of  Slavery, 
the  North  yielded  and  gave  them  Louisiana,  Florida, 
and  Texas,  and  territory  ample  for  four  more  States. 
The.  support  of  the  Government  in  revenue,  he  con 
cludes,  came  mainly  from  the  North.  The  North  has 
supplied  the  funds  to  carry  the  mails  to  the  South. 
There  is  no  cause  of  complaint,  unless  the  complaint 
comes  from  the  North.  Yet  the  man  possessed  of  all 
this  knowledge  has  assured  the  world  that  as  the  "  Sov 
ereign"  State  of  Georgia  goes,  so  will  he  go.  It  will 
cost  countless  millions  of  dollars,  and  the  lives  of 
thousands  of  brave  men,  offered  up  as  a  sacrifice  upon 
the  altar  of  the  ambition  of  the  South;  and  it  will 
overthrow  a  Government  cemented  by  the  sweat  and 
blood  of  patriots,  and  founded  on  Right,  Justice,  and 
Humanity.  To  do  this,  he  says,  "is  the  height  of  mad 
ness,  folly,  and  wickedness,  to  which  I  can  neither  lend 
my  sanction  nor  my  vote."  Yet  he  has  told  them  that 
if  his  State  says  he  shall,  against  his  judgment,  do  all 
that  is  proposed  to  be  done  by  Secession,  that  he  will 
do  it.  The  State,  by  its  Convention,  said  that  they 
denied  all  of  Mr.  Stephens'  positions,  passed  their  Or 
dinance  of  Secession,  and  entered  into  rebellion  and 
cruel  war;  and  Mr.  Stephens  joined  with  them,  and  is 
elected  Vice-President  of  the  Southern  Confederacy 
on  the  9th  day  of  February  following,  (about  twenty 
days  after  his  speech  above,)  takes  the  oath  of  office, 
subscribed  to  a  declaration  of  grievances  on  the  part  of 
17 


254  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

the  South,  and  enters     upon  active  war  against  the 
United  States. 

On  the  21st  day  of  March,  1861,  about  one  month 
after  Mr.  Stephens  was  elected  Yice-Presid^nt  of  the 
Southern  Confederacy,  being  at  Savannah,  in  his  own 
State,  he  made  a  speech,  from  which  the  following  ex 
tract  is  here  inserted: 

tc  The  new  Constitution  has  put  at  rest  forever  all  the  agitat 
ing  questions  relating  to  our  peculiar  institutions — African  Slav 
ery  as  it  exists  among  us — the  proper  status  of  the  negro  in  our 
form  of  civilization. 

"  This  was  the  immediate  cause  of  the  late  rupture  and  present 
revolution.  Jefferson,  in  his  forecast,  had  anticipated  this  as  the 
'  rock  upon  which  the  old  Union  would  split.'  He  was  right. 
What  was  conjecture  with  him,  is  now  a  realized  fact.  But 
whether  he  fully  comprehended  the  great  truth  upon  which  that 
rock  stood  and  stands,  may  be  doubted.  The  prevailing  ideas 
entertained  by  him  and  most  of  the  leading  statesmen  at  the 
time  of  the  formation  of  the  old  Constitution,  were  that  the  en 
slavement  of  the  African  was  in  violation  of  the  laws  of  nature — 
that  it  was  wrong  in -principle,  socially,  morally,  and  politically. 
It  was  an  evil  they  knew  not  we'l  how  to  deal  with,  but  the  gen 
eral  opinion  of  the  men  of  that  day  was,  that  somehow  or  other, 
in  the  order  of  Providence,  the  institution  would  be  evanescent 
and  pass  away.  This  idea,  though  not  incorporated  in  the  Con 
stitution,  was  the  prevailing  idea  at  the  time.  The  Constitution, 
it  is  true,  secured  every  essential  guarantee  to  the  institution 
while  it  should  last,  and  hence  no  argument  can  be  justly  used 
against  the  constitutional  guarantees  thus  secured,  because  of 
the  common  sentiment  of  the  day.  Those  ideas,  however,  were 
fundamentally  wrong.  They  rested  upon  the  assumption  of  the 
equality  of  races.  This  was  an  error.  It  was  a  sandy  founda 
tion,  and  the  idea  of  a  Government  built  upon  it,  when  the 
*  storm  came  and  the  wind  blew,  it  fell/ 

"  Our  new  Government  is  founded  upon  exactly  the  opposite 
idea;  its  foundations  are  laid,  its  corner-stone  rests  upon  the 
great  truth  that  the  negro  is  not  equal  to  the  white  man.  That 
Slavery — subordination  to  the  superior  race — is  his  natural  and 
normal  condition.  This,  our  new  Government,  is  the  first,  in 


XV.]         STEPHENS'  "  CORNER-STONE  "  SPEECH.  255 

the  history  of  the  world,  based  upon  this  great  moral  and  physi 
cal  truth.  This  truth  has  been  slow  in  the  process  of  its  develop 
ment  like  all  other  truths  in  the  various  departments  of  science. 
It  has  been  so  even  among  us.  Many  who  hear  HI.J,  perhaps, 
can  recollect  well  that  this  truth  was  not  generally  admitted  even 
within  their  day.  The  errors  of  the  past  generation  still  clung 
to  many  as  late  as  twenty  years  ago.  Those  at  the  North  who 
still  cling  to  these  errors,  with  a  zeal  above  knowledge,  we  justly 
denominate  fanatics.  *  *  * 

*'  In  the  conflict  thus  far,  success  has  been  on  our  side  com 
plete  throughout  the  length  and  breadth  of  the  Confederate 
States.  It  is  upon  this,  as  I  have  stated,  our  actual  fabric  is 
firmly  planted;  and  I  cannot  permit  myself  to  doubt  the  ulti 
mate  success  of  a  full  recognition  of  this  principle  throughout 
the  civilized  and  enlightened  world. 

"As  I  have  stated,  the  truth  of  this  principle  may  be  slow 
in  development,  as  all  truths  are,  and  ever  have  been,  in  the 
various  branches  of  science.  It  was  so  with  the  principles  an 
nounced  by  Galileo;  it  was  so  with  Adam  Smith  and  his  princi 
ples  of  political  economy;  it  was  so  with  Harvey  and  his  theory 
of  the  circulation  of  the  blood.  It  is  stated  that  not  a  single 
one  of  the  medical  profession,  living  at  the  time  of  the  announce 
ment  of  the  truths  made  by  him,  admitted  them.  Now  they  are 
universally  acknowledged.  May  we  not,  therefore,  look  with 
confidence  to  the  ultimate  universal  acknowledgment  of  the 
truths  upon  which  our  system  rests.  It  is  the  first  Government 
ever  instituted  upon  principles  of  strict  conformity  to  nature 
and  the  ordination  of  Providence  in  furnishing  the  materials  of 
human  society.  Many  Governments  have  been  founded  upon 
the  principles  of  certain  classes;  but  the  classes  thus  enslaved 
were  of  the  same  race  and  in  violation  of  the  laws  of  nature. 
Our  system  commits  no  such  violation  of  nature's  laws.  The 
negro,  by  nature,  or  by  the  curse  against  Canaan,  is  fitted  for 
that  condition  which  he  occupies  in  our  system.  The  architect, 
in  the  construction  of  buildings,  lays  the  foundation  with  the 
proper  materials — the  granite;  then  comes  the  brick  or  the  mar 
ble.  The  substratum  of  our  society  is  made  of  the  material 
fitted  by  nature  for  it,  and  by  experience  we  know  that  it  is  best, 
not  only  for  the  superior,  but  for  the  inferior  race  that  it  should 
be  so.  It  is,  indeed,  in  conformity  with  the  ordinance  of  the 
Creator.  It  is  not  for  us  to  inquire  into  the  wisdom  of  His  ordi- 


256  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

nances,  or  to  question  them.  For  His  own  purposes  He  has 
made  one  race  to  differ  from  another,  as  He  has  made  *  one  star 
to  differ  from  another  star  in  glory/ 

"  The  great  objects  of  humanity  are  best  attained  when  con 
formed  to  His  laws  and  decrees,  in  the  formation  of  Govern 
ments,  as  well  as  in  all  things  else.  Our  Confederacy  is  founded 
upon  principles  in  strict  conformity  with  these  laws.  This  stone 
which  was  first  rejected  by  the  first  builders,  '  is  become  the 
chief  stone  of  the  corner '  in  our  new  edifice. 

"  The  progress  of  disintegration  in  the  old  Union  may  be 
expected  to  go  on  with  almost  absolute  certainty.  We  are  now 
the  nucleus  of  a  growing  power,  which,  if  we  are  true  to  our 
selves,  our  destiny,  and  high  mission,  will  become  the  control 
ling  power  on  this  continent.  To  what  extent  accessions  will  go 
on  in  the  process  of  time,  or  where  it  will  end,  the  future  will 
determine." 

The  reader  will  bear  in  mind  that  this  last  speech 
was  made  within  one  month  after  his  speech  in  the 
Georgia  Convention.  This  speech  is  the  fairest  reflex 
of  the  philosophy  and  prophecy  of  the  "greatest  man  of 
the  South."  He  settles  the  status  of  the  negro — "  Slav 
ery  and  subordination  is  his  natural  and  normal  condi 
tion"  Slavery,  he  says,  is  of  Divine  origin,  and  a  Gov 
ernment  built  upon  an  opposite  theory  will  fall.  Their 
new  Constitution  has  set  the  question  at  rest  forever. 
The  new  Government  is  founded  upon  these  great 
truths;  its  corner-stone  is  laid  and  rests  upon  the  solid 
foundations  that  Slavery  is  the  natural  condition  of  the 
negro,  and  their  new  Government  is  the  first  in  the 
history  of  the  world,  l  L  based  upon  this  great  physical 
and  moral  truth."  It  is  wise  to  condemn  all  &8  fanatics 
who  hold  opposite  views  from  these;  and  there  are 
still,  he  says,  some  people  at  the  North  who  entertain 
opposite  views,  and  who  cling  to  those  errors.  The 
development  of  these  great  truths  may  be  slow,  but  it 
is  so  with  all  great  truths.  He  says  that  the  new  Gov- 


XV.]          STEPHENS'  PHILOSOPHY  OF  SLAVERY.  257 

ernment  is  the  first  in  the  world  based  upon  principles 
in  conformity  with  Divine  Providence.  The  negro,  by 
the  curse  against  Canaan,  is  fitted  for  Slavery.  The 
Creator  has  ordained  it.  The  stone  so  long  rejected  by 
the  architects  of  Nations,  says  he,  "  is  become  the 
chief  stone  of  the  corner  in  our  new  edifice." 

The  American  Government  is  only  a  thing  in  name  > 
its  foundations  are  laid  upon  quicksands ;  it  must  fall 
because  its  "  corner-stone  "  is  not  laid  upon  a  founda 
tion  in  conformity  with  the  laws  of  Divine  Providence. 
He  proclaims  the  philosophical  truth  that  the  curse 
placed  on  Canaan,  or  some  other  cause,  makes  the 
negro  a  slave  by  nature.  Each  State  will  drop  off 
from  this  unnatural  Union,  until  no  trace  of  the  old 
concern  can  be  found.  Hear  the  language  of  Stephens, 
the  prophet: 

"  The  progress  of  disintegration  in  the  old  Union,  may  be 
expected  to  go  on  with  almost  absolute  certainty.  We  are  now 
the  nucleus  of  a  growing  power,  which  if  we  are  true  to  our 
selves,  our  destiny,  and  high  mission,  will  become  the  control 
ling  power  of  this  Continent." 

Within  the  whole  range  of  Democratic  p'hilosophy 
and  statesmanship,  there  is  no  such  happy  exposition 
of  the  doctrines  of  that  party  as  is  contained  in  this 
speech  of  Mr.  Stephens.  Close  observers  of  the  ad 
vocates  of  domination  had  divided  the  honors  of  the 
advocacy  of  the  traffic  in  men,  to  other  names,  that 
have  stood  prominent  in  the  cause.  But,  looking  over 
the  long  line  of  illustrious  champions,  the  Pinckneys, 
Calhoun,  Hayne,Yancey,  Davis,  Brooks,  Hunter,  Rhett, 
Floyd,  Toombs,  Kiett,  and  others,  their  past  prestige 
and  glory  vanish  • —  the  master  key-note  of  Democracy 
had  slumbered,  and  under  the  dull  manipulations  of 
Southern  leaders,  had  failed  to  emit  the  joyous  sounds 


258  REPUBLICANISM    IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

of  supreme  perfection,  until  touched  by  the  scientific 
finger  of  the  "  Yice-President."  Other  voices  had 
been  raised  in  support  of  these  doctrines — protests, 
debates,  and  vindictive  aspersion,  had  for  three-quar 
ters  of  a  century  distinguished  many  a  Southern  gen 
tleman;  rough  attacks  amounting  to  physical  force, 
had  decked  the  brow  of  the  Southern  statesman,  and 
won  for  hire  the  admiration  of  his  fellow-countrymen. 
The  impassioned  eloquence  of  Calhoun,  Hayne,  Yan- 
cey,  and  others,  had  "  fired  the  Southern  heart ;"  but 
the  streams  of  light  now  cast  upon  the  subject,  the 
powerful  rays  of  unerring  truth,  flooded  upon  the  head 
of  the  "nigger,"  by  the  aid  of  science,  philosophy, 
and  religion,  formed  a  new  and  luminous  page  in  the 
great  book  of  Southern  truths. 

What  lends  such  peculiar  charms  to  the  doctrines 
as  set  forth  by  this  u  great  man,"  as  enunciated  in  this 
speech,  is  the  high  office  which  he  graced  at  the  time 
of  their  utterance.  He  was  not  an  itinerant  politician 
seeking  the  support  of  his  constituents ;  he  was  seated  in 
the  second  highest  office  of  the  first  Nation  established 
upon  the  philosophic  basis  of  the  subordination  of 
inferior  races.  He  had  no  incentive  of  ambition  to 
gratify;  already  had  he  received  numerous  positions 
of  political  preferment,  and  the  highest  plaudits  of 
every  lover  of  Slavery;  his  veins  were  not  fired  with 
the  untamed  and  impetuous  blood  of  youth,  nor  his 
judgment  undisciplined  in  the  school  of  political  sci 
ence.  He  had  already  ascended  the  meridia'n  of  man 
hood's  allotted  period,  and  he  had  his  feet  well  down 
the  shady  declivity,  upon  whose  sides  he  gathered  the 
laurels  of  experience,  and  at  whose  base  reposed  the 
peaceful  land  of  oblivion. 

The  follies  of  youth  he  had  lost  in  the  great  journey, 


XY.]          STEPHENS'  PHILOSOPHY  OF  SLAVERY.  259 

whose  weary  days  and  nights  had  left  their  imprint 
upon  his  placid  brow;  and  now,  with  calm  resignation 
to  the  decrees  of  Divinity,  he  looked  forward  only  to 
the  fulfillment  of  its  laws — the  perpetuity  of  the  Gov 
ernment  of  the  State  of  Georgia — the  interests  of  the 
Southern  people,  and  a  Christian  definition  of  Divine 
law,  as  applicable  to  the  "  nigger." 

Let  this  marvelous  speech  of  the  illustrious  son  of 
the  South,  find  a  place  in  every  catechism  and  text 
book  within  the  limits  of  the  late  Confederacy,  and 
be  the  caudal  appendage  of  every  Democratic  platform 
while  that  party  has  a  name. 


CHAPTER    XVI. 

PRESIDENT  LINCOLN  LEAVES  SPRINGFIELD  FOB  WASHINGTON.  —  JAMES  BU 
CHANAN  LEAVES  THE  EXECUTIVE  CHAIR.  —  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  ENTER 
UPON  THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  AFFAIRS.  —  ATTACK  ON  SUMTER.  —  WAR 
BEGUN. —DEMOCRATS  JOIN  THE  EEBELS.  —  JEFFERSON  DAVIS  ISSUES  A 
PROCLAMATION.  —  WAR  SPIRIT  OF  THE  FREE  STATES.  —  MASSACHUSETTS 
SENDS  THE  FIRST  SOLDIERS.  —  THEY  ARE  ATTACKED  AT  BALTIMORE.  — 
THE  PRESIDENT  CALLS  FOR  TROOPS.— TERMS  OF  COMPROMISE.— HORATIO 
SEYMOUR.— HIS  COMPLICITY  WITH  THE  REBELS.— LETTER  FROM  GEORGE 
N.  SANDERS.— SEEMING  SUCCESS  OF  THE  REBELS.— SOUTHERN  SPEECHES, 
RESOLUTIONS  ANJ>  THE  PRESS  AGAINST  COMPROMISE.— FERNANDO  WOOD, 
MAYOR  OF  NEW  YORK  CITY,  RECOMMENDS  ITS  SECESSION.— HE  PREDICTS 
A  PACIFIC  CONFEDERACY.— POLICY  OF  THE  FEDERAL  GOVERNMENT  DURING 
THE  FIRST  TWO  YEARS  OF  THE  WAR.— ANNOUNCEMENT  OF  EMANCIPATION 
PROCLAMATION.— EFFECT  OF.— EXTRACTS  FROM  LINCOLN'S  MESSAGE  OF 
1861.— HARMONY  OF  THE  GOVERNMENT.— DEMOCRATS  PLOT  TO  FIRE  NORTH 
ERN  CITIES.— CONFESSION  OF  KENNEDY.— CONTAGIOUS  DISEASE  SPREAD 
AMONG  UNION  SOLDIERS. 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN,  the  newly  elected  President,  left 
his  home  in  Springfield,  Illinois,  on  his  way  to  the 
Capital  at  Washington,  on  the  llth  of  February,  1861. 
It  had  been  reported  that  a  certain  conspiracy  to  as 
sassinate  him  was  organized  (which  afterwards  proved 
to  be  true),  and  as  he  approached  the  Capital  he  took 
a  different  route  from  the  one  proposed,  and  entered 
the  City  of  Washington  in  disguise,  and  before  the 
time  he  was  expected,  thus  thwarting  the  plans  of  his 
would-be  assassins.  The  greatest  preparations  ever 
made  for  a  Presidential  inauguration  were  arranged  to 
welcome  Mr.  Lincoln  ;  militia  companies,  numbering 
several  thousand,  were  in  the  city. 

A  little  after  noon  on  the  4th  of  March,  1861,  James 
Buchanan  and  Abraham  Lincoln  entered  the  Senate 
arm-in-arm,  and  shortly  after  Mr.  Lincoln  read  his  In 
augural  Address,  took  the  necessary  oath  of  office,  and 


ABRAHAM    LINCOLN 

PRESIDENT   OF   THL'UNITED   STATES 
.AssassinateeLApril  14*  1865 . 


XVL]  PRESIDENT   LINCOLN   INAUGURATED.  261 

was  declared  President  of  the  United  States,  while 
Mr.  Buchanan  retired  from  the  highest  position  in  the 
American  Government  to  be  forgotten  forever;  or,  if 
remembered,  only  to  be  execrated  by  an  injured  peo 
ple.  As  he  departed  from  the  halls  of  the  Nation,  the 
past  power,  influence  and  corruption  of  the  party  he 
represented  took  its  flight,  never  to  return,  unless  in  a 
form  so  helpless  and  corrupt  that  it  could  neither  in 
jure  nor  deceive. 

The  Republican  party,  for  the  first  time  in  the  his 
tory  of  the  country,  were  in  power,  and  the  Democracy 
in  all  the  Free  States  completely  overthrown. 

The  new  party  came  into  power  surrounded  with  an 
ocean  of  unprecedented  difficulties.  The  fifteen  Slave 
States  had  not  participated  in  the  fall  election,  or 
rather  had  refused  to  vote  for  Lincoln,  and  already  a 
number  of  them  had  confederated  themselves  together 
and  established  a  hostile  Government.  They  had,  in 
January  preceding,  levied  war  against  the  United 
States  by  firing  upon  the  steamship  Star  of  the  West  as 
she  was  entering  Charleston  harbor. 

The  standard  bearer  of  the  new  administration  en 
tered  cheerfully  upon  his  duties.  He  selected  his  Cab 
inet  from  among  the  truest  patriots  and  statesmen  of 
the  Republic.  (See  Appendix.)  Neither  in  the  plat 
form  upon  which  he  was  elected  nor  in  his  address  was 
there  anything  that  could,  by  any  possibility,  be  con 
strued  to  mean  an  infringement  upon  the  rights  of  the 
people  of  any  section.  But  the  leaders  of  the  Slave 
States  had  declared  that  they  would  not  serve  under 
Republican  rule. 

The  second  act  of  aggression,  by  the  South  was  the 
attack  on  Fort  Sumter.  This  was  made  by  General 
Beauregard,  on  the  order  of  the  Secretary  of  War  of  the 


262  REPUBLICANISM  IN  AMERICA.  [Chap. 

Confederacy.  The  fort  surrendered  April  13th,  1861, 
after  a  gallant  defense  by  Major  Anderson  and  his  little 
band. 

On  the  announcement  of  this  wanton  attack  and  fla 
grant  act  of  rebellion,  the  whole  Free  States  were  in  a 
blaze  of  excitement;  the  insult  to  the  Nation  must  be 
redressed;  the  fort  must  be  retaken;  the  hostile  flag 
must  come  down.  These  were  the  sentiments  that  ani 
mated  the  people. 

Mr.  Lincoln,  two  days  after,  (April  15th,  1861,)  is 
sued  a  proclamation,  declaring  that  the  "laws  of  the 
United  States  have  been  for  some  time  past,  and  now 
are  opposed,  and  the  execution  thereof  obstructed  in 
the  States  of  South  Carolina,  Georgia,  Alabama,  Flor 
ida,  Mississippi,  Louisiana,  and  Texas,  by  combinations 
too  powerful  to  be  suppressed  by  the  ordinary  course 
of  judicial  proceedings,  or  by  the  powers  vested  in  the 
Marshals  by  law,  and  to  cause  the  laws  to  be  duly  exe: 
cuted,"  he  therefore  called  out  the  militia  to  the  num 
ber  of  75,000,  and  indicated  their  first  service  to  be 
"•to  repossess  the  forts,  places,  and  property  seized 
from  the  Union."  At  the  same  time  he  summoned 
both  houses  of  Congress  to  assemble  on  the  4th  of  July, 
1861.  Of  the  fifteen  Slave  States,  Delaware  and  Mary 
land  were  the  only  ones  that  would  supply  troops — all 
the  others  refused ;  but  the  whole  of  the  Free  States 
pledged  all  the  men  and  all  the  money  necessary  to  put 
down  the  Rebellion;  and  thousands  of  conservative 
Democrats  rushed  into  the  ranks  of  the  army,  and  lent 
their  money  and  influence  in  aid  of  the  Union.  Still 
a  large  part  of  the  Democratic  element  throughout  the 
entire  country  protested  against  "  coercion."  In  all 
the  large  cities  throughout  the  land  soldiers  were  be 
ing  raised,  public  meetings  held,  and  the  most  intense 
excitement  prevailed, 


XVI.]  WAR  COMMENCED.  263 

Jefferson  Davis  had  also  issued  his  proclamation, 
which  began  with  the  following:  "  Whereas,  Abraham 
Lincoln,  President  of  the  United  States,  has  by  procla 
mation  announced  the  intention  of  invading  the  Con 
federacy  with  an  armed  force  for  the  purpose  of  cap 
turing  its  fortresses,  and  thereby  subverting  its 
independence,  and  subjecting  the  free  people  thereof 
to  the  domination  of  a  foreign  power;  and  whereas,  it 
has  become  the  duty  of  this  Government  to  repel  the 
threatened  invasion  and  defend  the  rights  and  liberties 
of  the  people  by  all  means  which  the  laws  of  nations 
and  usages  of  civilized  warfare  place  at  our  disposal," 
etc.  He  followed  this  with  a  proclamation,  calling 
upon  the  "good  people  of  the  Confederacy"  to  rally 
•forth  and  drive  back  the  "invader,"  and  called  down 
the  blessing  of  Divine  Providence  upon  their  patriot 
ism.  This  was  dated  April  17th,  1861. 

The  war  was  now  fairly  inaugurated,  and  appeals 
were  made  on  both  sides  for  volunteers,  and  each  side 
responded  with  alacrity.  New  England  was  in  a  blaze 
of  excitement.  No  such  enthusiasm  had  been  known 
since  the  days  of  the  battles  of  Lexington  and  Bunker 
Hill.  On  the  same  day  that  the  President's  proclama 
tion  was  issued,  companies  of  volunteers  began  to  pour 
into  Boston  from  adjoining  towns  and  States.  Money 
was  freely  offered  for  the  support  of  the  families  of 
all  those  who  desired  to  volunteer,  until  their  return. 
How  'many  patriots  never  did  return!  Civil  war  with 
all  its  horrors  was  preferable  to  anarchy. 

On  April  17th,  two  days  after  the  President's  call, 
Massachusetts  volunteers  started  for  the  seat  of  war — 
some  to  reinforce  Fort  Sumter,  others  to  protect  the 
Capital  and  President.  The  regiment  destined  for 
Washington,  on  its  way  through  the  City  of  Baltimore, 


264  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

on  the  19th  day  of  April,  were  attacked  by  a  mob  of 
anti-coercionists,  and  several  of  them  massacred.  This 
was  the  first  blood  shed  in  the  Rebellion,  for  the  firing 
on  the  Star  of  the  West  and  Fort  Sumter  had  ended 
without  serious  results.  This  was  the  anniversary  of 
the  battle  of  Lexington,  for  on  the  19th  of  April,  1775, 
the  volunteers  of  Massachusetts  had  suffered  the  first 
loss  in  blood  in  the  great  Revolution  that  gave  us 
American  freedom,  and  now  they  had  shed  the  first 
blood  to  save  the  Union. 

On  the  news  of  this  most  foul  and  unnatural  murder, 
the  State  of  Massachusetts  was  thrown  into  intense 
excitement.  The  news  spread  from  point  to  point  with 
great  rapidity ;  men  rushed  into  the  streets  from  stores 
and  offices  in  great  exasperation ;  mechanics  and  work 
ing  men  left  their  shops,  and  bare-headed  and  in  shirt 
sleeves,  rushed  to  seek  companions  to  join  them,  that 
they  might  avenge  this  outrage. 

The  State  was  destitute  of  arms.  Floyd  and  Bu 
chanan  had,  during  the  past  year,  stripped  the  armo 
ries  and  sent  them  to  their  "  Southern  brethren." 
The  next  day  an  agent  was  sent  from  Boston  to  Eng 
land  to  purchase  25,000  stand  of  arms,  supplied  with 
$250,000.  The  State  shortly  after  made  an  order  to 
England  for  5,000  English  rifles.  Troops  continued  to 
be  raised  in  all  parts  of  the  Free  States,  not  only  in 
New  England,  but  throughout  the  West.  The  State 
of  New  York  came  to  the  rescue  of  the  old  flag  with 
an  enthusiasm  perhaps  never  witnessed  in  the  history 
of  nations.  From  the  19th  of  May  to  the  12£h  of  July 
the  State  had  sent  into  the  field  42  regiments  of  36,- 
000  men.  It  would  be  doing  great  injustice  to  make 
any  comparisons  between  the  patriots  and  soldiers  of 
any  section  of  our  country;  but  it  is  but  justice  to  say 


XVI.]  WAR  COMMENCED.  265 

of  the  New  York  volunteers,  that  their  daring  exploits 
and  valor  have  never  been  surpassed  on  any  battle  field. 
(For  full  list  of  soldiers  furnished  by  each  State  see 
Appendix.) 

On  the  3d  of  May,  1861,  the  President  made  a 
further  call  for  42,000  men  for  three  years,  which  was 
cheerfully  responded  to.  The  belligerents  were  in  the 
field;  every  Free  State  in  the  Union  was  unanimous 
upon  putting  down  the  Rebellion.  The  South,  mean 
time,  being  well  armed  and  prepared  for  the  conflict, 
seemed  to  have  the  odds  in  her  favor;  varied  success 
on  the  field  had  lent  confidence  to  her  leaders  and  en 
couragement  to  her  Democratic  allies  in  the  North. 

The  victory  of  the  Confederates  over  the  Union 
armies  at  Bull  Run,  on  the  21st  of  July,  1861,  lent  new 
hope  and  vigor  to  the  rebel  armies.  On  the  reception 
of  the  news  at  the  South,  vigorous  preparations  were 
made  to  push  the  war  into  the  North.  It  was  no  lon 
ger  a  defensive  policy,  but  aggressive,  and  Washington 
must  fall.  New  York  City  was  to  be  sacked ;  the  Pal 
metto  flag  to  hang  from  the  dome  of  the  Capitol  at 
Washington;  the  cavalry  horses  of  the  gallant  soldiers 
of  the  South  were  to  graze  on  Boston  Common  while 
the  master  called  the  roll  of  his  slaves  at  the  foot  of 
Bunker  Hill.  Such  were  the  proclamations  of  South 
ern  leaders. 

The  Peace  Democrats,  Conservatives  and  Anti-Co- 
ercionists  (new  names  for  a  certain  class  of  Northern 
Democrats,  aiders  and  abettors  of  treason,)  were  now 
jubilant.  Peace  was  their  suit;  " peace  on  any  terms" 
they  cried;  "  stop  this  cruel  war ;"  " compromise ;"  have 
respect  for  the  "feelings"  of  our  Southern  brethren. 
Peace  Commissioners  and  propositions  of  compromise 
found  new  voices  to  advocate  their  claims.  The  press 


266  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

and  leaders  of  the  South  denounced  all  terms  of  peace ; 
they  did  not  want  any  further  affiliation  with  the  "base 
North;"  the  " unholy  Union"  had  been  a  curse  to  them. 
The  following  samples  will  illustrate  this  point. 

Jefferson  Davis  (President)  at  Montgomery,  Ala 
bama,  on  February  16th,  1861,  said: 

"  The  time  for  compromise  has  now  passed,  and  the  South  is 
determined  to  maintain  her  position  and  make  all  who  oppose 
her  smell  Southern  powder  and  feel  Southern  steel,  if  coercion  is 
persisted  in.  *  *  *  Our  separation  from  the 

Union  is  now  complete.  No  compromise,  no  reconstruction,  is 
now  to  be  entertained." 

T.  R.  It.  Cobb,  of  Georgia,  a  member  of  the  South 
ern  Congress,  speaking  of  reconstruction  at  Atlanta, 
said : 

"  I  am  against  it  now  and  forever.  What  have  we  worked  for? 
Simply  a  new  Constitution  ?  No !  We  sought  to  be  relieved  of 
the  North,  because  they  were  fleecing  us — giving  fishing  bounties 
and  otherwise  squandering  the  public  treasure  and  filling  their 
pockets  from  our  labors. 

"  I  would  not  unite  with  them  if  they  were  to  bind  themselves 
in  amounts  more  than  they  are  worth  and  give  me  a  distress  war 
rant  to  sell  them  out.  I  wish  the  people  of  Georgia  to  say  this 
shall  be  a  Slaveholding  Confederacy  and  nothing  else." 

The  speeches  of  Alexander  H.  Stephens,  in  another 
chapter,  should  be  read  in  connection  with  this. 

March  5th,  1861,  Mr.  Walter  Brooks,  of  Mississippi, 
quoting  Davis  and  Stephens  in  the  Confederate  Con 
gress,  said: 

"  I  think  I  speak  their  sentiments  on  this  floor;  from  the  infor 
mation  I  am  daily  receiving,  I  do  not  believe  there  is  a  man  in 
Mississippi  who  desires  a  reconstruction  of  this  Government,  or 
who  will  not  fully  indorse  the  sentiments  uttered  by  you,  Mr. 
President,  that  the  separation  is  perfect,  complete  and  perpet 
ual,  and  likewise  the  sentiments  of  our  distinguished  President 
of  the  Confederate  States,  when  he  declared  that  *  a  reconstruc 
tion  is  neither  practicable  nor  desirable.' " 


XVI.]       SOUTHERN   LEADERS   ON   RECONSTRUCTION.  267 

The  Rebel  Congress,  on  the  3d  of  February,  1862, 
passed  the  following  resolutions: 

' «  WHEREAS,  the  United  States  are  waging  war  against  the  Con 
federate  States,  with  the  avowed  purpose  of  compelling  the 
latter  to  re-unite  with  them  under  the  same  Constitution  and 
Government;  and  whereas,  the  waging  of  war  with  such  an 
object  is  in  direct  opposition  to  the  sound  Republican  maxim, 
that  '  all  Government  rests  upon  the  consent  of  the  governed/ 
and  can  only  tend  to  consolidation  in  the  General  Government, 
and  the  consequent  destruction  of  the  rights  of  the  States;  and 
whereas,  this  result  being  attained,  the  two  sections  can  only 
exist  together  in  the  relation  of  the  oppressor  and  the  oppressed, 
because  of  the  great  preponderance  of  power  in  the  Northern 
section,  coupled  with  dissimilarity  of  interests;  and  whereas, 
we,  the  representatives  of  the  people  of  the  Confederate  States, 
in  Congress  assembled,  may  be  presumed  to  know  the  sentiments 
of  said  people,  having  just  been  elected  by  them:  Therefore,  be  it 

Resolved,  That  this  Congress  do  solemnly  declare  and  publish 
to  the  world  that  it  is  the  unalterable  determination  of  the  peo 
ple  of  the  Confederate  States,  in  humble  reliance  upon  Almighty 
God,  to  suffer  all  the  calamities  of  the  most  protracted  war,  but 
that  they  will  never,  on  any  terms.,  politically  affiliate  with  a 
people  who  are  guilty  of  an  invasion  of  their  soil  and  the  butch 
ery  of  their  citizens. " 

Alexander  R.  Boteler,  of  Virginia,  in  a  speech  about 
this  time,  said: 

"In  regard  to  the  canvass  for  Congress,  I  have  been  studi 
ously  silent,  as  I  have  a  special  repugnance  to  whatever  may 
seem  like  thrusting  myself  on  the  public;  but  you  can  say  for 
me  that  I  have  consented  to  become  a  candidate,  which  I  sup 
pose  will  be  sufficient.  In  doing  so,  however,  it  is  but  proper 
that  I  should  say  that,  having  done  all  that  I  could,  consistent 
with  self-respect,  to  preserve  the  Union  upon  its  original  basis 
of  constitutional  equality,  I  am  equally  resolute  in  my  determina 
tion  to  resist  all  attempts,  should  any  be  made,  for  its  restora 
tion;  being  unalterably  opposed  to  reconstruction,  at  any  time 
or  on  any  terms.  This  much  is  due  to  the  people  that  I  should 
make  known  before  the  election,  so  that  they  may  be  aware  of 
the  course  I  shall  pursue  if  elected." 


268  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

Horatio  Seymour,  who  was  Governor  of  the  State 
of  New  York  in  1862,  and  was  in  hearty  sympathy 
and  cooperation  with  the  leaders  of  the  Rebel  Democ 
racy  Forth  and  South;  who  opposed  the  law  passed 
by  Congress  for  the  drafting  of  soldiers  into  the  Union 
Army;  who  was  the  nominee  for  the  Presidency  of 
the  Rebel  Democracy  who  met  at  New  York  on  July 
4th,  1868;  and  who  was  defeated  in  the  election  of 
November  3d  following  —  among  other  patriotic  doc 
uments  written  and  received  by  him  —  received  on 
December  24th,  1802,  from  his  confidential  political 
agent  and  friend,  G-eorge  N.  Sanders,  of  Kentucky, 
(also  a  good  Democrat)  the  following  letter: 

"  Not  only  do  you  owe  it  to  yourselves  to  repudiate  every  dol 
lar  of  this  unconstitutional  debt,  but  you  owe  it  equally  to  your 
posterity  to  pay  the  half,  if  not  all  the  debt  the  people  of  the  South 
have  had  to  incur  to  maintain  the  rights  of  citizens  and  of  States 
in  the  establishment  of  free  trade.  *  *  *  Let  heart 
and  brain  into  the  revolution;  accelerate  and  direct  the  move 
ment;  get  rid  of  the  baboon,  (or  what  is  it?)  Abraham  Lincoln, 
pacifically  if  you  can,  but  by  the  blood  of  his  followers  if  neces 
sary.  Withdraw  your  support,  material  and  moral,  from  the  in 
vading  armies,  a»d  the  South  will  make  quick  work  with  the 
Abolitionists  that  remain  on  her  soil.  Suffer  no  degenerate  son 
of  the  South,  upon  however  plausible  a  pretext,  to  idly  embar 
rass  your  action  by  throwing  into  your  way  rotten  planks  of  recon 
struction.  Unity  is  no  longer  possible.  The  very  word  Union, 
once  so  dear,  has  been  made  the  cover  of  so  many  atrocious  acts, 
that  the  mere  mention  of  it  is  odious  in  the  ears  of  Southern  peo 
ple.  The  State  Legislatures  will  be  called  upon  to  obliterate  the 
hated  name  from  counties  and  towns." 

Seymour  seemed  not  to  have  forgotten  the  contents 
of  this  letter  when  framing  the  clause  in  the  National 
Democratic  platform  repudiating  the  National  debt. 

The  Democrats  North  and  South  were  highly  elated 
in  the  fall  of  1862,  upon  the  seeming  success  of  their 


XVI. ]       SOUTHERN   LEADERS   ON   RECONSTRUCTION.  269 

cause,  and  in  1863  they  were  jubilant.  They  had  still 
maintained  their  military  power,  and  .Richmond,  their* 
Capital.  Civil  affairs  were  undisturbed.  The  Demo 
crats  of  the  North  hailed  the  proclamation  of  Abraham 
Lincoln,  abolishing  Slavery,  as  a  favored  omen  in  their 
cause. 

The  following  samples,  from  leading  journals  and 
leading  Democrats,  are  given  to  show  how  much  they 
were  in  favor,  at  that  time,  of  "  restoration." 

The  Richmond  Dispatch  on  the  18th  of  October, 
1862,  contained  the  following: 

"  Nor,  after  the  sacrifices  which  the  South  has  suffered  at 
Northern  hands,  could  she  ever  consent,  of  her  own  free  will,  to 
live  under  the  same  Government  with  that  people. 

"  The  blood  of  our  murdered  children  would  cry  from  the 
ground  against  their  fathers  if  they  could  ever  be  guilty  of  such 
unnatural  and  monstrous  ingratitude.  If  the  South  has  given 
her  blood  without  a  murmur  to  this  contest,  it  is  not  because 
she  does  not  value  that  blood,  but  because  she  values  freedom 
more  than  life  or  any  earthly  possession.  Precious,  more  than 
aught  else  save  her  honor,  are  the  jewels  she  has  laid  upon  the 
altar  of  liberty;  and  never  can  she  consent  to  shake  hands  again 
under  one  Government  with  men  who  have  made  so  many  vacant 
places  in  Southern  households,  and  whose  steel  is  dripping  with 
the  blood  of  our  brethren  and  children.  Henceforth  we  are  two 
people." 

A  series  of  resolutions,  passed  by  the  Legislature  of 
North  Carolina,  on  December  2d,  1862,  contained  the 
following : 

"Resolved,  That  the  Confederate  States  have  the  means  and 
the  will  to  sustain  and  perpetuate  the  Government  they  have  es 
tablished,  and  to  that  end  North  Carolina  is  determined  to  con 
tribute  all  of  her  power  and  resources. 

"Resolved,  That  the  separation  between  the  Confederate  States 
and  the  United  States  is  final,  and  that  the  people  of  North  Car 
olina  will  never  consent  to  reunion  at  any  time  or.  upon  any; 
terms." 

18 


270  REPUBLICANISM  IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

On  the  8th  of  December,  1862,  Governor  Letcher, 
of  Virginia,  wrote  as  follows: 

"It  cannot  be  that  the  people  of  the  Confederate  States  can 
again  entertain  a  feeling  of  affection  and  respect  for  the  Govern 
ment  of  the  United  States.  We  have,  therefore,  separated  from 
them;  and  now  let  it  be  understood  that  the  separation  is  and 
ought  to  be  final  and  irrevocable;  that  Virginia  'will  under  no 
circumstances  entertain  any  proposition  from  any  quarter  which 
may  have  for  its  object  a  restoration  or  reconstruction  of  the  late 
Union  on  any  terms  or  conditions  whatever/ 5J 

President  Davis,  in  addressing  the  Mississippi  Leg 
islature,  on  the  26th  of  December,  1862,  as  reported 
in  the  Jackson  Mississippian,  said: 

"  He  alluded  to  it,  however,  as  a  matter  of  regret  that  the 
best  affections  of  his  heart  should  have  been  bestowed  upon  an 
object  so  unworthy;  that  he  should  have  loved  so  long  a  Gov 
ernment  which  was  rotten  to  the  core.  He  had  predicted  from 
the  beginning  a  fierce  war,  though  it  had  assumed  more  gigantic 
proportions  than  he  had  calculated  upon.  He  had  predicted 
war,  not  because  our  right  to  secede  was  not  an  undoubted  one 
and  defined  in  the  spirit  of  that  declaration  which  rests  the  right 
to  govern  upon  the  consent  of  the  governed,  but  the  wickedness 
of  the  North  would  entail  war  upon  the  country. 

"The  present  war,  waged  against  the  rights  of  a  free  people, 
was  unjust,  and  the  fruit  of  the  evil  passions  of  the  North.  In 
the  progress  of  the  war  those  evil  passions  have  been  brought 
out  and  developed;  and  so  far  from  reuniting  with  such  a  peo 
ple —  a  people  whose  ancestors  Cromwell  had  gathered  from 
the  bogs  and  fens  of  Ireland  and  Scotland — a  people  whose  in 
tolerance  produced  discord  and  trouble  wherever  they  went;  who 
persecuted  Catholics,  Episcopalians  and  every  other  sect  that  did 
not  subscribe  to  their  bigoted  and  contracted  notions;  who  hung 
witches,  and  did  a  thousand  other  things  calculated  to  make 
them  forever  infamous. 

"The  President  was  emphatic  in  his  declaration  that  under 
no  circumstances  would  he  consent  to  reunion.  He  drew  a  glow 
ing  picture  of  the  horrors  of  war  and  the  ravages  of  the  enemy, 
and  while  his  tears  flowed  for  those  who  suffered,  yet  all  these 
would  be  endured  cheerfully  before  our  manhood  and  our  liber 
ties  would  be  surrendered." 


XYL]        SOUTHERN   LEADERS   ON   RECONSTRUCTION.  271 

In  his  speech,  delivered  at  Richmond,  and  reported 
in  the  Richmond  Enquirer  of  the  7th  of  January,  1863, 
Mr.  Davis  said: 

* '  You  have  shown  yourselves  in  no  respect  to  be  degenerate 
sons  of  your  fathers.  You  have  fought  mighty  battles,  and  your 
deeds  of  valor  will  live  among  the  richest  spoils  of  Time's  ample 
page.  It  is  true  you  have  a  cause  which  binds  you  together 
more  firmly  than  your  fathers  were.  They  fought  to  be  free 
from  the  usurpation  of  the  British  crown;  but  they  fought 
against  a  manly  foe.  You  fight  the  offscourings  of  the  earth. 
[Applause.]  *  *  *  They  have  come  to  disturb  your 
social  organizations  on  the  plea  that  it  is  a  military  necessity. 
For  what  are  they  waging  war?  They  say  to  preserve  the 
Union,  Can  they  preserve  the  Union  by  destroying  the  social 
existence  of  a  portion  of  the  South  ?  Do  they  hope  to  recon 
struct  the  Union  by  striking  at  everything  which  is  dear  to  men  ? 
By  showing  themselves  so  utterly  disgraced  that  if  the  question 
was  proposed  to  you  whether  you  would  combine  with  hyenas 
or  Yankees,  I  trust  every  Virginian  would  say,  give  me  the 
hyenas.  [Cries  of  '  good!  good! '  and  applause.]  " 

The  following  is  from  the  Richmond  Dispatch  of 
January  llth,  1863: 

"  Reconstruction!  Can  they  reconstruct  the  family  circles 
which  they  have  broken?  Can  they  reconstruct  the  fortunes 
which  they  have  scattered  ?  Can  they  reconstruct  the  bodies  of 
our  dead  kindred,  which  by  tens  of  thousands  they  have  de 
stroyed  ?  When  they  can  do  this  they  can  reconstruct  the  old 
Union.  When  they  can  do  this — when  they  can  breathe  the 
breath  of  life  into  the  pallid  faces  of  our  sons  and  brothers,  and 
restore  them  once  more,  living  and  happy,  to  our  desolate  fire 
sides,  they  may  dream  of  bringing  back  that  Union,  whose  only 
principle  of  cohesion  was  the  mutual  love  and  confidence  of  its 
people.  '  *  *  * 

' '  We  warn  the  Democrats  and  conservatives  of  the  North  to  dis 
miss  from  their  'minds  at  once  the  miserable  delusion  that  the  South 
can  ever  consent  to  enter  again,  upon  any  terms,  the  old  Union.  If 
the  North  will  allow  us  to  write  the  conditions  ourselves,  and  give  us 
every  guarantee  we  would  ask,  we  would  sooner  be  under  the  Gov 
ernment  of  England  or  France  than  under  a  Union  with  men  who 


272  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

have  shown  tliat  they  cannot  keep  good  faith,  and  are  the  most  bar 
barous  and  inhuman,  as  well  as  treacherous  of  mankind. 

"If  the  reconstructionists  want  peace,  they  can  easily  have  it 
upon  the  terms  on  which  they  could  have  always  had  it — letting 
us  alone.  We  ask  neither  more  nor  less.  "VVe  are  making  no 
war  on  them.  We  are  not  invading  their  territory,  nor  giving 
their  homes  to  the  flames,  their  populations  to  prison  and  the 
sword,  their  women  to  a  fate  worse  than  death.  Let  us  alone! 
That  is  all  we  ask.  Let  us  alone,  and  peace  will  return  once 
more  to  bless  a  distracted  land !  But  do  not  expect  us  to  degrade 
ourselves  and  cast  dishonor  upon  the  graves  of  our  kindred  by  ever 
returning  to  the  embrace  of  those  whose  hands  are  dripping  ivith  the 
tears  and  blood  of  our  people." 

Alexander  Bj.  Stephens,  as  reported  in  the  Rich 
mond  Dispatch  of  the  23d  of  July,  1863,  said: 

"  As  for  reconstruction,  such  a  thing  was  impossible — such  an 
idea  must  not  be  tolerated  for  an  instant.  Reconstruction  would 
not  end  the  war,  but  would  produce  a  more  horrible  war  than 
that  in  which  we  are  now  engaged.  The  only  terms  on  which 
we  can  obtain  permanent  peace  is  final  and  complete  separation 
from  the  North.  Bather  than  submit  to  anything  short  of  that, 
let  us  all  resolve  to  die  like  men  worthy  of  freedom." 

Robert  Toombs,  a  leading  Southern  man,  and  mem 
ber  of  the  "  Southern  Confederate  "  Congress,  wrote  as 
follows : 

"  WASHINGTON,  Gu.,  August  17th,  1863. 

"  My  Dear  Sir:  Your  letter  of  the  15th  instant,  asking  my 
authority  to  contradict  the  report  that '  I  am  in  favor  of  recon 
struction,'  was  received  this  evening.  I  can  conceive  of  no  ex 
tremity  to  which  my  country  could  be  reduced  in  which  I  would 
for  a  single  moment  entertain  any  proposition  for  any  union  with 
the  North  on  any  terms  whatever.  Wrhen  all  else  is  lost,  I  pre 
fer  to  unite  with  the  thousands  of  our  own  countrymen  who  have 
found  honorable  deaths,  if  not  graves,  on  the  battle  field.  Use 
this  letter  as  you  please. 

"  Very  truly,  your  friend,  etc., 

"B.  TOOMBS. 

"  Dr.  A.  Bees,  Americus,  Ga." 


XVL]  SOUTHERN   LEADERS   ON   SECESSION..  273 

Iii  1864,  Governor  Zebulon  B.  Vance,  of  North  Car 
olina,  in  a  speech  delivered  at  Wilksboro,  said : 

f '  It  is  a  favorite  idea  with  a  great  many,  that  possibly  the  old 
order  of  things  could  be  restored;  that  our  rights  under  that 
Constitution  could  be  guaranteed  to  us,  and  everything  move  on 
peacefully  as  before  the  war.  My  friends,  there  are  a  great 
many  desirable  things ;  but  the  question,  not  what  may  be 
wished,  but  what  may  be  obtained,  is  the  one  reasonable  men 
may  consider.  It  is  desirable  to  have  a  lovely  wife  and  plenty 
of  pretty  children;  but  every  man  can't  have  them.  I  tell  you 
now,  candidly,  there  is  no  more  possibility  of  reconstructing  the 
old  Union  and  reinstating  things  as  they  were  four  years  ago, 
than  exists  for  you  to  gather  up  the  scattered  bones  of  your  sons 
who  have  fallen  in  this  struggle,  from  one  end  of  the  country  to 
the  other,  re-clothe  them  with  flesh,  fill  their  veins  with  the 
blood  they  have  so  generously  shed,  and  their  lungs  with  the 
same  breath  with  which  they  breathed  out  their  last  prayer  for 
their  country's  triumph,  and  independence."  [Immense  ap 
plause.] 

Abraham  Lincoln's  Amnesty  Proclamation  being 
discussed  by  the  Richmond  Dispatch  of  March,  1864, 
that  paper  said: 

"  No  one,  however,  knows  better  than  Abraham  Lincoln  that 
any  terms  he  might  offer  the  Southern  people,  which  contem 
plate  their  restoration  to  his  bloody  and  brutal  Goverment,  77ould 
be  rejected  with  scorn  and  execration.  If,  instead  of  devoting  to 
death  our  President  and  military  and  civil  officers,  he  had  proposed 
to  make  Jeff.  Davis  his  successor,  Lee  Commander-in- Chief  of  the 
Yankee  armies,  and  our  domestic  institutions,  not  only  recognized  at 
home,  but  readopted  in  the  Free  States,  provided  the  South  would  once 
more  enter  the  Yankee  Union,  there  is  not  a  man,  woman  or  child  in 
the  Confederacy  who  would  not  spit  upon  the  proposition.  We  desire 
no  companionship  upon  any  terms  with  a  Nation  of  robbers  and  mur 
derers.  The  miscreants,  whose  atrocities  in  this  war  have  caused 
the  whole  civilized  world  to  shudder,  must  keep  henceforth  their 
distance.  They  shall  not  be  our  masters,  and  we  would  not  have 
them  for  our  slaves." 

The  most  remarkable  feature  m  the  Secession  move- 


274  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

ment,  during  any  period  of  the  rebellion,  was  the  atti 
tude  assumed,  and  the  doctrines  advocated,  by  the 
quasi-  trait  or,  Fernando  Wood,  the  Mayor  of  New  York 
City.  It  is  undeniable  that  his  official  position  in  the 
great  commercial  city  of  New  York  gave  him  great 
power  for  either  good  or  evil,  and  that  his  influence 
was  exerted  to  the  fullest  extent  to  overthrow  the 
Government,  none  can  doubt;  and  it  is  but  a  want  of 
a  knowledge  of  his  infamous  record  that  shields  his 
name  from  an  association  with  those  of  James  Bu 
chanan,  John  B.  Floyd,  and  Alexander  H.  Stephens,  as 
the  vilest  enemy  of  human  liberty.  But  the  record 
is  made  up  against  him;  and  that  those  who  are  not 
familiar  with  his  treasonable  history  may  have  it  before 
them,  his  written  Address  to  the  Common  Council  of 
New  York  City,  in  his  official  capacity,  is  here  given. 
Hear  the  Apostle  of  Modern  Democracy ;  he  discourses 
with  the  logic  and  the  prophecy  of  a  Stephens. 

The  following  is  Mayor  Wood's  recommendation  of 
the  Secession  of  New  York  City,  January  6th,  1861: 

"To  the  Honorable,  the  Common  Council: 

"  GENTLEMEN — We  are  entering  upon  the  public  duties  of  the 
year  under  circumstances  as  unprecedented  as  they  are  gloomy 
and  painful  to  contemplate.  *  *  * 

' ( It  would  seem  that  a  dissolution  of  the  Federal  Union  is  in 
evitable.  Having  been  formed  originally  on  a  basis  of  general 
and  mutual  protection,  but  separate  local  independence — each 
State  reserving  the  entire  and  absolute  control  of  its  own  do 
mestic  affairs — it  is  evidently  impossible  to  keep  them  together 
longer  than  they  deem  themselves  fairly  treated  by  each  other, 
or  longer  than  the  interests,  honor  and  fraternity  of  the  people 
of  the  several  States  are  satisfied.  Being  a  Government  created 
by  opinion,  its  continuance  is  dependent  upon  the  continuance 
of  the  sentiment  which,  formed  it.  It  cannot  be  preserved  by 
coercion  or  held  together  by  force.  A  resort  to  this  last  dread 
ful  alternative  would  of  itself  not  only  destroy  the  Government, 
but  the  lives  and  property  of  the  people. 


XVI.]  FERNANDO   WOOD   ON   SECESSION.  275 

"If  these  forebodings  shall  be  realized,  and  a  separation  of 
the  States  shall  occur,  momentous  considerations  will  be  pre 
sented  to  the  corporate  authorities  of  this  city.  "We  must  pro 
vide  for  the  new  relations  which  will  necessarily  grow  out  of  the 
new  condition  of  public  affairs. 

' '  It  will  not  only  be  necessary  for  us  to  settle  the  relations 
which  we  shall  hold  to  other  cities  and  States,  but  to  establish, 
if  we  can,  new  ones  with  a  portion  of  our  own  State.  Being  a 
child  of  the  Union,  having  drawn  our  sustenance  from  its  bosom, 
and  arisen  to  our  present  power  and  strength  through  the  vigor 
of  our  mother,  when  deprived  of  her  maternal  advantages,  we 
must  rely  upon  our  own  resources,  and  assume  a  position  predi 
cated  upon  the  new  phase  which  public  affairs  will  present,  and 
upon  the  inherent  strength  which  our  geographical,  commercial, 
political,  and  financial  pre-eminence  imparts  to  us. 

' '  With  our  aggrieved  brethren  of  the  Slave  States  we  have 
friendly  relations  and  a  common  sympathy.  "We  have  not  par 
ticipated  in  the  warfare  upon  their  constitutional  rights  or  their 
domestic  institutions.  "While  other  portions  of  our  State  have 
unfortunately  been  imbued  with  the  fanatical  spirit  which  actu 
ates  a  portion  of  the  people  of  New  England,  the  City  of  New 
York  has  unfalteringly  preserved  the  integrity  of  its  principles 
in  adherence  to  the  compromises  of  the  Constitution  and  the 
equal  rights  of  the  people  of  all  the  States. 

"  It  is,  however,  folly  to  disguise  the  fact  that,  judging  from 
the  past,  New  York  may  have  more  cause  of  apprehension  from 
the  aggressive  legislation  of  our  own  State  than  from  external 
dangers.  We  have  already  largely  suffered  from  this  cause. 
For  the  past  five  years  our  interests  and  corporate  rights  have 
been  repeatedly  trampled  upon.  Being  an  integral  portion  of 
the  State,  it  has  been  assumed,  and  in  effect  tacitly  admitted  on 
our  .part  by  non-resistance,  that  all  political  and  governmental 
power  over  us  rested  in  the  State  Legislature.  Even  the  com 
mon  right  of  taxing  ourselves  for  our  own  government  has  been 
yielded,  and  we  are  not  permitted  to  do  so  without  this 
authority.  * 

"  Thus  it  will  be  seen  that  the  political  connection  between 
the  people  of  the  City  and  the  State  has  been  used  by  the  latter 
to  our  injury.  The  Legislature,  in  which  the  present  partisan 
majority  has  the  power,  has  become  the  instrument  by  which 
we  are  plundered  to  enrich  their  speculators,  lobby  agents,  and 


276  REPUBLICANISM  IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

Abolition  politicians.  Laws  are  passed^  through  their  malign 
influence,  by  which,  under  forms  of  legal  enactment,  our  bur 
dens  have  been  increased,  our  substance  eaten  out,  and  our  mu 
nicipal  liberties  destroyed.  Self-government,  though  guaranteed 
by  the  State  Constitution,  and  left  to  every  other  county  and 
city,  has  been  taken  from  us  by  this  foreign  power,  whose  de 
pendents  have  been  sent  among  us  to  destroy  our  liberties  by 
subverting  our  political  system. 

' '  How  we  shall  rid  ourselves  of  this  odious  and  oppressive 
connection  it  is  not  for  me  to  determine.  It  is  certain  that  a 
dissolution  cannot  be  peacefully  accomplished,  except  by  the 
consent  of  the  Legislature  itself.  Whether  this  can  be  obtained 
or  not  is,  in  my  judgment,  doubtful.  Deriving  so  much  advan 
tage  from  its  power  over  the  city,  it  is  not  probable  that  a  parti 
san  majority  will  consent  to  a  separation.  *  *  Much, 
no  doubt,  can  be  said  in  favor  of  the  justice  and  policy  of  a 
separation.  It  may  be  said  that  secession  or  revolution  in  any 
of  the  United  States  would  be  subversive  of  all  Federal  author 
ity,  and  so  far  as  the  Central  Government  is  concerned,  the  re 
solving  of  the  community  into  its  original  elements — that,  if  part 
of  the  States  form  new  combinations  and  Governments,  other 
States  may  do  the  same.  California,  and  her  sisters  of  the  Pa 
cific,  will  no  doubt  set  up  an  independent  Kepublic,  and  hus 
band  their  own  rich  mineral  resources.  The  Western  States, 
equally  rich  in  cereals  and  other  agricultural  products,  will  prob 
ably  do  the  same.  Then  it  may  be  said,  why  should  not  New 
York  City,  instead  of  supporting  by  her  contributions  in  revenue 
two-thirds  of  the  expenses  of  the  United  States,  become  also 
equally  independent  ?  As  a  free  city,  with  but  nominal  duty  on 
imports,  her  local  government  could  be  supported  without  taxa 
tion  upon  her  people.  Thus  we  could  live  free  from  taxes,  and 
have  cheap  goods  nearly  duty  free.  In  this  she  would  have* the 
whole  and  united  support  of  the  United  States,  as  well  as  all  the 
other  States  to  whose  interests  and  rights  under  the  Constitution 
she  has  always  been  true. 

"  It  is  well  for  individuals  or  communities  to  look  every  dan 
ger  square  in  the  face,  and  to  meet  it  calmly  and  bravely.  A& 
dreadful  as  the  severing  of  the  bonds  that  have  hitherto  united 
the  States  has  been  in  contemplation,  it  is  now  apparently  a  stern 
and  inevitable  fact.  We  have  now  to  meet  it  with  all  the  conse 
quences,  whatever  they  may  be.  If  the  confederacy  is  broken 


XYL]  FERNANDO   WOOD    ON   SECESSION.  277 

up  the  Government  is  dissolved,  and  it  behooves  every  distinct 
community,  as  well  as  every  individual,  to  take  care  of  them 
selves. 

"When  Disunion  has  become  a  fixed  and  certain  fact,  why 
may  not  New  York  disrupt  the  bands  which  bind  her  to  a  venal 
and  corrupt  master— to  a  people  and  a  party  that  have  plundered 
her  revenues,  attempted  to  ruin  her  commerce,  taken  away  the 
power  of  self-government,  and  destroyed  the  confederacy  of 
which  she  was  the  proud  Empire  City  ?  Amid  the  gloom  which 
the  present  and  prospective  condition  of  things  must  cast  over 
the  country,  New  York,  as  a  Free  City,  may  shed  the  only  light 
and  hope  of  a  future  reconstruction  of  our  once  blessed  con 
federacy. 

"  FERNANDO  WOOD,  Mavor. 

"January  6th,  1861." 

"  Dissolution  of  the  Federal  Union  is  inevitable/' 
The  States  cannot,  he  says,  remain  together  longer  than 
they  consider  themselves  fairly  treated.  It  is  a  Gov 
ernment  created  by  opinion,  and  it  is  dependent  upon 
the  sentiment  which  formed  it.  "It  cannot  be  pre*- 
served  by  coercion,"  for  this  would  destroy  lives  and 
property.  The  "Corporate  authorities"  (Wood  at 
their  head)  would  have  momentous  considerations  to 
"  ponder"  upon,  and  must,  as  a  city,  rely  upon  their 
"  inherent  strength,"  and  act  "  with  our  aggrieved 
brethren  of  the  Slave  States."  The  city  is  unfortu 
nately  imbued  with  a  spirit  such  as  "actuates  a  por 
tion  of  the  people  of  Few  England;"  but  New  York 
has  been  unfalteringly  true  to  the  spirit  of  Compromise. 

New  York  has  cause  for  alarm  from  aggressive  legis 
lation  from  her  own  State;  "she  has  already  largely 
suffered."  The  State  Legislature  has  robbed  the  city 
to  support  "Lobby  agents  and  Abolition  politicians;" 
and  the  "foreign  power"  has  subverted  the  liberty  of 
the  city,  and  the  "momentous"  question  is:  "How 
shall  we  rid  ourselves  of  the  odious  and  oppressive 


278  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

connection?"  Of  this  vile  State  Government,  much, 
very  much,  can  be  said  in  "favor -of  the  justice  and 
policy  of  the  separation." 

"  California  and  her  sister  States  of  the  Pacific  will 
no  doubt  set  up  an  independent  Republic/'  and  with 
this  glorious  prospect  before  us,  and  the  fact  that  the 
Western  States,  rich  in  "  cereals,"  will  become  another 
separate  Republic,  why,  therefore,  should  New  York 
longer  bear  the  burden  of  the  unnatural  Union?  Why 
not  she  become  independent?  The  confederacy  of 
the  States  being  broken  up,  "  it  behooves  every  com 
munity  as  well  as  every  individual,  to  take  care  of 
themselves."  Let  New  York  City,  therefore,  "  disrupt 
the  bands  which  bind  her  to  a  venal  and  corrupt  mas 
ter,"  and  in  coming  ages,  amid  the  gloom  and  deso 
lation  spread  over  the  land,  "New  York,  as  a  Free  City, 
may  shed  the  only  light  and  hope  of  a  future  recon 
struction  of  our  once  blessed  confederacy." 

Mr.  Wood  has,  since  the  promulgation  of  this  doc 
trine,  been  elected  to  Congress  from  New  York  City, 
and  is  supposed  to  be  the  ablest  exponent  of  the  prin 
ciples  of  the  Modern  Democracy  in  the  State  of  New 
York;  indeed,  it  is  said  that  he  has  but  one  equal  in 
the  city,  and  that  is  his  colleague  in  the  National  Con 
gress,  the  Hon.  John  Morrissey  (pugilist),  who  some 
times  embellishes  his  subjects  with  striking  illustrations 
of  physical  Democracy. 

The  light  that  may  be  shed  from  New  York  City 
upon  the  body  politic  of  the  American  Republic  will 
evidently  not  be  very  luminous  while  the  people  of 
that  city  continue  to  elect  to  the  National  Congress 
men  of  the  contracted  notions  and  shallow  calibre  of 
Fernando  Wood.  The  establishment  of  a  National 
Bureau  of  Education,  with  an  army  of  Federal  teach 


XVI.]  FERNANDO    WOOD    ON   SECESSION.  279 

ers,  with  compulsory  laws,  pains  and  penalties,  until 
Wood's  constituents  could  read  and  write,  would  doubt 
less  improve  the  Tammany  Democracy  and  expand  the 
ideas  of  the  supporters  of  Morrissey  and  Wood  to  a 
conception  of  things  beyond  the  purlieus  of  the  Five 
Points  and  the  corporate  limits  of  New  York  City. 

The  war  at  each  progressive  step  was  growing  more 
gigantic ;  success  on  either  side  only  inspired  the  com 
batants  with  hope.  Much  of  the  dress  parade  and 
tinsel  show  of  the  first  few  months  had  passed  away, 
and  each  side  became  inured  to  dangers  and  hard 
ships,  only  to  regard  them  as  the  necessary  part  of 
the  duty  of  a  soldier;  but  when  the  terrible  surge  of 
mighty  bodies  of  belligerent  men  came  together,  and 
the  slain  were  counted  by  thousands,  the  Nation  be 
came  appalled  at  the  magnitude  of  the  'conflict. 

The  great  body  of  the  armies  upon  either  side  were 
kept  under  the  military  rules  of  civilized  nations;  but 
throughout  the  whole  country  secret  organizations  of 
the  friends  of  the  South  were  in  constant  activity. 
The  armies  were  undergoing  constant  change ;  the  in 
competent  or  unsuccessful  were  displaced  to  give  room 
to  those  whose  chances  of  success  were  thought  to  be 
more  certain.  Particularly  was  this  so  with  the  Union 
army,  whose  leaders,  or  head,  during  the  first  few 
years,  failed  of  accomplishing  any  National  victories, 
and  were  displaced,  only  in  time  to  save  the  Nation 
from  ruin ;  and  hand  the  armies  over  to  those  possessed 
of  more  vigor,  and  of  more  patriotism. 

The  policy  of  the  Government  during  the  first  two 
years  of  the  war,  was  tempered  with  moderation  and 
"  conservatism,"  to  suit  the  notions  of  the  most  fastid 
ious  respecting  the  "  feelings"  of  their  brethren  at  the 
South.  The  negro  made  his  appearance  about  the 


280  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.       -  .         [Chap. 

armies,  and  sought  escape  and  refuge  among  the  Union 
soldiers.  But  orders  from  the  commanding  Generals 
were  to  return  the  " chattel"  to  his  master,  for  the 
doctrine  was  that  the  war  was  not  one  of  "subjuga 
tion  or  abolition  "--that  it  was  only  to  retake  the  Fed 
eral  property  in  the  rebellious  States,  and  restore  the 
authority  of  Federal  laws. 

It  was  not  at  first  thought  expedient  to  place  the 
"chattel"  (negro)  upon  the  contraband  list,  and  he 
was  protected  and  restored  to  his  master.  But  as  time 
progressed,  and  the  enemy  not  only  used  this  species 
of  merchandise  for  barter,  sale,  and  general  usefulness, 
but  employed  it  in  producing  the  necessaries  of  suste 
nance  for  the  army,  casting  of  cannon,  shot  and  shell, 
building  forts,  and  acting  as  teamsters,  cooks,  and  gen 
eral  workers  about  the  armies,  the  fact  of  their  con 
traband  character  pressed  itself  upon  the  leaders  in 
the  field;  still  the  Administration  was  loth  to  change 
its  position  upon  this  subject.  Finally  the  true  nature 
of  this  property  was  defined  as  "contraband"  and  as 
such  was  subject  to  capture  and  confiscation. 

During  the  year  1862,  and  while  the  inactivity  of 
the  Union  armies  and  the  defiant  attitude  of  the 
rebel  armies  caused  great  despondency  throughout 
the  Free  States,  a  great  pressure  was  brought  to 
bear  upon  the  Administration  at  Washington  to  pro 
claim  emancipation  of  all  slaves  coming  within  the 
lines  of  the  armies  of  the  Union,  or  a  universal  eman 
cipation  of  all  the  slaves  in  the  Union.  But  the  Exec 
utive  answered  that  without  Federal  authority  in  the 
Slave  States,  sufficient  to  enforce  such  a  law,  it  would 
be  inoperative  and  but  a  source  of  irritation  to 
a  certain  class  both  North  and  South.  The  agents  of 
the  Confederacy  abroad  made  use  of  this  position. 


XVL]  EMANCIPATION  AGITATION.  281 

They  said  to  the  statesmen  of  Europe  (when  they  re 
fused  to  recognize  the  Confederacy  with  Slavery  in  it) 
that  it  was  not  the  intention  nor  the  desire  of  the  Gov 
ernment  of  the  United  States  to  interfere  with  Slavery. 
The  Administration  was  aware  that  Slavery  and  the 
slave  power  must  in  the  future,  as  in  the  past,  continue 
to  be  the  great  disturbing  element  of  the  Nation, 
and  determined  that  at  least  in  such  parts  of  the 
country  as  the  Federal  armies  would  have  to  conquer 
in  order  to  establish  the  Federal  laws,  that  unless  the 
people  of  such  places  in  arms  against  the  Federal  ru- 
thority,  should,  within  a  certain  specified  time,  lay 
down  their  arms  and  return  to  their  allegiance,  he  (the 
President)  would  declare  all  slaves  within  such  limits 
free  forever,  and  to  this  end  the  President,  on  the  22d 
of  September,  1862,  issued  his  proclamation,  and  in 
conformity  to  its  terms,  did,  on  the  1st  day  of  January, 
1863,  issue  the  following  Emancipation  Proclamation: 

"  WHEREAS,  On  the  22d  day  of  September,  in  the  year  of  our 
Lord  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  sixty-two,  a  proclamation 
was  issued  by  the  President  of  the  United  States,  containing, 
among  other  things,  the  following,  to  wit : 

"  That  on  the  1st  day  uf  January,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one 
thousand  eight  hundred  and  sixty-three,  all  persons  held  as 
slaves  within  any  States  or  designated  part  of  a  State,  the  peo 
ple  whereof  shall  then  be  in  rebellion  against  the  United  States, 
shall  be  then,  thenceforward,  and  forever  free;  and  the  Execu 
tive  Government  of  the  United  States,  including  the  military  and 
naval  authorities  thereof,  will  recognize  and  maintain  the  free 
dom  of  such  persons,  and  will  do  no  act  or  acts  to  repress  such 
persons,  or  any  of  them,  in  any  efforts  they  may  make  for  their 
actual  freedom. 

"  That  the  Executive  will,  on  the  first  day  of  January  afore 
said,  by  proclamation,  designate  the  States  and  parts  of  States, 
if  any,  in  which  the  people  thereof,  respectively,  shall  then  be 
in  rebellion  against  the  United  States;  and  the  fact  that  any 
State,  or  the  people  thereof,  shall  on  that  day  be  in  good  faith 


282  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

represented  in  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  by  members 
chosen  thereto  at  elections  wherein  a  majority  of  the  qualified 
voters  of  such  State  shall  have  participated,  shall,  in  the  ab 
sence  of  strong  countervailing  testimony,  be  deemed  conclusive 
evidence  that  such  State,  and  the  people  thereof,  are  not  then  in 
rebellion  against  the  United  States. 

"  Now,  therefore,  I,  Abraham  Lincoln,  President  of  the  United 
States,  by  virtue  of  the  power  in  me  vested  as  Commander-in- 
Chief  of  the  Army  and  Navy  of  the  United  States  in  time  of 
actual  armed  rebellion  against  the  authority  and  Government  of 
the  United  States,  and  as  a  fit  and  necessary  war  measure  for 
suppressing  said  rebellion,  do,  on  this  first  day  of  January,  in 
the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  sixty- 
three,  and  in  accordance  with  my  purpose  so  to  do,  publicly  pro 
claim,  for  the  full  period  of  one  hundred  days,  from  the  day  first 
above-mentioned,  order  and  designate  as  the  States  and  parts  of 
States  wherein  the  people  thereof  respectively  are  this  day  in 
rebellion  against  the  United  States,  the  following,  to  wit : 

"Arkansas,  Texas,  Louisiana,  except  the  parishes  of  St.  Ber 
nard,  Plaquemine,  Jefferson,  St.  John,  St.  Charles,  St.  James, 
Ascension,  Assumption,  Terre  Bonne,  La  Fourche,  St.  Marie, 
St.  Martin,  and  Orleans  (including  the  City  of  New  Orleans), 
Mississippi,  Alabama,  Florida,  Georgia,  South  Carolina,  North 
Carolina,  and  Virginia,  (except  the  forty-eight  counties  desig 
nated  as  West  Virginia,  and  also  the  counties  of  Berkley,  Acco- 
mac,  Northampton,  Elizabeth  City,  York,  Princess  Ann,  and 
Norfolk,  including  the  cities  of  Norfolk  and  Portsmouth)  and 
which  excepted  parts  are  for  the  present  left  precisely  as  if  this 
proclamation  were  not  issued. 

"  And  by  virtue  of  the  power  and  for  the  purpose  aforesaid,  I 
do  order  and  declare  that  all  persons  held  as  slaves  within  said 
designated  States  and  parts  of  States  are  and  henceforward  shall 
be  free;  and  that  the  Executive  Government  of  the  United  States, 
including  the  military  and  naval  authorities  thereof,  will  recog 
nize  and  maintain  the  freedom  of  said  persons. 

"And  I  hereby  enjoin  upon  the  people  so  declared  to  be  free 
to  abstain  from  all  violence,  unless  in  necessary  self-defense; 
and  I  recommend  to  them  that,  in  all  cases  when  allowed,  they 
labor  faithfully  for  reasonable  wages. 

' '  And  I  further  declare  and  make  known  that  such  persons, 
of  suitable  condition,  will  be  received  into  the  armed  service  of 


XVL]  EMANCIPATION   PROCLAMATION.  283 

the  United  States  to  garrison  forts,  positions,  stations,  and  other 
places,  and  to  man  vessels  of  all  sorts  in  said  service. 

"  And  upon  this  act,  sincerely  believed  fo  be  an  act  of  justice, 
warranted  by  the  Constitution  upon  military  necessity,  I  invoke 
the  considerate  judgment  of  mankind,  and  the  gracious  favor  of 
Almighty  God. 

"In  testimony  whereof  I  have  hereunto  set  my  name,  and 
caused  the  seal  of  the  United  States  to  be  affixed. 
Done  at  the  City  of  Washington,  this  first  day  of  January,  in  the 
year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  sixty- 
[L.S.]     three,  and  of  the  Independence  of  the  United  States 
the  eighty-seventh. 

"ABBAHAM  LINCOLN. 
"By  the  President: 

H.  SEWAKD,  Secretary  of  State." 


The  announcement  of  these  proclamations  had  a 
great  effect  upon  the  Nation,  and  caused  a  wider  breach 
between  the  two  political  parties  than  any  event  since 
the  commencement  of  the  war.  The  "  Southern  heart" 
was  "  fired"  with  resentment  against  the  "Abolition 
Crusade,"  and  their  armies  rallied  with  renewed  vigor 
to  protect  the  "reserved  rights  of  Sovereign  States." 
It  was  a  bomb-shell  in  the  camp  of  the  Democratic 
wing  of  the  Federal  army,  who  pronounced  the  war 
an  "  Abolition  raid  to  place  the  negro  upon  an  eqaalitywith 
the  white  man!1  Officers  of  Democratic  proclivities  tore 
off  their  shoulder-straps,  threw  up  their  commissions, 
left  the  army,  retired  to  their  homes,  and  joined  the 
ranks  of  the  "peace  men"  and  "anti-coercionists"  in 
opposing  enlistments  and  throwing  every  obstacle  in 
their  power  against  the  Administration.  At  the  State 
elections  in  the  fall  of  that  year,  large  Democratic 
gains  were  the  result,  and  fears  were  entertained  that 
at  last  Mr.  Lincoln  had  made  a  fatal  error,  and  that  a 
permanent  separation  of  the  Slave  States  and  their  ac 
knowledgment  as  an  independent  nation  would  be  the 
result. 


284  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

The  great  mass  of  the  people  of  the  Free  States  who 
had  participated  in  Lincoln's  election,  and  whose  ideas 
of  human  liberty  and  Republican  Government  abhorred 
the  incubus  of  Slavery  and  the  doctrine  of  peaceable 
Secession,  rallied  with  renewed  energy.  The  pulpit, 
the  press  and  the  people  proclaimed  for  this  first  step 
towards  a  permanent  peace,  and  a  Nation  not  merely 
Republican  in  name,  for  in  this  they  saw  the  beginning 
of  the  end  of  Slavery  in  America;  and,  although  the 
proclamation  was  confined  to  certain  districts,  and  left 
Slavery  in  the  Border  States  and  all  States  and  parts  of 
States  in  which  the  Federal  authority  was  not  resisted 
on  the  first  day  of  January,  1863,  yet  as  an  advent  in 
the  history  of  progress  in  National  authority  over  a 
subject,  which  of  all  others  had  distracted  and  defied 
the  Government,  it  received  the  approbation  and  sup 
port  of  the  entire  Republican  party,  who,  despite  dis 
couragements  attending  its  announcement,  redoubled 
their  efforts  in  men  and  money;  and  from  that  date 
forward  the  power  of  the  Government  increased  stead 
ily,  until  the  final  surrender  of  the  Confederate  armies, 
the  restoration  of  peace,  and  the  adoption  of  the  thir 
teenth  amendment  to  the  Federal  Constitution,  abolish 
ing  Slavery,  without  reservation  or  condition,  in  all  the 
States  and  Territories  within  the  Republic. 

The  National  legislation,  during  the  years  1861-2, 
was  principally  devoted  to  measures  pertaining  to  the 
wa?  then  raging,  and  to  the  support  and  equipment  of 
the  vast  army  and  navy  so  suddenly  called  into  exist 
ence.  ~  It  made  heavy  demands  upon  the  treasury, 
and  the  depleted  condition  of  finances  on  the  Repub 
licans  coming  into  power  was  a  sad  blow  to  the  Gov 
ernment. 

The  success  of  the  Union  army,  and  the  ready  sup- 


XVL]  EMANCIPATION   IN   AMERICA.  285 

port  rendered  by  the  people,  was  in  a  great  measure 
due  to  the  wisdom  and  harmony  exhibited  by  the  Ex 
ecutive  and  Legislative  branches  of  the  Government. 
In  legislation  pertaining  to  war  measures,  Congress 
was  always  ahead  of  the  Executive,  and  the  people  al 
ways  ahead  of  both.  Mr.  Lincoln's  policy,  from  the 
first,  seemed  to  be  to  follow  in  the  footsteps  of  the 
people,  rather  than  to  lead  in  measures  before  the 
popular  mind  was  prepared  to  receive  them;  and  to 
this,  in  a  great  measure,  must  be  attributed  his  popu 
larity  and  success.  Still,  while  Mr.  Lincoln  could  not 
be  called  a  leader  of  the  people,  he  was  firm  in  his  po 
sition,  and  his  policy  in  reference  to  National  legisla 
tion  and  the  requirements  of  the  times  was  in  full 
sympathy  with  the  views  of  the  Republican  party,  and 
while  some  of  the  more  radical  (so  called)  declared 
loudly  against  his  Administration  as  lacking  energy,  the 
mass  of  the  people  had  unbounded  confidence  that  his 
heart  was  in  the  work  before  him,  and  that  his  apparent 
stoicism  was  a  better  guarantee  of  success  than  would 
be  a  more  radical  position.  He  had  told  the  people  in 
the  campaign  of -1860  that  "the  country  could  not  live 
half  free  and  half  slave,"  but  for  his  part  he  "believed 
in  the  perpetuity  of  the  Union."  That  the  reader  may 
better  understand  the  views. of  the  Executive,  some 
extracts  are  here  given  from  his  first  Message  to  Con 
gress,  on  the  4th  of  July,  1861.  He  said: 

"  It  is  thus  seen  that  the  assault  upon  and  the  reduction  of  Fort 
Sumter  was,  in  no  sense,  a  matter  of  self-defense  on  the  part  of 
the  assailants.  They,  well  knew  that  the  garrison  in  the  fort 
could,  by  no  possibility,  commit  aggression  upon  them.  They 
knew — they  were  expressly  notified — that  the  giving  of  bread  to 
the  few  brave  and  hungry  men  of  the  garrison  was  all  which 
would  on  that  occasion  be  attempted,  unless  they  themselves,  by 
resisting  so  much,  should  provoke  more.  They  knew  that  this 
19 


286  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

Government  desired  to  keep  the  garrison  in  the  fort,  not  to 
assail  them,  but  merely  to  maintain  its  visible  possession,  and 
thus  to  preserve  the  Union  from  actual  and  immediate  dissolu 
tion — trusting,  as  herein  before  stated,  to  time,  discussion,  and 
the  ballot-box  for  final  adjustment;  and  they  assailed  and  reduced 
the  fort  for  precisely  the  reverse  object — to  drive  out  the  visible 
authority  of  the  Federal  Union,  and  thus  force  it  to  immediate 
dissolution.  That  this  was  their  object,  the  Executive  well 
understood;  and  having  said  to  them,  in  the  Inaugural  Address: 
'  You  can  have  no  conflict  without  being  yourselves  the  aggress 
ors/  he  took  pains  not  only  to  keep  this  declaration  good,  but 
also  to  keep  the  case  so  free  from  the  power  of  ingenious  soph 
istry  as  that  the  world  should  not  be  able  to  misunderstand  it. 
By  the  affair  at  Fort  Sumter  with  its  surrounding  circumstances, 
that  point  was  reached.  Then  and  thereby  the  assailants  of  the 
Government  began  the  conflict  of  arms,  without  a  gun  in  sight, 
or  in  expectancy,  to  return  their  fire,  save  only  the  few  in  the 
fort  sent  to  that  harbor  years  before  for  their  own  protection, 
and  still  ready  to  give  that  protection  in  whatever  was  lawful. 
In  this  act,  discarding  all  else,  they  have  forced  upon  the  country 
the  distinct  issue — '  Immediate  dissolution  or  blood.* 

"  And  this  issue  embraces  more  than  the  fate  of  these  United 
States.  It  presents  to  the  whole  family  of  man  the  question 
whether  a  Constitutional  Republic  or  Democracy — a  Government 
of  the  people  by  the  same  people — can  or  cannot  maintain  its 
territorial  integrity  against  its  own  domestic  foes.  It  presents 
the  question  whether  discontented  individuals,  too  few  in  num 
bers  to  control  administration  according  to  organic  law  in  any 
case,  can  always  upon  the  pretenses  made  in  this  case,  or  any 
other  pretense,  or  arbitrarily  without  any  pretense,  break  up 
their  Government,  and  thus  practically  put  an  end  to  free  gov 
ernment  upon  the  earth.  It  forces  us  to  ask:  '  Is  there,  in  all 
Republics,  this  inherent  and  fatal  weakness  ?' 

' '  Must  a  Government  of  necessity  be  too  strong  for  the  liber 
ties  of  its  own  people,  or  too  weak  to  maintain  its  own  existence  ? 

"  So  viewing  the  issue,  no  choice  was  left  but  to  call  out  the 
war  power  of  the  Government,  and  so  to  resist  force  employed 
for  its  destruction  by  force  for  its  preservation. 

"  Again,  if  one  State  may  secede,  so  may  another;  and  when 
all  shall  have  seceded,  none  is  left  to  pay  the  debts.  Is  this 
quite  -just  to  creditors  ?  Did  we  notify  them  of  this  sage  view  of 


XVI.]  LINCOLN'S  VIEWS  ON  SECESSION.  287 

ours  when  we  borrowed  their  money  V  If  we  now  recognize  this 
doctrine  by  allowing  the  seceders  to  go  in  peace,  it  is  difficult  to 
see  what  we  can  do  if  others  choose  to  go,  or  to  extort  terms 
upon  which  they  will  promise  to  remain. 

"  The  seceders  insist  that  our  Constituion  admits  of  Secession. 
They  have  assumed  to  make  a  National  Constitution  of  their  own, 
in  which,  of  necessity,  they  have  either  discarded  or  retained  the 
right  of  Secession  as  they  insist  it  exists  in  ours.  If  they  have 
discarded  it  they  thereby  admit  that,  on  principle,  it  ought  not 
to  be  in  ours.  If  they  have  retained  it  by  their  own  construction 
of  ours,  they  show  that  to  be  consistent  they  must  secede  from 
one  another  whenever  they  shall  find  it  the  easiest  way  of  set 
tling  their  debts,  or  effecting  any  other  selfish  or  unjust  object. 
The  principle  itself  is  one  of  disintegration,  and  upon  which  no 
Government  can  possibly  endure. 

"  If  all  the  States  save  one  should  assert  the  power  to  drive 
that  one  out  of  the  Union,  it  is  presumed  the  whole  class  of 
Secession  politicians  would  at  once  deny  the  power  and  denounce 
the  act  as  the  greatest  outrage  upon  State  rights.  But  suppose 
that  precisely  the  same  act,  instead  of  being  called  '  driving  the 
one  out/  should  be  called  '  the  seceding  of  all  the  others  from 
that  one/  it  would  be  exactly  what  the  seceders  claim  to  do,  un 
less,  indeed,  they  make  the  point  that  the  one,  because  it  is  a 
minority,  may  rightfully  do  what  the  others,  because  they  are 
a  majority,  may  not  rightfully  do.  These  politicians  are  subtle 
and  profound  on  the  rights  of  minorities.  They  are  not  partial 
to  that  power  which  made  the  Constitution,  and  speaks  from*  the 
preamble,  calling  itself,  '  we,  the  people.'  *  * 

"  The  Constitution  provides,  and  all  the  States  have  accepted 
the  provision,  that '  the  United  States  shall  guarantee  to  every 
State  in  this  Union  a  Republican  form  of  government/  But,  if 
a  State  may  lawfully  go  out  of  the  Union,  having  done  so,  it  may 
also  discard  the  Republican  form  of  government;  so  that  to  pre 
vent  its  going  out  is  an  indispensable  means  to  the  end  of  main 
taining  the  guarantee  mentioned;  and  when  an  end  is  lawful  and 
obligatory,  the  indispensable  means  to  it  are  also  lawful  and  ob 
ligatory.  * 

"  It  was  with  the  deepest  regret  that  the  Executive  found  the 
duty  of  employing  the  war  power  in  defense  of  the  Government. 
No  compromise  by  public  servants  could  in  this  case  be  a  cure. 
Not  that  compromises  are  not  often  proper,  but  that  no  popular 


288  REPUBLICANISM   IN  AMERICA.  [Chap. 

Government  can  long  survive  a  marked  precedent — that  those 
who  carry  an  election  can  only  save  the  Government  from  im 
mediate  destruction  by  giving  up  the  main  point  upon  which 
the  people  gave  the  election.  The  people  themselves,  and  not 
their  servants,  can  safely  reverse  their  own  deliberate  decisions." 

The  years  1861,  1862,  and  1863  had  passed  away, 
producing  vast  results  in  the  progress  of  the  war.  In 
competent  and  unsuccessful  leaders  of  the  army  had 
given  room  to  those  who  executed  military  affairs  as  if 
they  'meant  to  inflict  punishment  upon  the  enemy. 
11  Young  Napoleon"  (George  B.  McClellan)  had  lost 
the  tinsel  of  his  dress  parade  notoriety.  The  armies 
were  led  by  the  gallant  Grant,  Sherman,  Sheridan, 
Thomas,  and  others.  Many  hard  fought  battles  had 
told  the  immensity  of  the  struggle.  Leaders  of  the 
rebel  forces  had  undergone  little  change,  and  those 
having  the  command  of  their  armies  exhibited  a  skill 
and  energy  worthy  of  a  holier  cause. 

During  all  these  three  eventful  years,  the  Congress 
and  the  Executive,  working  in  harmony  with  the  ex 
pressed  sentiments  of  the  people  of  the  Free  States, 
had  managed  to  regulate  the  finances  of  the  Nation  so 
that  ample  funds  to  carry  on  the  war  were  attainable. 

The  able  statesmanship  of  the  Secretary  of  State, 
W.  H.  Seward,  had  steered  the  Ship  of  State  clear  of 
all  foreign  entanglements,  which  for  a  time  seemed  to 
presage  serious  foreign  difficulties.  Meantime  the  Re 
publican  party  of  the  North  were  growing  more  deter 
mined  that  the  flag  of  their  country  should  float  over 
every  fort  and  foot  of  soil  possessed  by  the  rebels,  and 
the  Congress  and  Executive  backed  up  the  sentiment 
in  their  urgent  appeals  to  the  people  to  sacrifice  all, 
but  never  to  abandon  the  hope  of  subduing  the  enemy. 

The  breaking  out  of  the  war  was  the  signal  for 


XVI.]  ENERGY   OF   THE  REPUBLICANS.  289 

thousands  of  Democrats  to  join  the  party  in  power, 
and  to  enter  the  ranks  of  the  Union  Army,  or  at  home 
to  aid  the  cause  by  all  means  in  their  power;  but  a 
very  large  party  throughout  the  Free  States,  known  as 
"  Peace  Democrats,"  "  Anti-Coereionists  "  and  "  Con 
servatives,"  not  only  did  not  aid  nor  sympathize  with 
the  war  party,  but  by  all  means  at  their  disposal  offered 
every  opposition  in  and  out  of  office,  to  thwart  the 
Administration  and  the  army  in  the  field ;  indeed  the 
whole  Democratic  party  which  did  not  affiliate  with 
the  people  in  putting  down  the  Rebellion,  and  they 
formed  the  mass  of  the  Democrats  North,  and  all  the 
Democrats  South,  we-re  active  in  denouncing  the  war 
as  an  "Abolition  Crusade,"  in  opposing  the  enlistment 
of  soldiers,  in  calling  for  Conventions,  and  declaring 
the  war  a  "  miserable  failure;"  in  writing  the  most 
bitter  articles  against  the  Administration,  appealing  to 
the  prejudices  and  passions  of  their  party — and  when 
a  draft  was  necessary — in  openly  defying  and  violating 
the  law. 

Throughout  the  whole  North,  public  meetings  were 
held,  at  which  leading  Democrats  took  the  most  radi 
cal  grounds  against  the  war  carried  on  for  the  Union. 
Private  organizations  were  instituted,  and,  in  order  to 
accomplish  their  object,  conspiracies  were  entered  into 
for  the  destruction  of  the  civil  and  military  officers  of 
the  Government.  As  early  as  June  12th,  1861,  one 
of  their  agents  had  been  arrested  in  the  City  of  Wash 
ington  for  poisoning  water  and  supplying  it  to  Union 
soldiers.  They  made  agreements  among  themselves  to 
poison  the  reservoirs  of  water  for  the  use  of  Northern 
cities,  entered  into  incendiary  projects  to  burn  all  the 
cities  of  the  North;  and  to  the  close  of  the  war,  they 
carried  these  fiendish  schemes  into  operation.  The  plot 


290  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

for  burning  N"ew  York  City,  on  the  25th  of  November, 
1864,  will  be  somewhat  illustrated  by  the  following 
extract  from  the  confession  of  Robert  Kennedy,  made 
immediately  before  his  execution: 

"After  my  escape  from  Johnson's  Island,  I  went  to  Canada, 
where  I  met  a  number  of  Confederates.  They  asked  me  if  I 
was  willing  to  go  on  an  expedition.  I  replied:  '  Yes,  if  it  is  in 
the  service  of  my  country/  They  said:  'It  is  all  right/  but 
gave  me  no  intimation  of  its  nature,  nor  did  I  ask  for  any.  I 
was  then  sent  to  New  York,  where  I  stayed  for  some  time.  There 
were  eight  men  in  our  party,  of  whom  two  fled  to  Canada.  After 
we  had  been  in  New  York  three  weeks,  we  were  told  that  the 
object  of  the  expedition  was  to  retaliate  on  the  North  for  the 
atrocities  in  the  Shenandoah  Valley.  It  was  designed  to  set  fire 
to  the  city  on  the  night  of  the  Presidential  election;  but  the 
phosphorus  was  not  ready,  and  it  was  put  off  until  the  25th  of 
November.  I  was  stopping  at  the  Belmont  House,  but  moved 
into  Prince  Street.  I  set  fire  to  four  places — Barnum's  Museum, 
Lovejoy's  Hotel,  Tammany  Hotel,  and  the  New  England  House. 
The  others  only  started  fires  where  each  was  lodging,  and  then 
ran  off.  Had  they  all  done  as  I  did,  we  would  have  had  thirty- 
two  fires,  and  played  a  huge  joke  on  the  Fire  Department.  I 
know  that  I  am  to  be  hung  for  setting  fire  to  Barnum's  Museum, 
but  that  was  only  a  joke.  I  had  no  idea  of  doing  it.  I  had 
been  drinking,  and  went  in  there  with  a  friend;  and,  just  to 
scare  the  people,  I  emptied  a  bottle  of  phosphorus  on  the  floor. 
We  knew  it  wouldn't  set  fire  to  the  wood,  for  we  had  tried  it  be 
fore,  and  at  one  time  had  concluded  to  give  the  whole  thing  up. 

"  There  was  no  fiendishness  about  it.  After  setting  fire  to  my 
four  places,  I  walked  the  streets  all  night,  and  went  to  the  Ex 
change  Hotel  early  in  the  morning.  We  all  met  there  that 
morning  and  the  next  night.  My  friend  and  I  had  rooms  there, 
but  we  sat  in  the  office  nearly  all  the  time,  reading  the  papers, 
while  we  were  watched  by  the  detectives,  of  whom  the  hotel  was 
full.  I  expected  to  die  then,  and  if  I  had,  it  would  have  been 
all  right;  but  now  it  seems  rather  hard.  I  escaped  to  Canada, 
and  was  glad  enough  when  I  crossed  the  bridge  in  safety. 

"  I  desired,  however,  to  return  to  my  command,  and  started 
with  my  friend  for  the  Confederacy  via  Detroit.  Just  before 
entering  the  city  he  received  an  intimation  that  the  detectives 


XVI.]  PLOTS  TO   BURN   NORTHERN   CITIES.  291 

•were  on  the  lookout  for  us,  and,  giving  me  a  signal,  he  jumped 
from  the  cars.  I  didn't  notice  the  signal,  but  kept  on,  and  was 
arrested  in  the  depot. 

"  I  wish  to  say  that  killing  women  and  children  was  the  last 
thing  thought  of.  We  wanted  to  let  the  people  of  the  North 
understand  that  there  are  two  sides  to  this  war,  and  that  they 
can't  be  rolling  in  wealth  and  comfort  while  we  at  the  South  are 
bearing  all  the  hardships  and  privations. 

' '  In  retaliation  for  Sheridan's  atrocities  in  the  Shenandoah 
Valley,  we  desired  to  destroy  property,  not  the  lives  of  women 
and  children,  although  that  would  of  course  have  followed  in 
its  train. 

"  Done  in  the  presence  of  Lieut. -Col.  Martin  Burke,  March 
24th,  10:30  P.  M." 

The  conspirators  had  also  sent  skillful  agents  to  the 
West  India  Islands  to  procure  the  virus  of  small-pox 
and  yellow  fever,  which  they  did,  and  packing-it  among 
clothing  and  blankets,  had  it  shipped  through  the 
British  Provinces  and  by  way  of  the  New  England 
States,  and  sent  to  the  camps  of  the  soldiers  in  the 
field,  and  to  the  hospitals.  There  is  nothing  so  revolt 
ing  and  cruel  as  these  acts  in  the  history  of  warfare  in 
civilized  nations.  Even  the  most  barbarous  nations 
had  never  stooped  to  such  brutality. 


CHAPTER    XVII. 

GRANT  TAKES  COMMAND  OF  THE  ARMIES  OF  THE  REPUBLIC.— HIS  ADDRESS 
TO  HIS  SOLDIERS.—  HIS  LETTER  TO  HON.  E.  B.  WASHBURNE.— JEFFERSON 
DAVIS  STILL  HOPEFUL  OF  SUCCESS.— A.  H.  STEPHENS'  VIEWS  OF  PEACE.— 
GEN.  SHERMAN'S  FIELD  ORDER  NO.  68.  —  HIS  LETTER  TO  GEN.  BUR- 
BRIDGE.— MAKES  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN  A  CHRISTMAS  GIFT  OF  SAVANNAH. 
—HIS  LETTER  TO  MAJ.  R.  M.  SAWYER.— MASSACRE  AT  FORT  PILLOW.— 
SHERIDAN'S  VICTORY  AT  WINCHESTER.— HAVOC  OF  THE  WAR  IN  1864.— 
ENGLAND  SUPPLIES  THE  REBELS  WITH  SHIPS.— EFFECTS  OF  THE  PRESI 
DENTIAL  ELECTION  OF  1864.— TREASONABLE  ORGANIZATIONS  OF  THE 
DEMOCRATS  OF  THE  FREE  STATES.— "  KNIGHTS  OF  THE  GOLDEN  CIRCLE." 
—THEIR  PLAMS. 

THE  year  1863  ended  with  the  armies  in  strong  force 
upon  either  side,  and  1864  found  them  pitching  their 
tents  for  the  winter.  With  the  opening  of  spring 
came  increased  activity.  A  new  impetus  had  been  lent 
to  the  whole  forces  of  the  Union.  Congress  had,  by 
Act  of  March  3d.  created  U.  S.  Grant  Lieutenant- Gen 
eral  of  the  Armies  of  the  United  States.  He  was  sum 
moned,  from  the  field  to  the  Capital,  where  he  received 
his  commission,  relieving  Major-General  H.  W.  Hal- 
leek,  a  faithful  soldier  and  true  patriot,  who  received 
the  thanks  and  congratulations  of  the  President  on  his 
leaving  the  head  of  the  army.  On  the  second  day 
after  his  appointment,  the  Lieutehant-General  left  for 
the  battle  field,  announcing  that  the  head-quarters 
of  the  Armies  of  the  United  States  would  be  at  Wash 
ington  and  at  his  head-quarters  in  the  field.  And 
from  the  day  that  Grant  assumed  command  ?  the  faith 
of  the  whole  country  was  that  the  end  of  the  Rebel 
lion,  by  a  victory  of  the  Union  Armies  and  complete 
Federal  authority,  was  certain. 

The  President  and  Congress  left  the  entire  directory 


GENERAL   ULYSSES    S.  GRANT. 


XVIL]        GRANT'S  ADDRESS  TO  THE  ARMIES.  293 

of  the  operations  in  the  field  to  Grant,  who  fully  un 
derstood  that  to  carry  the  war  with  a  vigorous  hand 
into  the  extreme  Southern  States,  cut  off  communica 
tion  by  land  and  water,  and  destroy  the  fountains  of 
supply,  was  the  surest  policy  of  success,  which  course 
was  pursued.  The  several  calls  for  soldiers  during 
the  year  1864  amounted  to  1,500,000,  which  were  as 
follows:  February  1st,  500/)00;  March  14th,  200,- 
000;  July  18th,  500,000;  December  20th,  300,000.. 

The  destruction  of  life  and  property  during  the  sum 
mer  of  1864  and  spring  of  1865,  was  perhaps  never 
equaled  in  the  history  of  any  war.  The  leaders  on 
both  sides  were  determined  upon  victory.  The  North 
knew  its  strength,  and  the  South  knew  its  own  weakness. 
The  people  of  the  South  cried  for  peace — peace  on  any 
terms.  The  leaders  said  there  could  be  no  peace  with 
out  the  independence  of  the  South;  and  the  people  of 
the  Free  States,  the  Congress  and  the  President,  de 
clared  that  no  terms  looking  to  a  cessation  of  the 
war  could  be  entertained  unless  they  were  accompanied 
with  the  conditions  of  submission  to  Federal  authority. 
But  this  was  spurned  by  the  South,  the  leaders  of  which 
resorted  to  all  devices  to  rally  the  drooping  spirits 
of  the  people,  and  the  sorely  depleted  ranks  of  the 
army. 

The  following  address  of  General  Grant  to  his  sol 
diers  at  the  close  of  the  year  1863,  (December  10th,) 
will  show  how  hopeful  prospects  were  of  further  opera 
tions  of  the  Union  Army: 

"  HEAD-QUARTEES  MIL.  Div.  OF  THE  MISSISSIPPI,  IN  THE  FIELD,  ) 
"Chattanooga,  Tennessee,  Dec.  10th,  1863. 

"The  General  Commanding  takes  this  opportunity  of  return 
ing  his  sincere  thanks  and  congratulations  to  the  brave  Armies 
of  the  Cumberland,  the  Ohio,  the  Tennessee,  and  their  comrades 


294  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

from  the  Potomac,  for  the  recent  splendid  and  decisive  successes 
achieved  over  the  enemy.  In  a  short  time  you  have  recovered 
from  him  the  control  of  the  Tennessee  Kiver,  from  Bridgeport  to 
Knoxville.  You  dislodged  him  from  his  great  stronghold  upon 
Lookout  Mountain,  drove  him  from  Chattanooga  Valley,  wrested 
from  his  determined  grasp  the  possession  of  Missionary  Ridge, 
repelled  with  heavy  loss  to  him  his  repeated  assaults  upon  Knox 
ville,  forcing  him  to  raise  the  siege  there,  driving  him  at  all 
points,  utterly  routed  and  discomfited,  beyond  the  limits  of  the 
State.  By  your  noble  heroism  and  determined  courage,  yoa 
have  effectually  defeated  the  plans  of  the  enemy  for  regaining 
possession  of  the  States  of  Kentucky  and  Tennessee.  You  have 
secured  positions  from  which  no  rebellious  power  can  drive  or 
dislodge  you.  For  all  this  the  General  Commanding  thanks  you 
collectively  and  individually.  The  loyal  people  of  the  United 
States  thank  and  bless  you.  Their  hopes  and  prayers  for  your 
success  against  this  unholy  Rebellion  are  with  you  daily.  Their 
faith  in  you  will  not  be  in  vain.  Their  hopes  will  not  be  blasted. 
Their  prayers  to  Almighty  God  will  be  answered.  You  will  yet 
go  to  other  fields  of  strife,  and  with  the  invincible  bravery  and 
unflinching  loyalty  to  justice  and  right  which  have  characterized 
you  in  the  past,  you  will  prove  that  no  enemy  can  withstand  you, 
and  that  no  defenses,  however  formidable,  can  check  your  on 
ward  march. 

"By  order  of  Major-General  U.  S.  GRANT. 
"T.  S.  BOWERS,  A.  A.  G." 

The  following  letter  from  the  Commanding  General 
of  the  Union  Armies,  will  indicate  the  faith  entertained 
of  success,  and  the  depleted  condition  of  the  Confede 
rate  forces: 

"  HEAD-QUARTERS  ARMIES  or  THE  UNITED  STATES,  ) 
"  City  Point,  Va.,  August  16th,  1864.        J 

"To  HON.  E.  B.  WASHBURNE: 

"Dear  Sir — I  state  to  all  citizens  who  visit  rne  that  all  we  want 
now  to  insure  an  early  restoration  of  the  Union  is  a  determined 
unity  of  sentiment  North.  The  Rebels  have  now  in  their  ranks 
their  last  man.  The  little  boys  and  old  men  are  guarding  pris 
oners,  guarding  railroad  bridges,  and  forming  a  good  part  of 
their  garrisons  for  entrenched  positions.  A  man  lost  by  them 


XVII.]         GEANT'S  LETTER  TO  WASHBURNE.  295 

cannot  be  replaced.  They  have  robbed  the  cradle  and  the  grave 
equally  to  get  their  present  force.  Besides  what  they  lose  in 
frequent  skirmishes  and  battles,  they  are  now  losing  from  deser 
tions  and  other  causes  at  least  one  regiment  per  day.  . 

"  With  this  drain  upon  them  the  end  is  not  far  distant,  if  we 
will  only  be  true  to  ourselves.  Their  only  hope  now  is  in  a 
divided  North.  This  might  give  them  reinforcements  from 
Tennessee,  Kentucky,  Maryland,  and  Missouri,  while  it  would 
weaken  us.  With  the  draft  quickly  enforced,  the  enemy  would 
become  despondent,  and  would  make  but  little  resistance.  I 
have  no  doubt  but  the  enemy  are  exceedingly  anxious  to  hold 
out  until  after  the  Presidential  election.  They  have  many  hopes 
from  its  effects. 

"  They  hope  a  counter  revolution;  they  hope  the  election  of 
the  Peace  candidate.  In  fact,  like  '  Micawber/  they  hope  for 
something  to  '  turn  up.'  Our  peace  friends,  if  they  expect 
peace  from  separation,  are  much  mistaken.  It  would  be  but  the 
beginning  of  war  with  thousands  of  Northern  men  joining  the 
South  because  of  our  disgrace  in  allowing  separation.  To  have 
'  peace  on  any  terms/  the  South  would  demand  the  restoration 
of  their  slaves  already  freed;  they  would  demand  indemnity  for 
losses  sustained,  and  they  would  demand  a  treaty  which  would 
make  the  North  slave  hunters  for  the  South.  They  would  de 
mand  pay  for  the  restoration  of  every  slave  escaping  to  the  North. 
"  Yours,  truly, 

"U.  S.  GRANT." 

In  strong  contrast  with  these  views,  are  the  follow 
ing  from  the  President  and  Vice-president  of  the 
Confederate  States  ;  and  this,  although  Sherman's 
army  had  entered  the  heart  of  Georgia,  the  granary 
of  the  South,  and  made  it  a  barren  waste  wherever 
his  army  passed. 

In  October,  1864,  at  Augusta,  Jefferson  Davis  spoke 
as  follows: 

"Those  who  see  no  hope  now,  who  have  lost  confidence,  are 
to  me  like  those  of  whose  distorted  vision  it  is  said  they  behold 
spots  upon  the  sun.  Such  are  the  croakers  who  seem  to  forget 
the  battles  that  have  been  won,  and  the  men  who  have  fought; 


296  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

who  forget  that  in  the  magnitude  of  those  battles,  and  the  hero 
ism  of  those  men,  this  struggle  exceeds  all  that  history  records. 
We  commenced  the  fight  without  an  army,  without  a  navy,  with 
out  arsenals,  without  mechanics,  without  money,  and  without 
credit.  Four  years  we  have  stemmed  the  tide  of  invasion,  and 
to-day  are  stronger  than  when  the  war  began — better  able  now 
than  ever  to  repulse  the  vandal  who  is  seeking  our  overthrow. 
Once  we  imported  the  commonest  articles  of  daily  use,  and 
brought  in  from  beyond  our  borders  even  bread  and  meat.  Now 
the  State  of  Georgia  alone  produces  food  enough  not  only  for 
her  own  people  and  the  army  within  it,  but  feeds,  too,  the  Army 
of  Virginia.  Once  we  had  no  arms,  and  could  receive  no  soldiers 
but  those  who  came  to  us  armed.  Now  we  have  arms  for  all, 
and  are  begging  men  to  bear  them.  This  city  of  Augusta  alone 
produces  more  powder  than  the  army  can  burn.  All  things  are 
fair,  and  this  Confederacy  is  not  yet,  in  the  familiar  parlance  of 
the  croaker,  '  played  out/  as  those  declare  who  spread  their  own 
despondency  over  the  whole  body  politic. 

"We  are  fighting  for  Constitutional  liberty;  upon  us  depends 
its  last  hope.  The  Yankees,  in  endeavoring  to  coerce  the  States, 
have  lost  that  heir-loom  of  their  fathers,  and  the  men  of  the  South 
alone  must  sustain  it. 

"  Ours  is  not  a  revolution.  We  are  a  free  and  independent  peo 
ple  in  States  that  had  the  right  to  make  a  better  Government 
when  they  saw  fit.  They  sought  to  infringe  upon  the  rights  we 
had,  and  we  only  instituted  a  new  Government  on  the  basis  of 
these  rights. 

"We  are  not  engaged  in  a  Quixotic  fight  for  the  rights  of  man; 
our  struggle  is  for  inherent  rights,  and  who  would  surrender 
them?  Let  every  paper  guarantee  possible  be  given,  and  who 
would  submit?  From  the  grave  of  many  a  fallen  hero  the  slain 
would  cry  out  against  such  a  peace  with  the  murderers.  The 
women  of  the  land  driven  from  their  homes;  the  children  lack 
ing  food;  old  age  hobbling  from  the  scenes  of  its  youth;  the 
fugitives,  forced  to  give  way  to  the  Yankee  oppressor — all  pro 
claim  a  sea  of  blood  that  freemen  cannot  afford  to  bridge.  There 
is  but  one  thing  to  which  we  can  accede — separate  State  inde 
pendence.  Some  there  are  who  speak  of  reconstruction  with 
Slavery  maintained;  but  are  there  any  who  would  thus  measure 
rights  by  property  ?  God  forbid.  Would  you  see  that  boy,  with 
a  peach  bloom  on  his  cheek,  grow  up  a  serf — never  to  tread  the 


XVII.]  SPEECH   OF   JEFFERSON  DAVIS.  297 

path  of  honor  unless  he  light  the  torch  at  the  funeral  pyre  of  his 
country?  Would  you  see  the  fair  daughters  of  the  land  given 
over  to  the  brutality  of  the  Yankees  ? 

"If  any  imagine  this  would  not  be  so,  let  him  look  to  the  dec 
laration  of  Mr.  Lincoln — the  terms  he  offers;  let  him  read  the 
declarations  of  the  Northern  press;  let  him  note  the  tone  of  the 
Northern  people,  and  he  will  see  there  is  nothing  left  for  us  but 
separate  independence." 

On  the  22d  of  September,  1864,  Alexander  H. 
Stephens  said: 

"  The  resolutions  of  the  G-eorgia  Legislature,  at  its  last  session, 
upon  the  subject  of  peace,  in  my  judgment,  embodied  and  set 
forth  very  clearly  those  principles  upon  which  alone  there  can  be 
permanent  peace  between  the  different  sections  of  this  extensive, 
once  happy  and  prosperous,  but  now  distracted  country. 

"Easy  and  perfect  solution  to  all  present  troubles,  and  those 
far  more  grievous  ones  which  loom  in  prospect,  and  portentously 
threaten  in  the  coming  future,  is  nothing  more  than  the  simple 
recognition  of  the  fundamental  principle  and  truth  upon  which 
all  American  constitutional  liberty  is  founded,  and  upon  the 
maintenance  of  which  alone  it  can  be  preserved — that  is,  the 
.sovereignty,  the  ultimate,  absolute  sovereignty  of  the  States. 
This  doctrine  our  Legislature  announced  to  the  people  of  the 
North  and  to  the  world.  It  is  the  only  key-note  to  peace — per 
manent,  lasting  peace — consistent  with  the  security  of  the  public 
liberty. 

"  The  old  Confederation  was  formed  upon  this  principle.  The 
old  Union  was  afterwards  formed  upon  this  principle.  No  league 
can  ever  be  formed  or  maintained  between  any  States,  North  or 
South,  securing  public  liberty,  upon  any  other  principle. 

' '  The  whole  frame-work  of  American  institutions,  which  in  so 
short  a  time  had  won  the  admiration  of  the  world,  and  to  which 
we  were  indebted  for  such  an  unparalleled  career  of  prosperity 
and  happiness,  was  formed  upon  this  principle.  All  our  present 
troubles  sprang  from  a  departure  from  this  principle — from  a 
violation  of  this  essential  law  of  our  political  organization. 

"  The  idea  that  the  old  Union,  or  any  union  between  sovereign 
States,  consistently  with  this  fundamental  truth,  can  be  main 
tained  by  force,  is  preposterous.  This  war  springs  from  an  at 
tempt  to  do  this  preposterous  thing.  Superior  power  may  com- 


298  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

pel  a  Union  of  some  sort,  but  it  will  not  be  the  Union  of  the  old 
Constitution  or  of  our  new.  It  would  be  that  sort  of  Union  that 
results  from  despotism." 

The  progress  of  Sherman's  army  and  his  decisive 
victories,  as  he  made  his  way  from  "  Atlanta  to  the 
sea/'  and  "  as  he  was  marching  through  Georgia,"  may 
be  understood  by  the  following  extracts  from  some  of 
his  letters  in  the  field,  after  the  capture  of  Atlanta: 

"  HEAD-QUAETEKS  MILITARY  DIVISION  OF  THE  MISSISSIPPI,  ) 

"  In  the  Field,  Atlanta,  Ga.,  Sept.  8th. 
"Special  Field  Order  No.  68. 

"  We  have  beaten  our  enemy  on  every  ground  he  has  chosen, 
and  have  wrested  from  him  his  own  Gate  City,  where  were 
located  his  foundries,  arsenals,  and  workshops,  deemed  secure 
on  account  of  their  distance  from  our  base,  and  the  seeming 
impregnable  obstacles  intervening.  Nothing  is  impossib'e  to  an 
army  like  this,  determined  to  vindicate  a  Government  which  has 
rights  wherever  our  flag  has  once  floated,  and  is  resolved  to 
maintain  them  at  any  and  all  costs. 

"  In  our  campaign  many,  yea,  very  many,  of  our  noble  and 
gallant  comrades  have  preceded  us  to  our  common  destination, 
the  grave;  but  they  have  left  the  memory  of  deeds  on  which  a 
nation  can  build  a  proud  history.  Generals  McPherson,  Harker, 
McCook,  and  others  dear  to  us  all,  are  now  the  binding  links  in 
our  minds  that  should  attach  more  closely  together  the  living, 
who  have  to  complete  the  task  which  still  lies  before  us  in  the 
dim  future. 

"  I  ask  all  to  continue,  as  they  have  so  well  begun,  the  culti 
vation  of  the  soldierly  virtues  that  have  ennobled  our  own  and 
other  countries.  Courage,  patience,  obedience  to  the  laws  and 
constituted  authorities  of  our  Government;  fidelity  to  our  trusts, 
and  good  feeling  among  each  othei;  each  trying  to  excel  the 
other  in  the  practice  of  those  high  qualities,  and  it  will  then 
require  no  prophet  to  foretell  that  our  country  will  in  time 
emerge  from  this  war,  purified  by  the  fires  of  war,  and  worthy 
its  great  founder,  Washington. 

"  W.  T.  SHERMAN,  Maj. -Gen.  Commanding/' 

Gen.  Sherman  had  intended  that  Atlanta  should  be 


XVII. ]  SHERMAN'S  LETTER  TO  HOOD.  209 

used  for  military  purposes,  and  ordered  that  the  women 
and  children  be  removed,  to  which  the  Confederate 
General,  J.  B.  Hood,  replied,  asking  in  lt  God's  name 
that  they  be  permitted  to  remain." 

The  following  is  an  extract  from  Gen.  Sherman's 
letter  to  Hood,  dated  Atlanta,  September  10th,  1864: 

"  In  the  name  of  common  sense,  I  ask  you  not  to  appeal  to  a 
just  God  in  such,  a  sacrilegious  manner.  You,  who  in  the  midst 
of  peace  and  prosperity,  have  plunged  a  Nation  into  civil  war — 
'  dark  and  cruel  war ' — who  dared  and  badgered  us  to  battle, 
insulted  our  flag,  seized  our  arsenals  and  forts  that  were  left  in 
the  honorable  custody  of  a  peaceful  Ordnance  Sergeant,  seized 
and  made  prisoners  of  war  the  very  garrisons  sent  to  protect 
your  people  against  Negroes  and  Indiana,  long  before  any  overt 
act  was  committed  by  the,  to  you,  hateful  Lincoln  Government; 
tried  to  force  Kentucky  and  Missouri  into  the  Rebellion  in  spite 
of  themselves;  falsified  the  vote  of  Louisiana;  turned  loose  your 
privateers  to  plunder  unarmed  ships;  expelled  Union  families 
by  the  thousand;  burned  their  houses,  and  declared  by  act  of 
Congress  the  confiscation  of  all  debts  due  Northern  men  for 
goods  had  and  received.  Talk  thus  to  the  marines,  but  not  to 
me,  who  has  seen  these  things,  and  will  this  day  make  as  much 
sacrifice  for  the  peace  and  honor  of  the  South  as  the  best  born 
Southerner  among  you.  If  we  must  be  enemies,  let  us  be  men, 
and  fight  it  out  as  we  propose  to-day,  and  not  deal  in  such  hypo 
critical  appeals  to  God  and  humanity.  God  will  judge  me  in 
good  time,  and  he  will  pronounce  whether  it  will  be  more  hu 
mane  to  fight  with  a  town  full  of  women,  and  the  families  of  a 
'  brave  people '  at  our  backs,  or  to  remove  them  in  time  to  places 
of  safety  among  their  own  friends  and  people. 

"  I  am,  very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

"  W.  T.  SHEBMAN,  Maj.-Gen.  Commanding." 

The  following  characteristic  letter  of  Maj.-Gen.  W. 
T.  Sherman,  in  reference  to  the  lawless  acts  of  a  por 
tion  of  the  Southern  people,  will  show  how  fully  its 
author  was  imbued  with  the  principles  of  American 
Government,  and  the  rights  of  individuals: 


300  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

"  HEAD-QUAKTERS  MIL.  Drv.  OP  THE  Miss.,  IN  THE  FIELD,  ) 
"  Big  Shanty,  Ga.,  June  21st,  1864.  ) 

"  GEN.  BURBRIDGE,  Commanding  Div.  of  Ky. : 

"  General — The  recent  raid  of  Morgan,  and  the  current  acts 
of  men  styling  themselves  Confederate  partisans,  or  guerrillas, 
calls  for  determined  action  on  your  part.  *  * 

"  The  fact  is,  in  our  country  personal  liberty  has  been  so  well 
secured  that  public  safety  is  lost  sight  of  in  our  laws  and  insti 
tutions,  and  the  fact  is,  we  are  thrown  back  one  hundred  years 
in  civilization,  law,  and  everything  else,  and  will  go  right 
straight  to  anarchy  and  the  devil,  if  somebody  don't  arrest  our 
downward  progress. 

"  We,  the  military,  must  do  it,  and  we  have  right  and  law  on 
our  side.  All  governments  and  communities  have  a  right  to 
guard  against  real  and  supposed  danger.  The  whole  people  of 
Kentucky  must  not  be  kept  in  a  state  of  suspense  and  real  dan 
ger,  lest  a  few  innocent  men  should  be  wrongfully  accused. 

"  1st.  You  may  order  all  your  Post  and  District  Commanders 
that  guerrillas  are  not  soldiers,  but  wild  beasts,  unknown  to  the 
usages  of  war.  To  be  recognized  as  soldiers,  they  must  be  en 
listed,  enrolled,  officered,  uniformed,  armed,  and  equipped,  by 
a  recognized  belligerent  power,  and  must,  if  detailed  from  a 
main  army,  be  of  sufficient  strength,  with  written  orders  from 
some  army  Commander  to  do.  some  military  thing.  Of  course  we 
have  recognized  the  Confederate  Government  as  a  belligerent 
power,  but  deny  their  right  to  our  lands,  territories,  rivers, 
coasts,  and  nationality,  admitting  the  right  to  rebel  and  move 
to  some  other  country,  where  laws  and  customs  are  mere  in  ac 
cordance  with  their  own  ideas  and  prejudices. 

"2d.  The  civil  power  being  insufficient  to  protect  life  and 
property,  ex  necessitate  rei  to  prevent  anarchy,  'which  nature 
abhors/  the  military  steps  taken  are  rightful,  constitutional,  and 
lawful.  Under  this  law  every  body  can  be  made  to  '  stay  at  home 
and  mind  his  or  her  own  business/  and  if  they  won't  do  that, 
can  be  sent  away  where  they  cannot  keep  their  honest  neighbors 
in  fear  of  danger,  robbery  and  insult. 

"  3d.  Your  military  Commanders,  Provost  Marshals,  and  other 
agents,  may  arrest  all  males  and  females  who  have  encouraged 
or  harbored  guerrillas  and  robbers,  and  you  may  cause  them  to 
be  collected  in  Louisville;  and  when  you  have  enough— say  three 


XVII.]         SHERMAN'S  LETTER  TO  BURBRIDGE.  301 

or  four  hundred — I  will  cause  them  to  be  sent  down  the  Missis 
sippi,  through  their  guerrilla  gauntlet,  and  by  a  sailing  ship  send 
them  to  a  land  where  they  may  take  their  negroes  and  make  a 
colony,  with  laws  and  a  future  of  their  own.  If  they  won't  live 
in  peace  in  such  a  garden  as  Kentucky,  why  we  will  send  them 
to  another,  if  not  a  better,  land;  and,  surely,  this  would  be  a 
kindness  to  them  and  a  God's  blessing  to  Kentucky. 

"I  wish  you  to  be  careful  that  no  personalities  are  mixed  up 
in  this;  nor  does  a  full  and  generous  'love  of  country/  f  of  the 
South,'  of  their  State  or  country,  form  a  cause  of  banishment; 
but  that  devilish  spirit,  which  will  not  be  satisfied,  and  that  makes 
war  the  pretext  of  murder,  arson,  theft,  in  all  its  grades,  per 
jury,  arid  all  the  crimes  of  human  nature.  My  own  preference 
was,  and  is,  that  the  civil  authorities  in  Kentucky  would  and 
could  do  this  in  that  State;  but  if  they  will  not,  or  cannot,  then 
we  must,  for  it  must  be  done.  There  must  be  an  end  to  strife, 
and  the  honest,  industrious  people  of  Kentucky  and  the  whole 
world  will  be  benefited  and  rejoiced  at  the  conclusion,  however 
arrived  at. 

"  I  use  no  concealment  in  saying  that  I  do  not  object  to  men 
or  women  having  what  they  call  '  Southern  feeling/  if  confined 
to  love  of  country,  and  of  peace,  honor,  and  security,  and  even 
a  little  family  pride ;  but  these  become  '  crimes '  when  enlarged 
to  mean  love  of  murder,  of  war,  desolation,  famine,  and  all  the 
horrid  attendants  of  anarchy. 

"  I  am,  with  respect,  your  friend, 

"  W.  T.  SHEBMAN,  Maj.-Gen." 

Sherman  having  marched  his  army  "to  the  sea,"  and 
entered  the  City  of  Savannah,  from  which  Gen.  Har- 
die  with  all  his  forces  fled  on  his  approach,  sent  the 
following  letter  to  the  President: 

"  SAVANNAH,  Georgia,  December  22. 
"  His  Excellency  President  LINCOLN: 

"  I  beg  to  pesent  you  as  a  Christmas  gift,  the  City  of  Savan 
nah,  with  one  hundred  and  fifty  heavy  guns  and  plenty  of  am 
munition,  and  also  about  twenty-five  thousand  bales  of  cotton. 

"  W.  T.  SHEBMAN,  Maj.-Gen." 

As  early  as  the  31st  of  January,  1864,  Gen. 
20 


302  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

man,  in  addressing  Maj.  R.  M.  Sawyer  from  his  head 
quarters  at  Vicksburg,  in  relation  to  military  operations 
in  the  South,  said: 

"When  men  take  arms  to  resist  our  rightful  authorities,  we 
are  compelled  to  use  force  because  all  reason  and  argument 
cease  when  arms  are  resorted  to.  "When  the  provisions,  forage, 
horses,  mules,  wagons,  etc.,  are  used  by  our  enemy,  it  is  clearly 
our  duty  and  right  to  take  them,  because  otherwise  they  might 
be  used  against  us. 

"  In  like  manner,  all  houses  left  vacant  by  an  inimical  people 
are  clearly  our  right,  or  such  as  are  needed  as  store-houses,  hos 
pitals,  and  quarters.  But  a  question  arises  as  to  dwellings  used 
by  women,  children,  and  non-combatants.  So  long  as  non- 
combatants  remain  in  their  houses  and  keep  to  their  accustomed 
business,  their  opinions  and  prejudices  can  in  no  wise  influence 
the  war,  and  therefore  should  not  be  noticed.  But  if  any  one 
comes  out  into  the  public  streets  and  creates  disorder,  he  or  she 
should  be  punished,  restrained,  or  banished,  either  to  the  rear 
or  front,  as  the  officer  in  command  adjudges.  If  the  people,  or 
any  of  them,  keep  up  a  correspondence  with  parties  in  hostility, 
they  are  spies,  and  can  be  punished  with  death  or  minor  punish 
ment. 

"  These  are  well-established  principles  of  war,  and  the  people 
of  the  South  having  appealed  to  war,  are  barred  from  appealing 
to  our  Constitution,  which  they  have  practically  and  publicly 
defied.  They  have  appealed  to  war,  and  must  abide  its  rules 
and  laws.  The  United  States,  as  a  belligerent  party,  claiming 
right  in  the  soil  as  the  ultimate  sovereign,  have  a  right  to  change 
the  population,  and  it  may  be,  and  is,  both  politic  and  just  we 
should  do  so  in  certain  districts.  When  the  inhabitants  persist 
too  long  in  hostility,  it  may  be  both  politic  and  right  we  should 
banish  them  and  appropriate  their  lands  to  a  more  loyal  and 
useful  population.  No  man  will  deny  that  the  United  States 
would  be  benefited  by  dispossessing  a  single  prejudiced,  hard- 
headed,  and  disloyal  planter,  and  substituting  in  his  place  a 
dozen  or  more  patient,  industrious,  good  families,  even  if  they 
be  of  foreign  birth.  I  think  it  does  good  to  present  this  view 
of  the  case  to  many  Southern  gentlemen,  who  grew  rich  and 
wealthy,  not  by  virtue  alone  of  their  industry  and  skill,  but 
by  reason  of  the  protection  and  impetus  to  prosperity  given  by 


XVIL]      SHERMAN'S  LETTER  TO  MAJOR  SAWYER.  303 

our  hitherto  moderate  and  magnanimous  Government.  It  is  all 
idle  nonsense  for  these  Southern  planters  to  say  that  they  made 
the  South,  that  they  own  it,  and  that  they  can  do  as  they  please 
— even  to  break  up  our  Government,  and  to  shut  up  the  natural 
avenues  of  trade,  intercourse  and  commerce. 

"  We  know,  and  they  know,  if  they  are  intelligent  beings,  that, 
as  compared  with  the  whole  world,  they  are  but  as  five  millions 
to  one  thousand  millions;  that  they  did  not  create  the  land;  that 
their  only  title  to  its  use  and  usufruct  is  the  deed  of  the  United 
States;  and  if  they  appeal  to  war,  they  hold  their  all  by  a  very 
insecure  tenure. 

"For  my  part,  I  believe  that  this  war  is  the  result  of  false 
political  doctrine,  for  which  we  a^e  all,  as  a  people,  responsible, 
viz. :  that  any  an$  every  people  have  a  right  to  self-government; 
and  I  would  give  all  a  chance  to  reflect,  and,  when  in  error,  to 
recant.  I  know  slave-owners,  finding  themselves  in  possession 
of  a  species  of  property  in  opposition  to  the  growing  sentiment 
of  the  whole  civilized  world,  conceived  their  property  in  danger, 
and  foolishly  appealed  to  war,  and,  by  skillful  political  handling, 
involved  with  themselves  the  whole  South,  on  the  doctrines  of 
error  and  prejudice.  I  believe  that  some  of  the  rich  and  slave- 
holding  are  prejudiced  to  an  extent  that  nothing  but  death  and 
ruin  will  extinguish,  but  hope  that,  as  the  poorer  and  industrial 
classes  of  the  South  realize  their  relative  weakness,  and  their 
dependence  upon  the  fruits  of  the  earth  and  good-will  of  their 
fellow-men,  they  will  not  only  discover  the  error  of  their  ways, 
and  repent  of  their  hasty  action,  but  bless  those  who  persistently 
maintained  a  constitutional  Government,  strong  enough  to  sus 
tain  itself,  protect  its  citizens  and  promise  peaceful  homes  to  mill 
ions  yet  unborn. 

"  In  this  belief,  while  I  assert  for  our  Government  the  highest 
military  prerogatives,  I  am  willing  to  bear  in  patience  that  polit 
ical  nonsense  of  Slave  rights,  State  rights,  freedom  of  conscience, 
freedom  of  press,  and  such  other  trash,  as  have  deluded  the 
Southern  people  into  war,  anarchy,  bloodshed,  and  the  foulest 
crimes  that  have  disgraced  any  time  or  any  people. 

"I  would  advise  the  commanding  officers  at  Huntsville,  and 
such  other  towns  as  are  occupied  by  our  troops,  to  assemble  the 
inhabitants  and  explain  to  them  these  plain,  self-evident  propo 
sitions,  and  tell  them  that  it  is  now  for  them  to  say,  whether  they 
and  their  children  shall  inherit  the  beautiful  land  which,  by  the 


304  REPUBLICANISM   IN    AMERICA.  [Chap. 

accident  of  nature,  has  fallen  to  their  share.  The  Government 
of  the  United  States  has  in  North  Alabama  any  and  all  rights 
which  they  choose  to  enforce  in  war:  to  take  their  lives,  their 
homes,  their  lands,  their  everything,  because  they  cannot  deny 
that  war  does  exist  there,  and  war  is  simply  power  unrestrained 
by  Constitution  or  compact.  If  they  want  eternal  war,  well  and 
good;  we  will  accept  the  issue  and  dispossess  them,  and  put  our 
friends  in  possession.  I  know  thousands  of  good  people,  who, 
at  simple  notice,  would  come  to  North  Alabama  and  accept  the 
elegant  houses  and  plantations  now  there.  If  the  people  of 
Huntsville  think  different,  let  them  persist  in  war  three  years 
longer,  and  then  they  will  not  be  consulted.  Three  years  ago, 
by  a  little  reflection  and  patience,  they  could  have  had  a  hundred 
years  of  peace  and  prosperity,  but  they  preferred  war;  very  well, 
last  year  they  could  have  saved  their  slaves,  but  now  it  is  too 
late — all  the  powers  of  earth  cannot  restore  to  them  their  slaves, 
any  more  than  their  dead  grandfathers.  Next  year  their  lands 
will  be  taken,  for  in  war  we  can  take  them,  and  rightfully,  too; 
and  in  another  year  they  may  beg  in  vain  for  their  lives.  A  peo- 
"ple  who  will  persevere  in  war  beyond  a  certain  limit  ought  to 
know  the  consequences.  Many,  many  people,  with  less  per 
tinacity  than  the  South,  have  been  wiped  out  of  national  exist 
ence. 

"  My  own  belief  is,  that  even  now  the  non-slaveholding  classes 
of  the  South  are  alienating  from  their  associates  i-i  war.  Al 
ready  I  hear  crimination.  Those  who  have  property  left  should 
take  warning  in  time. 

' '  Since  I  have  come  down  here,  I  have  seen  many  Southern 
planters  who  now  hire  their  negroes,  and  acknowledge  that  they 
knew  not  the  earthquake  they  were  to  make  by  appealing  to  Se 
cession.  They  thought  that  the  politicians  had  prepared  the 
way,  and  that  they  could  part  in  peace.  They  now  see  that  we 
are  bound  together  as  one  Nation,  by  indissoluble  ties,  and  that 
any  interest  or  any  people  that  set  themselves  up  in  antagonism 
to  the  Nation,  must  perish. 

"  While  I  would  not  remit  one  jot  or  tittle  of  our  Nation's 
rights,  in  peace  or  war,  I  do  make  allowances  for  past  political 
errors  and  false  prejudices.  Our  National  Congress  and  Su 
preme  Courts  are  the  proper  arenas  in  which  to  discuss  conflict 
ing  opinions,  and  not  the  battle  field. 

"  You  may  not  hear  from  me  again,  and  if  you  think  it  will 


XVII.]  FORT   PILLOW   MASSACRE.  305 

do  any  good,  call  some  of  the  people  together  and  explain  these, 
my  views.  You  may  even  read  to  them  this  letter,  and  let  them 
use  it,  so  as  to  prepare  them  for  my  coming. 

"  To  those  who  submit  to  the  rightful  law  and  authority,  all 
gentleness  and  forbearance,  but  to  the  petulant  and  persistent 
secessionists,  why,  death  is  mercy,  and  the  quicker  he  or  she  is 
disposed  of,  the  better.  Satan  and  the  rebellious  saints  of 
heaven  were  allowed  a  continuance  of  existence  in  hell,  merely 
to  swell  their  just  punishment.  To  such  as  would  rebel  against 
a  Government  so  mild  and  just  as  ours  was  in  peace,  a  punish 
ment  equal  would  not  be  unjust. 

"  We  are  progressing  well  in  this  quarter.  Though  I  have 
not  changed  my  opinion  that  we  may  soon  assume  the  existence 
of  our  National  Government,  yet  years  will  pass  before  ruffian 
ism,  murder,  and  robbery  will  cease  to  afflict  this  region  of  our 
country. 

{t  Truly  your  friend, 

"  W.  T.  SHERMAN, 
"  Major-General  Commanding." 

One  of  the  most  memorable  acts  of  the  war  was  the 
attack  by  the  rebels  upon  Fort  Pillow.  They  were 
led  by  Napoleon  B.  Forrest,  of  the  Confederate  Army, 
who  assisted  in  framing  the  Democratic  National  plat 
form  of  1868,  m  the  Convention  held  at  New  York 
city,  on  the  Fourth  of  July,  where  he  was  the  centre 
of  attraction  and  admiration  of  the  chivalry  wing  of 
the  Democracy.  The  attack  on  the  fort  was  on  the 
12th  of  April,  1864.  On  the  news  of  this  revolt 
ing,  wholesale  murder  having  reached  Congress,  a 
Committee  was  appointed,  who  investigated  the  mat 
ter,  and  as  no  comment  will  be  attempted,  the  report 
of  the  Committee  of  Congress  is  here  given: 

"  The  rebels  commenced  an  indiscriminate  slaughter,  sparing 
neither  age  nor  sex,  white  or  black,  soldier  or  civilian.  The  of 
ficers  and  men  seemed  to  vie  with  each  other  in  the  devilish 
work.  Men,  women,  and  even  children,  wherever  found,  were 
deliberately  shot  down,  beaten,  and  hacked  with  sabres.  Some 
of  the  children,  not  more  than  ten  years  old,  were  forced  to 


306  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

stand  up  and  face  their  mothers  while  being  shot.  The  sick 
and  wounded  were  butchered  without  mercy,  the  rebels  even 
entering  the  hospital  buildings  and  dragging  them  out  to  be 
shot,  or  killing  them,  as  they  lay  there,  unable  to  offer  the  least 
resistance.  All  over  the  hill-side  the  work  of  murder  was  going 
on.  Numbers  of  our  men  were  gathered  together  in  lines  or 
groups  and  deliberately  shot.  Some  were  shot  while  in  fthe 
river,  while  others  on  the  bank  were  shot  and  their  bodies 
kicked  into  the  water,  many  of  them  still  living,  but  unable  to 
make  any  exertion  to  save  themselves  from  drowning.  Some  of 
the  rebels  stood  upon  the  top  of  the  hill,  or  a  short  distance 
down  its  side,  and  called  to  our  soldiers  to  come  up  to  them, 
and  as  they  approached,  shot  them  down  in  cold  blood;  if  their 
guns  or  pistols  missed  fire,  forcing  them  to  stand  there  until 
they  were  again  prepared  to  fire.  All  around  were  heard  cries 
of  '.No  quarter!  no  quarter!'  (  Kill  the  d-^-n  niggers!'  '  Shoot 
them  down!'  All  who  asked  for  mercy,  were  answered  by  the 
most  cruel  taunts  and  sneers.  Some  were  spared  for  a  time, 
only  to  be  murdered  under  circumstances  of  greater  cruelty. 
No  cruelty  which  the  most  fiendish  malignity  could  devise  was 
omitted  by  these  murderers.  One  white  soldier,  who  was 
wounded  in  the  leg  so  as  to  be  unable  to  walk,  was  made  to 
stand  up  while  his  tormentors  shot  him.  Others,  who  were 
wounded  and  unable  to  stand  UD,  were  held  up  and  again  shot. 
One  negro,  who  had  been  ordered  by  a  rebel  officer  to  hold  his 
horse,  was  killed  by  him  when  he  remonstrated.  Another,  a 
mere  child,  whom  an  officer  had  taken  up  behind  him  on  his 
horse,  was  seen  by  Chalmers,  who  at  once  ordered  the  officer  to 
put  him  down  and  shoot  him,  which  was  done.  The  huts  and 
tents  in  which  many  of  the  wounded  had  sought  shelter,  were 
set  on  fire,  both  that  night  and  the  next  morning,  while  the 
wounded  were  still  in  them,  those  only  escaping  who  were  able 
to  get  themselves  out,  or  who  could  prevail  on  others  less  injured 
than  themselves  to  help  them  out;  and  even  some  of  them  thus 
seeking  to  escape  the  flames  were  met  by  these  ruffians  and  bru 
tally  shot  down,  or  had  their  brains  beaten  out.  One  man  was 
deliberately  fastened  down  to  the  floor  of  a  tent,  face  upwards, 
by  means  of  nails  driven  through  his  clothing  and  into  the 
boards  under  him,  so  that  he  could  not  possibly  escape,  and  then 
the  tent  set  on  fire.  Another  man  was  nailecl  to  the  side  of  a 
building,  outside  of  the  fort,  and  then  the  building  set  on  fire 


XVII.]  FORT   PILLOW   MASSACRE.  307 

and  burned.  The  charred  remains  of  five  or  six  bodies  were 
afterwards  found,  all  but  one  so  much  disfigured  and  consumed 
by  the  flames  that  they  could  not  be  identified,  and  the  identi 
fication  of  that  cne  is  not  absolutely  certain,  although  there  can 
hardly  be  a  doubt  that  it  was  the  body  of  Lieut.  Akerstrom, 
Quarter-master  of  the  13th  Virginia  cavalry,  and  a  native  Ten- 
nesseean.  Several  witnesses  who  saw  the  remains,  and  who 
were  personally  acquainted  with  him  while  living  here,  testified 
that  it  is  their  firm  belief  that  it  was  his  body  that  was  thus 
treated.  These  deeds  of  murder  and  cruelty  closed  when  night 
came  on,  only  to  be  renewed  the  next  morning,  when  the  demons 
carefully  sought  among  the  dead  lying  about  in  all  directions 
for  any  other  wounded  yet  alive,  and  those  the}'  killed.  Scores 
of  the  dead  and  wounded  were  found  there  the  day  of  the  mas 
sacre  by  the  men  from  some  of  our  gunboats,  who  were  permit 
ted  to  go  on  shore  and  collect  the  wounded  and  bury  the  dead. 

"  The  rebels  themselves  had  made  a  pretense  of  burying  a 
great  many  of  their  victims,  but  they  had  merely  thrown  them, 
without  the  least  regard  to  care  or  decency,  into  the  trenches 
and  ditches  about  the  fort,  or  the  little  hollows  and  ravines  on 
the  hill-side,  covering  them  but  partially  with  earth.  Portions 
of  heads  and  faces,  hands  and  feet,  were  found  protruding 
through  the  earth  in  every  direction,  even  when  your  Committee 
visited  the  spot  two  weeks  afterwards,  although  parties  of  men 
had  been  sent  on  shore  from  time  to  time  to  bury  the  bodies 
unburied,  and  re-bury  the  others,  and  were  even  then  engaged 
iu  the  same  work.  "VVe  found  evidences  of  this  murder  and 
cruelty  still  more  painful.  We  saw  bodies  still  unburied,  at 
some  distance  from  the  fort,  of  some  sick  men  who  had  been 
fleeing  from  the  hospital,  and  beaten  down  and  brutally  mur 
dered,  and  their  bodies  left  where  they  had  fallen.  We  could 
still  see  the  faces,  and  hands,  and  feet  of  men,  white  and  black, 
protruding  out  of  the  ground,  whose  graves  had  not  been  reached 
by  those  engaged  in  re-interring  the  victims  of  the  massacre;  and 
although  a  great  deal  of  rain  had  fallen  within  the  preceding  two 
weeks,  the  ground,  more  especially  on  the  side  at  the  foot  of  the 
bluff  where  the  most  of  the  murders  had  been  committed,  was 
still  discolored  by  the  blood  of  our  brave  but  unfortunate  men, 
and  the  logs  and  trees  sho\ved  but  too  plainly  the  evidences  of 
the  atrocities  perpetrated  there." 


308  REPUBLICANISM    IX    AMERICA.  [Chap. 

Conspicuous  among  the  army  operations  of  1864, 
was  the  temporary  defeat  of  the  Union  Army  at  Win 
chester,  which  was  afterwards  turned  into  a  glorious 
victory  by  Gen.  Sheridan.  This  was  on  the  19th  of 
October.  The  labors  in  the  field  of  operations  were 
greater ;  more  real  service  had.  been  accomplished  than 
had  been  done  during  the  two  previous  years.  6,500 
miles  of  military  telegraph  had  been  built  during  the 
year,  which  greatly  facilitated  military  operations. 

The  results  of  the  war  had  been  terrible,  as  the 
number  of  the  slain  and  wounded  will  show.  The 
whole  land,  it  would  seem,  was  in  mourning;  not  a 
household  but  what  was  broken  and  saddened  by  the 
distress  of  the  long-continued  strife  and  vacant  places 
in  the  family  circle.  At  the  date  of  June  30th,  1864, 
190  hospitals  with  120,520  beds  were  in  full  occu 
pancy,  for  the  sick  and  wounded  of  the  Union  Army; 
22,767  pensioners  were  receiving  pay  from  the  Govern 
ment;  25,433  widows,  orphans  and  dependent  mothers, 
had  to  be  supported  from  the  National  treasury.  (For 
full  lists  of  troops,  total  killed,  and  deaths,  see  Ap 
pendix.) 

During  the  year  1864,  the  subject  of  British  ship 
builders  supplying  the  rebels  with  vessels  to  prey 
upon  the  merchant  ships  of  the  United  States,  caused 
serious  complications  between  the  Governments  of  the 
United  States  and  Great  Britain.  The  engagement 
between  the  Alabama  and  Kearsarge  resulted  in  the 
sinking  of  the  former ;  her  commander,  Capt.  Semmes, 
and  her  crew  were  rescued  by  the  English  yacht,  Deer- 
hound,  and  received  with  great  sympathy  and  honors 
in  England. 

Mr.  Cobden,  in  the  House  of  Commons,  in  England, 
on  the  13th  of  May,  1864,  speaking  on  the  subject  of 


XYIL]  PRESIDENTIAL   ELECTION   OF    1864.  309 

England  permitting  the  fitting  out  in  her  ports  of  ships 
for  the  rebels,  said : 

"  The  British  Government  has  already  done  its  worst  against 
the  American  mercantile  marine.  The  injury,  considering  the 
amount  of  property  destroyed,  had  been  rendered  useless.  In 
1860,  one-third  of  the  American  commerce  was  carried  on  in 
foreign  bottoms;  in  1863,  three-fourths;  and  this  was  owing  to 
the  privateers  armed  and  equipped  in  English  ports." 

About  tliis  period  renewed  efforts  were  being  made 
by  the  friends  of  the  Confederacy  to  have  the  English 
Government  acknowledge  her  independence ;  but  they 
were  unavailing. 

The  year  1864  presented  new  features  beyond  any 
period  since  the  commencement  of  the  war.  A  Presi 
dent  and  Yice-President  of  the  United  States  were  to 
be  elected  in  November ;  and  with  the  war  still  raging, 
and  little  prospect  of  a  speedy  termination,  the  two 
great  political  parties  felt  much  solicitude  to  carry 
their  points.  The  Republican  party  must'  do  some 
thing  decisive  before  the  day  of  election;  for  by  that 
time  almost  four  years  of  the  Administration  would 
have  passed,  and  there  might  be  good  grounds  for  the 
Democrats  and  Conservative  party  saying  that  the  war 
had  been  a  failure. 

The  friends  of  the  South  throughout  the  North  were 
clamorous  for  "Compromise,"  and  urged  a  Convention 
of  the  States,  hoping  by  this  to  secure  such  terms  as 
would  induce  the  North  to  acknowledge  their  inde 
pendence,  or  to  give  them  new  guarantees  for  the  pro 
tection  of  Slavery.  But  as  the  Government  had  not 
violated  nor  infringed  on  any  of  the  rights  of  the  South, 
she  had  nothing  to  redress;  and  her  answer,  through 
the  Executive,  now  became  positive,  that  acknowledg 
ment  of  Federal  authority  was  the  pre-requisite  to  any 
terms. 


310  REPUBLICANISM   IN  AMERICA.  [Chap. 

The  leading  anti-war  wing  of  the  Democracy  of  the 
North  were  determined  to  defeat  the  Administration 
in  the  election  in  the  fall,  and  their  policy  was  by  all 
means  to  weaken  the  power  of  the  army  and  navy; 
and  to  this  end  extensive  opposition  was  offered  to 
enlistments.  The  Democratic  press  of  the  whole  land 
teemed  with  denunciations  upon  the  "Federal  butch 
ers"  and  the  ruinous  taxation  of  the  country.  No  effort 
was  made  by  these  " peace"  men  to  induce  the  people 
of  the  South  to  lay  down  their  arms  and  return  to  their 
allegiance,  although  thoy  well  knew  that  would  at  once 
stop  the  war  and  taxation;  on  the  contrary,  they  en 
tered  into  private  organizations  throughout  the  country 
to  thwart  the  powers  and  operations  of  the  Government, 
and  to  aid  the  South. 

A  powerful  organization,  officered  by  leading  anti 
war  Democrats,  had  developed  itself  throughout  the 
country,  in  1864,  known  as  the  "  Knights  of  the  Golden 
Circle."  C.  L.  Yallandigham,  of  Ohio,  who  had  been 
banished  from  the  country  by  the  Executive  for  trea 
sonable  complicity  with  the  rebels,  had  made  his  way 
to  his  State.  The  ritual  of  the  organization  is  sup 
posed  to  have  been  written  by  Jefferson  Davis,  and 
the  organization  instituted  by  himself  and  Mr.  Yallan 
digham.  It  was  military  in  its  nature,  and  was  to  have 
a  "  Commander-in-Chief  of  all  military  forces  belong 
ing  to  the  Order  in  the  various  States,  when  called 
into  actual  service."  R.  C.  Wright,  editor  of  the  New 
York  News,  was  the  first  "  Commander"  of  the  organi 
zation,  and  Mr.  Yallandigham  was  his  successor.  Ow 
ing  to  the  secret  workings  of  the  Order  having  been  dis 
covered,  the  name  was  changed  at  different  times,  and 
was  known  as  "Order  of  American  Knights,"  "Order 
of  Sons  of  Liberty,"  and  other  names.  Large  quanti- 


XVIL]  KNIGHTS   OF   THE   GOLDEN   CIRCLE.  311 

ties  of  arms  and  munitions  of  war  were  accumulated 
by  them,  and  the  Order  extended  from  New  England 
to  the  Pacific  States.  In  California  and  Oregon  it 
was  well  organized,  and  was  a  powerful  auxiliary  in 
the  campaign  of  the  fall  of  1864.  In  the  State  of 
Indiana  alone,  the  Order  had  at  one  time  6,000  mus 
kets  and  60,000  revolvers;  and  throughout  the  whole 
country  large  supplies  of  arms  were  in  the  hands  of 
its  members. 

Thousands  of  Democrats  joined  the  clubs  and  soci 
eties  of  this  Order,  supposing  it  to  be  a  purely  political 
affair,  only  to  find  themselves  bound  to  yield  prompt 
obedience  to  their  Chief,  under  penalty  of  "  shameful 
death."  The  discovery  of  112  copies  of  the  ritual  and 
oaths,  in  the  office  of  H.  W.  Yorhees,  a  Democratic 
Congressman  from  Indiana,  in  1864,  fully  developed 
the  treasonable  purposes  of  the  Order,  which  was  fur 
ther  proven  by  the  examination  of  witnesses  on  the 
trial  of  some  of  its  members,  arrested  and  tried  by 
Federal  authority,  for  aiding  and  abetting  the  enemy. 

The  written  "  Principles"  of  the  Order  show  the 
solid  "  Democratic  principles"  upon  which  it  was 
founded.  They  declare,  that  there  is  uno  Sovereignty" 
in  the  United  States  Government ;  that  it  is  but  a  com 
pact  of  u  Sovereign  States,"  and  denies  the  power  of 
the  General  Government  to  coerce  a  State  by  arms. 

The  purposes  of  the  Order  were:  1st.  Aiding  sol 
diers  to  desert,  and  harboring  and  protecting  desert 
ers.  2d.  Discouraging  enlistments  and  resisting  the 
draft.  3d.  Circulating  disloyal  and  treasonable  publi 
cations.  4th.  Communicating  with  and  giving  intelli 
gence  to  the  enemy.  5th.  Aiding  the  enemy  by  re 
cruiting  them,  or  assisting  them  to  recruit,  within  our 
lines.  6th.  Furnishing  the  rebels  with  arms,  ammuni- 


312  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

tion,  etc.  7th.  Cooperating  with  the.  enemy  in  raids 
and  invasions.  8th.  Destruction  of  Government  prop 
erty.  9th.  Destruction  of  private  property,  and  perse 
cution  of  Union  men.  10th.  Assassination  and  murder, 
llth.  Establishment  of  a  North-Western  Confederacy. 
The  Judge-Advocate  who  sat  upon  the  trial  of  mem 
bers  of  the  Order,  has  given  the  above  objects  in  his 
findings,  and  certifies  them  to  have  been  "  derived 
from  a  variety  of  dissimilar  sources;"  and  the  evidence, 
he  says,  "must  be  regarded  of  the  most  reliable  char 
acter.". 


CHAPTER    XVIII. 

PRESIDENTIAL  ELECTION  OP  1864.— PLATFORMS  OF  THE  PARTIES.— REMOVAL 
OF  GENERAL  McCLELLAN.— DEMOCRATIC  NATIONAL  CONVENTION.— SHER 
IDAN  APPOINTED  A  MAJOR-GENERAL.  —  VOTE  IN  THE  PRESIDENTIAL 
ELECTION.  —  POLICY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY.  —  VICTORIES  OF  THE 
UNION  ARMIES.  —  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ANNUAL  MESSAGE  OF  1864.— 
JEFFERSON  DAVIS'  MESSAGE  TO  THE  REBEL  CONGRESS. 

PROMINENT  among  the  many  important  events  of  the 
year  1864  was  the  election  of  President  and  Vice-Pres- 
ident  of  the  United  States.  Early  in  the  year  it  was 
resolved  by  a  majority  of  the  friends  and  former  sup 
porters  of  Mr.  Lincoln  that  his  re-election  would  be  a 
victory  in  behalf  of  the  principles  of  the  Republican 
party,  and  demonstrate  to  the  enemy  that  confidence 
was  reposed  in  the  ability  of  the  existing  Administra 
tion,  to  finish  the  Rebellion  upon  the  avowed  doctrines 
of  the  party ;  that  the  National  authority  was  the 
supreme  law  of  the  land,  and  that  no  compromise, 
acknowledgment  or  cessation  of  hostilities  could  be 
entertained  unless  the  authority  of^the  General  Gov 
ernment  be  first  acknowledged,  and  all  opposition  to 
the  Federal  laws  abandoned. 

The  four  years  of  war  had  placed  the  Administration 
in  the  possession  of  such  knowledge  of  the  condition 
of  the  country,  and  the  wants  of  the  Government,  that 
any  change  in  its  head  at  that  time  would  work  mis 
chief;  besides,  unbounded  faith  in  the  ability  and  pa 
triotism  of  President  Lincoln  was  held  throughout  the 
country,  and  harmony  existed  between  the  several 
branches  of  the  Government  and  the  Executive.  Still, 
there  were  many  persons  who  had7  during  the  years  of 


314  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

war,  believed  that  Lincoln's  policy  was  too  conserv 
ative.  A  Convention  of  this  class  of  persons,  the  first 
political  National  one  of  the  year,  met  at  Cleveland, 
Ohio,  May  31st,  1864,  and  nominated  Genera!  John  C. 
Fremont  for  the  Presidency,  and  General  John  Coch- 
ran,  of  New  York,  for  the  Vice-Presidency.  The  policy 
of  these  standard-bearers  was  radical  in  the  extreme, 
or  rather  the  party  by  which  they  were  nominated,  for 
the  candidates  seemed  to  have  thought  the  platform 
adopted  by  the  party  too  radical  to  suit  them. 

Gen.  Fremont  had  been  "  shelved"  by  the  Executive, 
and  his  military  glory  had  sunk  far  below  zero,  and 
with  his  nomination  for  the  Presidenc}^  he  thought  to 
"get  even"  with  the  Administration.  But  the  party 
at  his  back,  although  possessing  the  moral  courage, 
did  not  possess  the  numerical  strength  to  do  other 
than  cause  a  split  in  the  Union  ranks ;  and  Fremont, 
to  his  credit,  with  all  his  prejudices  strong  against 
Lincoln's  policy,  on  the  17th  of  September,  withdrew 
from  the  contest.  Following  is  an  extract  from  his 
letter  on  the  subject: 

"  The  Presidential  Contest  has,  in  effect,  been  entered  upon 
in  such  a  way  that  the  union  of  the  Republican  party  had  be 
come  a  paramount  necessity.  The  policy  of  the  Democratic 
party  signifies  either  separation  or  re-establishment  with  Slavery. 
The  Chicago  platform  is  simply  separation.  Gen.  McClellan's 
letter  of  acceptance  is  re-establishment  with  Slavery.  The  Re 
publican  candidate  is,  on  the  contrary,  pledged  to  the  re-estab 
lishment  of  the  Union  luithout  Slavery;  and  however  hesitating 
his  policy  may  be,  the  pressure  of  his  party  will,  we  may  hope, 
force  him  to  it.  Between  these  issues,  I  think  that  no  man  of 
the  liberal  party  can  remain  in  doubt;  and  I  believe  I  am  con 
sistent  with  my  antecedents  and  my  principles  in  withdrawing — 
not  to  aid  in  the  triumph  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  but  to  do  my  part 
toward  preventing  the  election  of  the  Democratic  candidate.  In 
respect  to  Mr.  Lincoln,  I  continue  to  hold  exactly  the  sentiments 


XVIII.]  REPUBLICAN   PLATFORM   OF    1864.  315 

contained  in  my  letter  of  acceptance.  I  consider  that  his  Ad 
ministration  has  been  politically,  militarily,  and  financially  a 
failure,  and  that  its  necessary  continuance  is  a  cause  of  regret 
for  the  country." 

On  the  7th  of  June,  1864,  the  Union  National  Con 
vention  met  at  Baltimore,  Maryland.  Delegates  were 
present  from  all  the  Free  States,  and  also  from  most  of 
the  Slave  States — those  in  rebellion  as  well  as  those 
that  did  not  secede.  Louisiana,  Arkansas,  Tennessee, 
Delaware,  Maryland,  West  Virginia  and  Kentucky — all 
former  Slave  States — had  delegates  present.  On  the 
first  ballot,  Abraham  Lincoln  received  492  votes,  and 
Ulysses  S.  Grant,  22 ;  the  vote  was  subsequently  made 
unanimous  for  Mr.  Lincoln.  Andrew  Johnson,  of  Ten 
nessee,  was  nominated  for  the  Vice-Presidency.  A 
platform,  or  series  of  resolutions,  setting  forth  the 
principles  of  the  party,  were  adopted,  and  the  Union 
Republican  party  rallied  to  the  support  of  Lincoln  and 
Johnson.  Following  is  the  platform  of  the  party: 

"Resolved,  That  it  is  the  highest  duty  of  every  American  cit 
izen  to  maintain  against  all  their  enemies  the  integrity  of  the 
Union  and  the  paramount  authority  of  the  Constitution  and  the 
laws  of  the  United  States;  and  that,  laying  aside  all  differences 
and  political  opinions,  we  pledge  ourselves,  as  Union  men,  an 
imated  by  a  common  sentiment,  and  aiming  at  a  common  object, 
to  do  everything  in  our  power  to  aid  the  Go\  eminent  in  quelling 
by  force  of  arms  the  Eebellion  now  raging  against  its  authority, 
and  in  bringing  to  the  punishment  due  to  their  crimes  the  rebels 
and  traitors  arrayed  against  it. 

"Resolved,  That  we  approve  the  determination.of  the  Govern 
ment  of  the  United  States  not  to  compromise  with  rebels,  nor 
to  offer  them  any  terms  of  peace,  except  such  as  may  be  based 
upon  an  unconditional  surrender  of  their  hostility  and  a  return 
to  their  just  allegiance  to  the  Constitution  and  the  laws  of  the 
United  States;  and  that  we  call  upon  the  Government  to  main- 
lain  this  position,  and  to  prosecute  the  war  with  the  utmost  pos 
sible  vigor  to  the  complete  suppression  of  the  Rebellion,  in  full 


316  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA,  [Chap. 

reliance  upon  the  self-sacrificing  patriotism,  the  heroic  valor,  and 
the  undying  devotion  of  the  American  people  to  their  country 
and  its  free  institutions. 

c<  Resolved ,  That,  as  Slavery  was  the  cause,  and  now  consti 
tutes  the  strength  of  this  Rebellion,  and  as  it  must  be  always 
and  everywhere  hostile  to  the  principles  of  Republican  govern 
ment,  justice  and  the  National  safety  demand  its  utter  and  com 
plete  extirpation  from  the  soil  of  the  Republic;  and  that  we 
uphold  and  maintain  the  acts  and  proclamations  by  which  the 
Government,  in  its  own  defense,  has  aimed  a  death-blow  at  this 
gigantic  evil.  We  are  in  favor,  furthermore,  of  such  an  amend 
ment  to  the  Constitution,  to  be  made  by  the  people,  in  conform 
ity  with  its  provisions,  as  shall  terminate  and  forever  prohibit  the 
existence  of  Slavery  within  the  limits  or  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
United  States. 

"  Resolved,  That  the  thanks  of  the  American  people  are  due  to 
the  soldiers  and  sailors  of  the  Army  and  the  Navy,  who  have  per 
iled  their  lives  in  defense  of  their  country  and  in  vindication  of  the 
honor  of  the  flag;  that  the  Nation  owes  to  them  some  permanent 
recognition  of  their  patriotism  and  their  valor,  and  ample  and 
permanent  provision  for  those  of  their  survivors  who  have  re 
ceived  disabling  and  honorable  wounds  in  the  service  of  the 
country;  and  that  the  memories  of  those  who  have  fallen  in  its 
defense  shall  be  held  in  grateful  and  everlasting  remembrance. 

1  'Resolved,  That  we  approve  and  applaud  the  practical  wisdom, 
the  unselfish  patriotism  and  unswerving  fidelity  to  the  Constitu 
tion  and  the  principles  of  American  Liberty,  with  which  Abraham 
Lincoln  has  discharged,  under  circumstances  of  unparalleled 
difficulty,  the  great  duties  and  responsibilities  of  the  Presidential 
office;  that  we  approve  and  indorse,  as  demanded  by  the  emer 
gency  and  essential  to  the  preservation  of  the  Nation,  and  as 
within  the  Constitution,  the  measures  and  acts  which  he  has 
adopted  to  defend  the  Nation  against  its  open  and  secret  foes; 
that  we  approve  especially  the  Proclamation  of  Emancipation, 
and  the  employment  as  Union  soldiers  of  men  heretofore  held  in 
Slavery;  and  that  we  have  full  confidence  in  his  determination 
to  carry  these,  and  all  other  constitutional  measures  essential  to 
the  salvation  of  the  country,  into  full  and  complete  effect. 

"Resolved,  That  we  deem  it  essential  to  the  general  welfare 
that  harmony  should  prevail  in  the  National  Councils;  and  we 
regard  as  worthy  of  public  confidence  and  official  trust,  those 


XVIII.]  REPUBLICAN   PLATFORM   OF    1864.  317 

only  who  cordially  indorse  the  principles  proclaimed  in  these 
resolutions,  and  which  should  characterize  the  administration  of 
the  Government. 

"Resolved,  That  the  Government  owes  to  all  men  employed  in 
its  armies,  without  regard  to  distinction  of  color,  the  full  pro 
tection  of  the  laws  of  war;  and  that  any  violation  of  these  laws 
or  of  the  usages  of  civilized  nations  in  the  time  of  war  by  the 
rebels  now  in  arms,  should  be  made  the  subject  of  full  and 
prompt  redress. 

"Resolved,  That  the  foreign  immigration  which  in  the  past  has 
added  so  much  to  the  wealth  and  development  of  resources  and 
increase  of  power  to  this  Nation,  the  asylum  of  the  oppressed  of 
all  nations,  should  be  fostered  and  encouraged  by  a  liberal  and 
just  policy. 

"Resolved,  That  we  are  in  favor  of  th&  speedy  construction  of 
the  Eailroad  to  the  Pacific  Coast. 

"Resolved,  That  the  National  faith  pledged  for  the  redemption 
of  the  public  debt,  must  be  kept  inviolate;  and  that  for  this  pur 
pose  we  recommend  economy  and  rigid  responsibility  in  the 
public  expenditures,  and  a  vigorous  and  just  system  of  taxation; 
that  it  is  the  duty  of  every  loyal  State  to  sustain  the  credit  and 
promote  the  use  of  the  National  currency. 

"Resolved,  That  we  approve  the  position  taken  by  the  Govern 
ment,  that  the  people  of  the  United  States  can  never  regard  with 
indifference  the  attempt  of  any  European  power  to  overthrow  by 
force,  or  to  supplant  by  fraud,  the  institutions  of  any  Republican 
Government  on  the  Western  Continent,  and  that  they  will  view 
with  extreme  jealousy,  as  menacing  to  the  peace  and  independence 
of  this  our  country,  the  efforts  of  any  such  power  to  obtain  new 
footholds  for  Monarchical  Governments,  sustained  by  a  foreign 
military  force  in  near  proximity  to  the  United  States." 

The  Democratic  party  at  the  North  were  making 
every  effort  to  carry  the  fall  election.  They  must  not 
adopt  any  of  the  old  hard-shell  Democratic  drones, 
whose  principles  were  in  full  and  acknowledged  sym 
pathy  with  the  rebels;  and  but  one* man  was  looked 
to,  to  head  their  ticket  and  save  the  party.  That  man 
was  Gen.  George  B.  McClellan,  who  at  the  outbreak 
of  the  war  was  recommended  by  the  veteran  Lieut. - 
21 


318  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

Gen.  Scott  for  the  head  of  the  army.     His  tour  of  ob 
servation  in  Europe  during  the  Crimean  War,  and  his 
elaborate  report  upon  the  subject  of  that  great  cam 
paign,  with  his  West  Point  education,  placed  him  high 
in  the  estimation  of  military  men.     He  had  improvised 
and  equipped  a  great  army,  and  on  dress  parade  was  the 
pride  of  the  Nation.     But  his  insufferable  inactivity 
while  his  army  lingered  in  idleness  around  the  Poto 
mac,  or  wasted  away  in  the  swamps  of  the  Chickahom- 
iny,  had  robbed  him  of  the  essential  quality  of  a  sol 
dier,  in  the  minds  of  the  people.     Actual  service  did 
not  seem  to  be  his  forte.     And  as  this  bright  military 
meteor,  whose  light  dazzled  the  eyes  of  his  country 
men,  grew  pale  by  degress  and  beautifully  less,  he  be 
came  a  shining  light  and  tower  of  strength  in  the  eyes 
of  the  Democratic  party ;  for  since  his  removal  from  the 
command  of  the  Armies  of  the  Republic,  he  had  talked 
and  acted  "  compromise,"  and  this  suited  the  anti-war 
men  of  the  whole  country.     Unable  longer  to  endure 
the  sublime  composure  and  seeming  unnecessary  inac 
tivity  of  Gen.  McClellan,  Abraham  Lincoln  issued  an 
order  directing  him  to  turn  over' his  command  to  Gen. 
Burnside,  and  to  report  at  once  at  Trenton,  the  Capi 
tal  of  New  Jersey.     This  order  was  handed  to  McClel 
lan  on  the  night  of  the  6th  of  November,  1862,  at  his 
head-quarters  in  the  field,  and  on  the  following  day, 
November  7th,  he  issued  his  farewell  address  to  his 
soldiers,  and  bade  them  adieu,   which  startled  them, 
himself,  and  a  large  class  of  the  people  as  much  as  if 
the  Angel  Gabriel  had  summoned  them  to  judgment. 
The  orders  relieving  McClellan  were  as  follows: 

"  WAE  DEPARTMENT,  ADJUTANT-GENERAL'S  OFFTGE,  ) 
"  "Washington,  November  5th,  1862.          I 
"  General  Orders  No.  182. 

' '  By  direction  of  the  President  of  the  United  States  it  is  or- 


XVIIL]  REMOVAL    OF   GEN.  M^CLELLAN.  319 

dered  that  Major-General  McClellan  be  relieved  from  the  com 
mand  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  and  that   Major-General 
Burnside  take  the  command  of  that  Army. 
"  By  order  of  the  Secretary  of  "War. 

"E.  D.  TOWNSEND, 

"  Assistant-Adjutant  General." 

"  HEAD-QUAETEES  OP  THE  AEMY,          ) 
"  Washington,  D.  C.,  November  5th,  1862.  j 
"  General — On  the  receipt  of  the  order  of  the  President,  sent 
herewith,  you  will  immediately  turn  over  your   command  to 
Major-General  Burnside,  and  report  to  Trenton,  N.  J.,  report 
ing  on  your  arrival  at  that  place,  by  telegraph,  for  further  or 
ders. 

"Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

"  H.  W.  HALLECK,  General-in-Chief. 
"  Major-General  McClellan,  Commanding,  etc*,  etc." 

The  removal  of  Gen.  McClellan  was  looked  upon  by 
many  of  his  personal  admirers  as  an  act  of  great  injus 
tice.  His  failures  were  attributed  to  a  lack  of  support 
promised  him,  and  a  complicity  among  leading  officials 
to  blight  his  military  fame;  and  these  views  formed 
leading  subjects  of  comment  and  sympathy  for  the 
shelved  General.  But  the  majority  of  the  class  indulg 
ing  in  this,  were  tinctured  with  "  conservatism,"  or 
proclivities  of  a  worse  Democratic  type,  while  the  great 
mass  of  the  Republican  party — those  who  were  his 
zealous  supporters  at  the  outset — rejoiced  at  and  ap 
plauded  the  act  of  the  Executive  in  thus  removing  the 
man  whose  inactivity  had  well  nigh  prostrated  the 
Nation. 

The  Democratic  National  Convection  met  at  Chicago, 
Illinois,  August  29th,  1864,  and  was  largely  attended, 
as  well  by  thousands  of  outsiders  as  the  members  of 
the  Convention.  Aged  remnants  of  the  slave  power, 
with  their  political  sins  fresh  blown  upon  them,  were 


320  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

there.  The  Constitution,  Compromise,  and  State  Rights 
were  their  favorite  themes.  They  clung  to  the  sinking 
wreck  of  their  party  with  a  death  grip.  Democratic  Di 
vines  were  there  to  ask  the  favor  of  Heaven  upon  the 
proceedings. 

The  following  extracts  will  illustrate  the  piety  of  the 
Convention.  The  Rev.  Henry  Clay  Dean,  of  Iowa,  an 
apostle  of  unadulterated  Democracy,  said : 

"  For  over  three  years  Lincoln  had  been  calling -for  men,  and 
they  had  been. given.  But  with  all  the  vast  armies  placed  at  his 
command,  he  had  failed!  failed!  FAILED!  Such  a  failure  had 
never  been  known.  Such  destruction  of  human  life  had  never 
been  seen  since  the  destruction  of  Sennacherib  by  the  breath  of 
the  Almighty.  And  still  the  monster  usurper  wanted  more  men 
for  his  slaughfer-pens.  *  Ever  since  the  usurper, 

traitor,  and  tyrant  had  occupied  the  Presidential  chair,  the  Re 
publican  party  had  shouted  '  War  to  the  knife,  and  the  knife  to 
the  hilt ! '  Blood  had  flowed  in  torrents,  and  yet  the  thirst  of 
the  old  monster  was  not  quenched.  The  cry  was  for  more 
blood!" 

The  City  of  Chicago  was  a  scene  of  revelry  and  ex 
citement  never  before  experienced.  Aged  Democrats, 
who  had  not  given  vent  to  their  " feelings"  of  sympa 
thy  for  their  "  brethren  of  the  South,"  howled  the  veri 
est  treason  from  every  hall  and  street  corner  in  the 
city  where  they  could  find  an  audience.  C.  L.  Val- 
landigham,  who  had  been  banished  from  the  country 
for  treason,  but  had  returned  by  way  of  Canada,  was 
on  the  Committee  to  draft  a  platform. 

Gen.  McClellan  was  nominated  for  the  Presidency 
on  the  first  ballot,  and  George  H.  Pendleton,  of  Ohio, 
was  nominated  for  the  Vice-Presidency.  The  platform 
adopted  was  as  follows: 

"  Resolved,  That  in  the  future,  as  in  the  past,  we  will  adhere 
with  unswerving  fidelity  to  the  Union  under  the  Constitution,  as 


XVIIL]  DEMOCRATIC   PLATFORM   OF    1864.  321 

the  only  solid  foundation  of  our  strength,  security,  and  happi 
ness  as  a  people,  and  as  a  frame-work  of  Government  equally 
conducive  to  the  welfare  and  prosperity  of  all  the  States,  both 
Northern  and  Southern. 

Resolved,  That  this  Convention  does  explicitly  declare,  as  the 
sense  of  the  American  people,  that  after  four  years  of  failure  to 
restore  the  Union  by  the  experiment  of  war,  during  which, 
under  the  pretense,  of  a  military  necessity  of  a  war  power  higher 
than  the  Constitution,  the  Constitution  itself  has  been  disre 
garded  in  every  part,  and  public  liberty  and  private  right  alike 
trodden  down,  and  the  material  prosperity  of  the  country  essen 
tially  impaired.  Justice,  humanity,  liberty,  and  the  public  welfare 
demand  that  immediate  efforts  be  made  for  a  cessation  of  hostil 
ities,  with  a  view  to  an  ultimate  Convention  of  all  the  States,  or 
other  peaceable  means,  to  the  end  that,  at  the  earliest  practicable 
moment,  peace  may  be  restored  on  the  basis  of  the  Federal 
Union  of  the  States. 

"Resolved,  That  the  direct  interference  of  the  military  author 
ity  of  the  United  States,  in  the  recent  elections  held  in  Kentucky, 
Maryland,  Missouri,  and  Delaware,  was  a  shameful  violation  of 
the  Constitution;  and  the  repetition  of  such  acts  in  the  approach 
ing  election  will  be  held  as  revolutionary,  and  resisted  with  all 
the  means  and  power  under  our  control. 

"Resolved,  That  the  aim  and  object  of  the  Democratic  party 
is  to  preserve  the  Federal  Union  and  the  rights  of  the  States 
unimpaired;  and  they  hereby  declare  that  they  consider  the 
administrative  usurpation  of  extraordinary  and  dangerous  pow 
ers  not  granted  by  the  Constitution,  the  subversion  of  the  civil 
by  military  law  in  States  not  in  insurrection,  the  arbitrary  mili 
tary  arrest,  imprisonment,  trial,  and  sentence,  of  American  citi 
zens  in  States  where  civil  law  exists  in  full  force,  the  suppression 
of  freedom  of  speech  and  of  the  press,  the  denial  of  the  right 
of  asylum,  the  open  and  avowed  disregard  of  State  rights,  the 
employment  of  test-oaths,  and  the  interference  with  and  denial 
of  the  right  of  the  .people  to  bear  arms,  as  calculated  to  prevent 
a  restoration  of  the  Union  and  the  perpetuation  of  a  government 
deriving  its  just  powers  from  the  consent  of  the  governed. 

"Resolved,  That  the  shameful  disregard  of  the  Administration 
to  its  duty,  in  respect  to  our  fellow  citizens  who  now  and  long 
have  been  prisoners  of  war  in  a  suffering  condition,  deserves  the 
severest  reprobation,  on  the  score  alike  of  public  interest  and 
common  humanity. 


322  REPUBLICANISM   IN  AMERICA.  [Chap. 

"Resolved,  That  the  sympathy  of  the  Democratic  party  is 
heartily  and  earnestly  extended  to  the  soldiery  of  our  army,  who 
are  and  have  been  in  the  field  under  the  flag  of  our  country;  and 
in  the  event  of  our  attaining  power,  they  will  receive  all  the  care 
and  protection,  regard  and  kindness,  that  the  brave  soldiers  of 
the  Republic  have  so  nobly  earned." 

McClellan  being  informed  of  his  nomination,  ac 
cepted  the  same  in  a  letter  written  at  Orange,  New 
Jersey,  September  8th,  in  which  among  other  things, 
he  said  that  love  for  the  Constitution  and  laws  of  his 
country  have  been  and  must  continue  to  be  the  guide 
of  his  life.  "  The  preservation  of  our  Union  was  the 
sole  object  for  which  the  war  was  commenced;  it 
should  have  been  conducted  for  that  object  only,  and 
in  accordance  with  those  principles,  which  I  took 
occasion  to  declare  when  in  active  service.  (?)  The 
Union  was  originally  formed  by  the  exercise  of  the 
spirit  of  conciliation  and  compromise." 

The  two  great  political  parties  were  now  again  be 
fore  the  people,  with  principles  as  opposite  as  they  were 
in  1860.  The  Democrats  in  the  National  Congress 
almost  to  a  man,  had,  during  the  period  of  the  war, 
opposed  every  measure  of  that  body  in  support  of  a 
prosecution  of  the  war;  and  the  whole  Democratic 
party  now  rallied  round  the  standard  of  the  u  Young  Na 
poleon,"  upon  whose  banners  was  inscribed:  " Peace," 
"  Conciliation,"  "  Compromise."  Meantime  the  Union 
armies  in  the  field  were  reaping  victories.  Election 
day  came  on  November  8th.  Gen.  McClellan  had  sent 
in  his  resignation  as  Major- General  in  the  Army  of  the 
United  States,  (he  had  still  held  his  .commission  in  the 
army,)  which  was  accepted  by  the  following  Order: 

"WAR  DEPARTMENT,  Washington,  Nov.  14th,  1864. 
"  Ordered  by  the  President: 

"  1st.  That  the  resignation  of  George  B.  McClellan,  as  Major- 


XVIIL]         PRESIDENTIAL   ELECTION   OF    1864.  323 

General  in  the  United  States  Army,  dated  November  8th,  and 
received  by  the  Adjutant-General  on  the  10th  inst.,  be  accepted 
as  of  the  8th  of  November. 

2d.  That  for  personal  gallantry,  military  skill,  and  just  confi 
dence  in  the  courage  and  patriotism  of  his  troops  displayed  by 
Philip  H.  Sheridan,  on  the  19th  of  October,  at  Cedar  Eun, 
whereby,  under  the  blessing  of  Providence,  his  routed  army  was 
reorganized,  a  great  national  disaster  averted,  and  a  brilliant 
victory  achieved  over  the  rebels  for  the  third  time  in  pitched 
battle  within  thirty  days,  Philip  H.  Sheridan  is  appointed  Major- 
General  in  the  United  States  Army,  to  rank  as  such  from  the  8th 
day  of  November,  1864. 

•"  By  order  of  the  President  of  the  United  States. 

"E.  D.  TOWNSEND,  Assistant  Adjutant-General." 

In  the  election  of  1864,  25  States  voted,  and  11  were 
not  represented.  The  total  vote  cast  was  4,000,850, 
of  which  Lincoln  received  2,203,831;  and  McClellan, 
1,797,019.  Lincoln's  majority,  406,812.  The  25 
States  represented,  gave  234  votes  in  the  Electoral 
College,  of  which  Lincoln  received  213,  McClellan  21. 
Lincoln's  majority,  192.  McClellan  carried  only  three 
States  out  of  the  25;  two  of  these  were  Slave  States. 
He  carried  Kentucky,  by  36,000 ;  New  Jersey,  by  7,300 ; 
and  Delaware  by  610  votes.  (For  full  list  of  votes, 
gee  Appendix.) 

This  was  the  greatest  achievement  of  the  Union  party 
since  the  war  began.  All  the  victories  of  the  three  past 
years  together  could  not  equal  this  unanimous  verdict 
of  twenty-two  States  out  of  the  twenty-five  that  the 
war  must  go  on  until  those  in  arms  against  Federal 
authority  submitted  to  the  laws. 

A  prominent  feature  of  Democratic  policy  was  hos 
tility  to  the  coercive  measures  of  the  Administration 
party,  and  a  firm  belief  that  by  conciliatory  measures 
and  compromises  the  war  would  cease  and  the  Union 
be  restored  as  it  woe. 


324  REPUBLICANISM   IN    AMERICA.  [Chap. 

The  policy  of  the  Executive  and  the  whole  Repub 
lican  party  was  that  the  American  Government  was  at 
war  with  a  party  in  arms  against  the  law  of  the  land, 
who  had  of  their  own  acts,  without  provocation  or  at 
tack,  levied  war;  that  the  laws  of  the  United  States 
were  the  paramount  laws  of  the  land,  and  that  one 
condition  must  be  complied  with  by  those  in  rebellion, 
and  that  .until  it  was  complied  with,  no  Convention, 
compromise,  or  any  thing*4  looking  towards  it,  could  be 
thought  of.  That  condition  was,  that  the  people  of 
the  South  lay  down  their  arms;  and  this  policy  was  now, 
by  the  re-election  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  fully  endorsed  as  the 
policy  of  the  Administration.  At  this  period  the 
whole  country  was  in  a  blaze  of  patriotic  excitement. 
The  Administration  was  strengthened  by  this  unani 
mous  support  by  the  people. 

The  news  of  the  victory  of  the  Republican  party 
reached  the  Army  and  Navy,  and  was  caught  up  with 
shouts  of  applause  and  general  rejoicing.  The  whole 
country  now  looked  the  subject  squarely  in  the  face, 
and  prepared  themselves  for  a  final  struggle.'  What 
ever  the  consequences  might  be  the  war  must  go  on,  was  the 
universal  exclamation  of  the  Republican  party.  Twic^ 
the  American  people  fought  for  liberty  upon  their  own 
soil,  and  each  time  came  out  victorious.  Would  it 
now  be  said  that  a  flag  foreign  to  the  American  Nation 
floated  over  forts  and  public  buildings,  in  defiance  of 
law,  and  which  could  not  be  repossessed  by  the  Gov 
ernment?  Must  the  stars  and  stripes  be  hauled  down, 
never  to  be  raised  again  upon  the  soil  over  which  they 
led  the  hosts  of  liberty  to  victory?  Must  a  foreign 
and  hostile  Government  be  built  upon  the  ruins  of  the 
American  Republic?  Must  the  horizon  of  National 
glory  be. dimmed  by  eleven  of  the  stars  forming  the 


XYIIL]  THE   WAR   SPIRIT   OF    1864.  325 

galaxy  of  States  being  stricken  by  a  rebel  hand,  from 
the  blue  field  of  the  symbol  of  American  Liberty? 
And  must  the  "old  flag,"  rent  by  the  cruel  hand  of 
civil  war,  droop  mournfully  as  an  emblem  of  American 
degeneracy — the  scoff  and  ridicule  of  European  Na 
tions?  Such  were  the  questions  American  patriots 
asked  themselves,  and  the  response  came  up  from  the 
heart  as  it  swelled  with  pride  and  indignation — the  old 
flag  shall  float  over  every  foot  of  American  soil,  and  not  a 
star  shall  be  blotted  or  dimmed  by  any  power  opposed  to 
America,  from  without  or  within  the  Union! 

The  second  session  of  the  38th  Congress  met  on  the 
6th  of  December,  1864.  At  this  time  National  affairs 
presented  signs  of  increasing  power.  The  great  accu 
mulation  of  war  material,  the  increased  strength  of  the 
Army  and  Navy,  together  with  the  march  of  the  Union 
Armies  towards  the  heart  of  the  Rebellion,  indicated 
a  hopeful  prospect  of  a  speedy  and  certain  end  of  the 
war. 

Gen.  Sherman  was  on  his  "  march  through  Georgia." 
His  immense  army,  passing  over  a  stretch  of  country 
300  miles  to  the  sea,  was  reaping  golden-  harvests  of 
victory,  which  have  placed  the  name  and  memory  of 
Win.  T.  Sherman  foremost  in  the  ranks  of  the  most 
dashing  and  successful  military  heroes  of  any  age. 

Gen.  Thomas  was  dealing  severe  punishment  to  the 
rebels  in  Tennessee.  Sheridan,  Kilpatrick,  and  a  le 
gion  of  others,  were  sweeping  over  Southern  fields, 
sending  in  wild  disorder  before  their  fleet  cavalry  the 
affrighted  and  awe-stricken  hosts  of  the  South.  Par 
ticularly  brilliant  were  the  achievements  of  the  king 
of  cavalrymen,  Philip  H.  Sheridan,  who  swept,  like 
stubble  from  the  field,  all  that  opposed  him,  as  like  a 
whirlwind  he  dashed  down  the  Shenandoah  Valley, 


326  REPUBLICANISM  IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

Gen.  Grant,  firm  as  a  rock,  was  working  his  way 
inch  by  inch  to  the  fountain  of  the  Rebellion.  He  was 
encircling  Lee's  Army,  had  cut  off  the  Weldon  rail 
road,  and  was  in  possession  of  the  key  to  Richmond, 
to  which  he  held  with  a  death  grip.  Meantime,  the 
Navy  showed  a  most  efficient  condition,  not  only  in 
the  number  of  ships  and  men,  but  in  the  great  improve 
ments  in  naval  architecture.  The  powerful  ironclads 
which  now  guarded  the  thousands  of  miles  of  sea-coast, 
and  that  were  battering  down  Southern  forts,  were  the 
most  formidable  floating  batteries  in  the  world.  671 
vessels,  carrying  4,610  guns  and  about  51,000  men, 
were  in  the  naval  service,  and  324  vessels  of  the  enemy, 
and  carrying  contraband  cargoes,  had  been  captured 
during  the  year;  and  a  total  of  1,379  vessels  had  been 
captured  from  the  beginning  of  the  war  to  December, 
1864 — 267  of  these  being  steamers.  The  proceeds 
from  condemned  prizes  were  $14,396,250.  There  had 
been  expended  on  account  of  the  Navy,  for  the  build 
ing  of  the  fleet,  of  ships,  as  well  as  all  other  expenses, 
from  the  4th  of  March,  1861,  to  November  1st,  1864, 
the  sum  of  $238,647,262. 

The  Post  Office  showed  a  healthy  condition,  and  now 
that  the  North  was  relieved  from  paying  the  expenses 
of  carrying  the  Southern  mails,  this  branch  of  the  pub 
lic  service  was  upon  a  paying  basis. 

Hopeful  prospects  of  the  passage  of  the  bill  to 
amend  the  Constitution  to  abolish  Slavery  within  the 
whole  jurisdiction  of  the  United  States  was  entertained. 
(This  has  since  passed,  and  is  now  the  thirteenth 
amendment  to  the  Constitution.) 

The  State  of  Nevada  had  been  admitted  into  the 
Union.  The  project  of  the  rebels  to  capture  the 
steamers  between  New  York  and  Aspinwall,  and 


XVIIL]      LINCOLN'S  ANNUAL  MESSAGE,  1864.  827 

those  between  Panama  and  San  Francisco,  had  been 
discovered  and  successfully  frustrated;  and  the  " Mon 
roe  Doctrine,"  asserted  in  reference  to  affairs  in  Mex 
ico,  was  strictly  maintained.  The  condition  of  the 
country  generally  was  prosperous;  large  harvests,  and 
active  employment  for  all  classes  of  industry,  with  a 
spirit  of  enterprise  and  speculation,  gave  greater  activ 
ity  to  every  branch  of  trade  than  had  been  known  for 
many  years. 

To  illustrate  the  hopeful  views  of  the  Executive,  a 
few  extracts  from  his  annual  message  of  the  6th  of 
December,  1864,  are  here  given: 

"Again,  the  blessings  of  health  and  abundant  harvests  claim 
our  profoundest  gratitude  to  Almighty  God.  The  condition  of 
our  foreign  affairs  is  reasonably  satisfactory.  Mexico  continues 
to  be  a  theatre  of  civil  war.  While  our  political  relations  with 
that  country  have  undergone  no  change,  we  have,  at  the  same 
time,  strictly  maintained  neutrality  between  the  two  belligerents. 
*  *  *  *  The  war  continues.  Since  the  last  annual 
message,  all  the  important  lines  and  positions  then  occupied  by 
our  forces  have  been  maintained,  and  our  arms  have  steadily 
advanced;  thus  liberating  the  regions  left  in  the  rear,  so  that 
Missouri,  Kentucky,  Tennessee,  and  parts  of  other  States,  have 
again  produced  reasonable  crops. 

"The  most  remarkable  feature  in  the  military  operations  of 
the  year  is  Gen.  Sherman's  attempted  march  of  three  hundred 
miles  directly  through  the  insurgent  region.  It  tends  to  show  a 
great  increase  of  our  relative  strength  that  our  G-eneral-in-Chief 
should  feel  able  to  confront  and  hold  in  check  every  active  force 
of  the  enemy,  and  yet  to  detach  a  well  appointed  large  army  to 
move  on  such  an  expedition.  The  result  is  not  yet  being  known; 
conjecture  in  regard  to  it,  is  not  indulged. 

"  Important  movements  have  also  occurred  during  the  year 
to  the  effect  of  moulding  society  for  durability  in  the  Union. 
Although  short  of  complete  success,  it  is  much  in  the  right  direc 
tion,  that  twelve  thousand  citizens  in  each  of  the  States  of  Ar 
kansas  and  Louisiana  have  organized  State  Governments,  with 
free  Constitutions,  and  are  earnestly  struggling  to  maintain  and 


328  REPUBLICANISM  IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

administer  them.  The  movements  in  the  same  direction,  more 
extensive,  though  less  definite,  in  Missouri,  Kentucky,  and  Ten 
nessee,  should  not  be  overlooked.  But  Maryland  presents  the 
example  of  complete  success.  Maryland  is  secure  to  Liberty  and 
Union  for  all  the  future.  The  genius  of  Rebellion  will  no  more 
claim  Maryland.  Like  another  foul  spirit,  being  driven  out,  it 
may  seek  to  tear  her,  but  it  will  woo  her  no  more.  *  * 

Of  course,  the  abstract  question  is  not  changed;  but  an  inter 
vening  election  shows,  almost  certainly,  that  the  next  Congress 
will  pass  the  measure  if  this  does  not.  Hence  there  is  only  a 
question  of  time,  as  to  when  the  proposed  amendment  will  go 
to  the  States  for  their  action.  And  as  it  is  to  go,  at  all  events, 
may  we  not  agree  that  the  sooner  the  better  ? 

"It  is  now  claimed  that  the  election  has  imposed  a  duty  on 
members  to  change  their  views  or  their  votes,  any  further  than, 
as  an  additional  element  to  be  considered,  their  judgment  may 
be  effected  by  it.  It  is  the  voice  of  the  people  now,  for  the  first 
time,  heard  upon  the  question.  In  a  great  national  crisis  like 
ours,  unanimity  of  action  among  those  seeking  a  common  end 
is  very  desirable,  almost  indispensable.  And  yet  no  approach 
to  such  unanimity  is  attainable  unless  some  deference  shall  be 
paid  to  the  will  of  the  majority.  In  this  case,  the  common  end 
is  the  maintenance  of  the  Union;  and,  among  the  means  to 
secure  that  end,  such  will,  through  the  election,  is  most  clearly 
declared  in  favor  of  such  constitutional  amendment. 

"  The  most  reliable  indication  of  public  purpose  in  this  country 
is  derived  through  our  popular  elections.  Judging  by  the  recent 
canvass  and  its  result,  the  purpose  of  the  people,  within  the 
legal  States,  to  maintain  the  integrity  of  the  Union,  was  never 
more  firm  nor  more  nearly  unanimous  than  now.  The  extraordi 
nary  calmness  and  good  order  with  which  the  millions  of  voters 
met  and  mingled  at  the  polls,  give  strong  'assurance  of  this.  Not 
only  all  those  who  supported  the  Union  ticket,  so  called,  but  a 
great  majority  of  the  opposing  party  also  may  be  fairly  claimed 
to  entertain  and  to  be  actuated  by  the  same  purpose. 

"  It  is  an  unanswerable  argument  to  this  effect,  that  no  candi 
date  for  any  office  whatever,  high  or  low,  has  ventured  to  seek 
votes  on  the  avowal  that  he  was  for  giving  up  the  Union.  There 
has  been  much  impugning  of  motives,  and  much  heated  contro 
versy  as  to  the  proper  means  and  best  mode  of  advancing  the 
Union  cause;  but  on  the  distinct  issue  of  Union  or  no  Union, 


XVIII.]      LINCOLN'S  ANNUAL  MESSAGE,  1864. 


829 


the  politicians  have  shown  their  instinctive  knowledge  that  tbere 
is  no  diversity  among  the  people.  In  affording  the  people  the 
fair  opportunity  of  showing,  one  to  another  and  to  the  world, 
this  firmness  and  unanimity  of  purpose,  the  election  has  been  of 
vast  value  to  the  national  cause.  *  *  So 

much  is  shown,  affirmatively  and  negatively,  by  the  election.  It 
is  not  material  to  inquire  how  the  increase  has  been  produced, 
or  to  show  that  it  would  have  been  greater  but  for  the  war,  which 
is  probably  true.  The  important  fact  remains  demonstrated, 
that  we  have  more  men  now  than  we  had  when  the  war  began; 
that  we  are  not  exhausted  nor  in  process  of  exhaustion;  that  we 
are  gaining  strength,  and  may,  if  need  be,  maintain  the  contest 
indefinitely.  This  as  to  men.  Material  resources  are  now  more 
complete  and  abundant  than  ever. 

"  The  National  resources,  then,  are  unexhausted,  and,  as  we 
believe,  inexhaustible.  The  public  purpose  to  re-establish  and 
maintain  the  National  authority  is  unchanged,  and,  as  we  be 
lieve,  unchangeable.  The  manner  of  continuing  the  effort  re 
mains  to  choose.  On  careful  consideration  of  all  the  evidence 
accessible,  it  seems  to  me  that  no  attempt  at  negotiation  with 
the  insurgent  leader  could  result  in  any  good.  He  would  ac 
cept  of  nothing  short  of  severance  of  the  Union — precisely  what 
we  will  not  and  cannot  give.  His  declarations  to  this  effect  are 
explicit  and  oft  repeated.  He  does  not  attempt  to  deceive  ugj, 
He  affords  us  no  excuse  to  deceive  ourselves. 

"  He  cannot  voluntarily  re-accept  the  Union;  we  cannot  volun 
tarily  yield  it.  Between  him  and  us  the  issue  is  distinct,  sim 
ple,  and  inflexible.  It  is  an  issue  which  can  only  be  tried  by 
war  and  decided  by  victory.  If  we  yield,  we  are  beaten;  if  the 
Southern  people  fail  him,  he  is  beaten.  Either  way  it  would  be 
victory  and  defeat  following  war.  What  is  true,  however,  of 
him  who  heads  the  insurgent  cause,  is  not  necessarily  true  of 
those  who  follow. 

"  Although  he  cannot  re-accept  the  Union,  they  can.  Some 
of  them,  we  know,  already  desiro  peace  and  reunion.  The  num 
ber  of  such  may  increase.  They  can,  at  any  moment,  have 
peace  simply  by  laying  down  their  arms  and  submitting  to  the 
National  authority  under  the  Constitution.  After  so  much,  the 
Government  could  not,  if  it  would,  maintain  war  against  them. 
The  loyal  people  would  not  sustain  or  allow  it.  *  *  * 
A  year  ago  general  pardon  and  amnesty,  upon  specified  terms, 


330  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

were  offered  to  all,  except  certain  designated  classes,  and  it  was, 
at  the  same  time,  made  known  that  the  excepted  classes  were 
still  within  contemplation  of  special  clemency.  During  the  year 
many  availed  themselves  of  the  general  provision,  and  many 
more  would,  only  that  the  signs  of  bad  faith  in  some  led  to  such 
precautionary  measures  as  rendered  the  practical  process  less 
easy  and  certain.  During  the  same  time,  also,  special  pardons 
have  been  granted  to  individuals  of  the  excepted  classes,  and  no 
voluntary  application  has  been  denied. 

4  *  Thus,  practically,  the  door  has  been,  for  a  full  year,  open 
to  all,  except  such  as  were  not  in  condition  to  make  free  choice 
— that  is,  such  as  were  in  custody,  or  under  constraint.  It  is 
still  so  open  to  all.  But  the  time  may  come — probably  will 
come — when  public  duty  demands  that  it  be  closed,  and  that  in 
lieu,  more  vigorous  measures  than  heretofore  shall  be  adopted. 

"  In  presenting  the  abandonment  of  armed  resistance  to  the 
National  authority  on  the  part  of  the  insurgents,  as  the  only  in 
dispensable  condition  to  ending  the  war  on  the  part  of  the  Gov 
ernment,  I  retract  nothing  heretofore  said  as  to  Slavery.  I 
repeat  the  declaration  made  a  year  ago,  that  '  while  I  remain  in 
my  present  position,  I  shall  not  attempt  to  retract  or  modify  the 
Emancipation  Proclamation,  nor  shall  I  return  to  Slavery  any 
person  who  is  free  by  the  terms  of  that  proclamation,  or  by  any 
act  of  Congress.' 

"  If  the  people  should,  by  whatever  mode  or  means,  make  it 
an  Executive  duty  to  re-enslave  such  persons,  another,  and  not  I, 
must  be  their  instrument  to  perform  it. 

"In  stating  a  single  condition  of  peace,  I  mean  to  say  that 
the  war  will  cease  on  the  part  of  the  Government  whenever  it 
shall  have  ceased  on  the  part  of  those  who  began  it." 

The  able  statesman  and  patriot,  W.  H.  Seward,  Sec 
retary  of  State  of  the  United  States,  steadfast  and 
hopeful  as  to  the  result  of  the  Union  cause,  being 
called  out  to  speak  before  a  gathering  of  Republicans 
at  Washington  City,  September  14th,  1864,  said: 

"Fellow  citizens:  The  Democracy  at  Chicago,  after  waiting 
six  weeks  to  see  whether  this  war  for  the  Union  is  to  succeed  or 
fail,  finally  concluded  that  it  would  fail;  and  therefore  went  in 
for  a  nomination  and  platform  to  make  it  the  sure  thing  by  a 
cessation  of  hostilities  and  an  abandonment  of  the  contest.  At 


XVIII.]  DAVIS'    MESSAGE   IN   MAY,  1864.  331 

Baltimore,  on  the  contrary,  we  determined  that  there  should  be 
no  such  thing  as  failure;  and  therefore  we  went  into  save  the 
Union  by  battle  to  the  last.  Sherman  and  Farragut  have  knocked 
the  bottom  out  of  the  Chicago  nominations;  and  the  elections  in 
Vermont  and  Maine  prove  the  Baltimore  nominations  staunch 
and  sound.  The  issue  is  thus  squarely  made  up — McClellan  and 
Disunion,  or  Lincoln  and  Union.  Have  you  any  doubt  of  the 
result  on  that  issue?  [Cries  of  No!  No!]  Nor  do  I  have  any 
doubt.  Many  thanks,  my  friends,  for  this  visit/' 

In  strong  contrast  with  the  views  of  Mr.  Lincoln 
and  Mr.  Seward,  were  the  views  3f  Jefferson  Davis, 
President  of  the  Confederacy.  The  following  extracts 
are  from  his  message  to  the  Rebel  Senate  •  and  House 
of  Representatives,  dated  May  2d,  1864.  He  said: 

"  You  are  assembled  under  circumstances  of  deep  interest  to 
your  country;  and  it  is  fortunate  that,  coming  as  you  do,  newly 
elected  by  the  people  and  familiar  with  the  condition  of  the 
various  localities,  you  will  be  the  better  able  to  devise  measures 
adapted  to  meet  the  wants  of  the  public  service  without  imposing 
unnecessary  burdens  on  the  citizens.  The  brief  period  which 
has  elapsed  since  the  last  adjournment  of  Congress  has  not 
afforded  sufficient  opportunity  to  test  the  efficacy  of  the  most 
important  laws  then  enacted,  nor  have  the  events  occurring  in 
the  interval  been  such  as  materially  to  change  the  state  of  the 
country. 

"  The  unjust  war  commenced  against  us,  in  violation  of  the 
rights  of  the  States,  and  in  usurpation  of  power  not  delegated 
to  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  is  still  characterized  by 
the  barbarism  with  which  it  has  heretofore  been  conducted  by 
the  enemy.  Aged  men,  ^elpless  women  and  children,  appeal  in 
vain  to  the  humanity  which  should  be  inspired  by  their  condi 
tion,  for  immunity  from  arrest,  incarceration,  or  banishment 
from  their  homes.  Plunder  and  devastation  of  the  property  of 
non-combatants,  destruction  of  private  dwellings,  and  even  of 
edifices  devoted  to  the  worship  of  God,  expeditions  organized 
for  the  sole  purpose  of  sacking  cities,  consigning  them  to  the 
flames,  killing  the  unarmed  inhabitants,  and  inflicting  horrible 
outrages  on  women  and  children,  are  some  of  the  constantly 
recurring  atrocities  of  the  invader.  It  cannot  be  reasonably 
pretended  that  such  acts  conduce  to  any  end  which  their  authors 


332  REPUBLICANISM  IN  AMERICA.  [Chap. 

dare  avow  before  the  civilized  world,  and  sooner  or  later  Chris 
tendom  must  mete  out  to  them  the  condemnation  which  such 
brutality  deserves.  The  sufferings  thus  ruthlessly  inflicted  upon 
the  people  of  the  invaded  districts  has  served  but  to  illustrate 
their  patriotism.  Entire  unanimity  and  zeal  for  their  country's 
cause  have  been  pre-eminently  conspicuous  among  those  whose 
sacrifices  have  been  greatest.  So  the  army  which  has  borne  the 
trials  and  dangers  of  the  war — which  has  been  subjected  to  pri 
vations  and  disappointments  (tests  of  manly  fortitude  far  more 
severe  than  the  brief  fatigues  and  perils  of  actual  combat)  has 
been  the  centre  of  cheerfulness  and  hope.  From  the  camp  comes 
the  voice  of  the  soldier  patriot  invoking  each  who  is  at  home,  in 
the  sphere  he  best  may  fill,  to  devote  his  whole  energies  to  the 
support  of  a  cause,  in  the  success  of  which  their  confidence  has 
never  faltered.  They,  the  veterans  of  many  a  hard-fought 
field,  tender  to  their  country,  without  limit  of  time,  a  service  of 
priceless  value  to  us,  one  which  posterity  will  hold  in  grateful 
remembrance. 

' '  In  considering  the  state  of  the  country,  the  reflection  is  nat 
urally  suggested  that  this  is  the  third  Congress  of  the  Confeder 
ate  States  of  America.  The  Provisional  Government  was  formed, 
its  Congress  held  four  sessions,  lived  its  appointed  term,  and 
passed  away.  The  permanent  Government  was  then  organized, 
its  different  departments  established,  a  Congress  elected,  which 
also  held  four  sessions,  served  its  full  constitutional  term,  and 
expired.  You,  the  second  Congress  under  the  permanent  Gov 
ernment,  are  now  assembled  at  the  time  and  place  appointed  by 
law  for  commencing  your  session.  All  these  events  have  passed 
into  history,  notwithstanding  the  threat  of  our  prompt  subjuga 
tion,  made  three  years  ago,  by  a  people  that  presume  to  assert  a 
title  to  govern  States  whose  separate  and  independent  sover 
eignty  was  recognized  by  treaty  with  Ifirance  and  Great  Britain 
in  the  last  century,  and  remained  unquestioned  for  nearly  three 
generations.  Yet  these  very  Governments,  in  disregard  of  duty 
and  treaty  obligations,  which  bind  them  to  recognize  as  inde 
pendent  Virginia  and  other  Confederate  States,  persist  in  coun 
tenancing,  by  moral  influence,  if  not  in  aiding  by  unfair  and 
partial  action,  the  claim  set  up  by  the  Executive  of  a  foreign 
Government  to  exercise  despotic  sway  over  the  States  thus  recog 
nized,  and  treat  the  invasion  of  them  by  their  former  limited 
and -special  agent  as  though  it  were  the  attempt  of  a  sovereign 
to  suppress  a  rebellion  against  lawful  authority." 


MAJ.  GEN.  PHILIP  H.  SHERIDAN,!!  S.A. 


CHAPTER    XIX. 

PERPLEXITIES  OF  THE  PRESIDENT  OF  THE  "  CONFEDERACY."— HIS  MESSAGE 
TO  CONGEESS.— HE  BELIES  UPON,  THE  "UNQUENCHABLE"  SPIRIT  OF  THB 
PEOPLE.— HE  IS  GRIEVED  AT  THE  NON-RECOGNITION  OF  HIS  GOVERN. 
MENT  BY  OTHER  NATIONS.— HIS  VIEWS  UPON  PLACING  THE  NEGRO  IN 
THE  ARMY.— PEACE  COMMISSIONERS  FROM  THE  SOUTH.— SECOND  INAU 
GURATION  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN  AS  PRESIDENT. -HIS  INAUGURAL  AD 
DRESS.— HOPEFUL  PROSPECTS  OF  THE  UNION  CAUSE.— STRENGTH  OF  AND 
OPERATIONS  OF  THE  NAVY.— ATTACK  ON  AND  FALL  OF  FORT  FISHER.— 
REBEL  PRIVATEERS.  —  WHERE  BUILT.— CAPTURE  OF— SINKING  OF  THE 
"ALABAMA"  BY  THE  " KEARSARGE."— UNITED  STATES  NAVY  IN  THE  WAR 
OF  1812.— COLORED  SOLDIERS  IN  THE  ARMY. 

THE  next  message  of  the  President  of  the  Southern 
Confederacy  was  delivered  at  Richmond,  on  the  7th 
day  of  November,  1864.  The  "President"  was  still 
hopeful  of  ultimate  success.  Still  the  reader  cannot 
but  perceive  a  wavering  in  the  mind  of  Mr.  Davis. 
His  calls  upon  Divine  power  are  louder  and  oftener 
repeated  than  at  any  previous  time.  His  tone,  both 
in  the  praises  of  the  Confederate  Armies  and  his  de 
nunciation  of  the  "  barbarities "  of  the  invader,  is  much 
subdued.  His  disgust  at  the  non-recognition  of  the 
independence  of  the  Confederacy  by  foreign  nations  is 
very  great.  His  views  of  placing  negroes  in  the  army 
in  the  service  of  the  Government,  and  their  "chattel" 
status,  are  happily  conformable  to  the  true  spirit  of 
Democracy  as  practiced  by  the  party  to  which  he  be 
longs.  Still  he  thinks  that  if  the  negro  would  do 
good  service  in  fighting  the  "invader,"  that  it  would 
be  well  to  offer  him  his  liberty,  and  he  is  in  favor  of 
making  them  prisoners  and  "augmenting  their  num 
bers'  in  the  service. 

How  little  did  the  "President"  dream  that  m  five 
22 


* 

334  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

months  from  that  very  day  the  Capitol  of  the  Confed 
erate  Government,  wherein  he  delivered  that  message, 
should  serve  as  a  banquet  hall  for  the  victorious 
legions  of  the  North,  and  that  he  himself  should  be 
escaping  for  his  life  in  the  guise  of  another  sex.  And 
yet  this  was  so.  A  little  more  than  five  months  and 
he  was  in  a  felon's  cell;  the  armies  of  his  "Govern 
ment"  dispersed;  their  arms  parked;  the  American  flag 
floating  triumphantly  over  the  dome  of  his  late  Capitol, 
and  the  war  ended. 

Following  are  extracts  from  Jefferson  Davis'  mes 
sage,  dated  November  7th,  1864,  alluded  to: 

"It  is  with  satisfaction  that  I  welcome  your  presence  at  an 
earlier  day  than  that  usual  for  your  session,  and  with  confidence 
that  I  invoke  the  aid  of  your  counsel  at  a  time  of  such  public 
exigency.  The  campaign  which  was  commenced  almost  simul 
taneously  with  your  session  in  May  last,  and  which  was  still  in 
progress  at  your  adjournment  in  the  middle  of  June,  has  not  yet 
reached  its  close.  It  has  been  prosecuted  on  a  scale  and  with 
an  energy  heretofore  unequaled.  When  we  revert  to  the  con 
dition  of  our  country  at  the  inception  of  the  operations  of  the 
present  year,  to  the  magnitude  of  the  preparations  made  by  the 
enemy,  the  number  of  his  forces,  the  accumulation  of  his  war 
like  supplies,  and  the  prodigality  with  which  his  vajst  resources 
have  been  lavished  in  the  attempt  to  render  success  assured; 
when  we  contrast  the  numbers  and  means  at  our  disposal  for 
resistance^  and  when  we  contemplate  the  results  of  a  struggle 
apparently  so  unequal,  we  cannot  fail,  while  rendering  the  full 
meed  of  deserved  praise  to  our  Generals  and  soldiers,  to  perceive 
that  a  power  higher  than  man  has  willed  our  deliverance,  and 
gratefully  to  recognize  that  the  protection  of  a  kind  Providence 
in  enabling  us  successfully  to  withstand  the  utmost  efforts  of  the 
enemy  for  our  subjugation.  If  we  now  turn 

to  the  results  accomplished  by  the  two  great  armies,  so  confi 
dently  relied  on  by  the  invaders  as  sufficient  to  secure  the  sub 
version  of  our  Government  and  the  subjection  of  our  people  to 
foreign  domination,  we  have  still  greater  cause  for  devout  grati 
tude  to  Divine  power.  In  Southwestern  Virginia  successive 


XIX.]  DAVIS*  MESSAGE  IN   NOVEMBER,  1864.  335 

armies,  which  threatened  the  capture  of  Lynchburg  and  Salt- 
ville,  have  been  routed  and  driven  out  of  the  country,  and  a 
portion  of  Eastern  Tennessee  reconquered  by  our  troops.  In 
Northern  Virginia,  extensive  districts  formerly  occupied  by  the 
enemy  are  now  free  from  their  presence.  In  the  lower  valley, 
their  General,  rendered  desperate  by  his  inability  to  maintain  a 
hostile  occupation,  has  resorted  to  the  infamous  expedient  of 
converting  a  fruitful  land  into  a  desert  by  burning  its  mills, 
granaries,  and  homesteads,  and  destroying  the  food,  standing 
crops,  live  stock,  and  agricultural  implements  of  peaceful  non- 
combatants.  The  main  army,  after  a  series  of  defeats  in  which 
its  losses  have  been  enormous;  after  attempts,  by  raiding  parties, 
to  break  up  our  railroad  communications,  which  have  resulted  in 
the  destruction  of  a  large  part  cf  the  cavalry  engaged  in  the 
work;  after  constant  repulse  of  repeated  assaults  on  our  defen 
sive  lines  is,  with  the  aid  of  heavy  reinforcements,  but  with,  it 
is  hoped,  waning  prospect  of  further  progress  in  the  design,  still 
engaged  in  an  effort,  commenced  more  than  four  months  ago,  to 
capture  the  town  of  Petersburg. 

"  The  army  of  Gen.  Sherman,  although  succeeding  at  the  end 
of  the  summer  in  obtaining  possession  of  Atlanta,  has  been  un 
able  to  secure  any  ultimate  advantage  from  this  success.  The 
same  General  who,  in  February  last,  marched  a  large  army  from 
Vicksburg  to  Meridan  with  no  other  result  than  to  be  forced  to 
march  back  again,  was  able,  by  the  aid  of  greatly  increased 
numbers,  and  after  much  delay,  to  force  a  passage  from  Chatta 
nooga  to  Atlanta,  only  to  be  for  the  second  time  compelled  to 
withdraw  on  the  line  of  his  advance,  without  obtaining  control 
of  a  single  mile  of  territory  beyond  the  narrow  track  of  his 
march,  and  without  gaining  aught  beyond  the  precarious  pos 
session  of  a  few  fortified  points,  in  which  he  is  compelled  to 
maintain  heavy  garrisons,  and  which  are  menaced  with  recapture. 

' '  The  lessons  afforded  by  the  history  of  this  war  are  fraught 
with  instruction  and  encouragement.  Kepeatedly  during  the 
war  have  formidable  expeditions  been  directed  by  the  enemy 
against  points  ignorantly  supposed  to  be  of  vital  importance  to 
the  Confederacy.  Some  of  these  expeditions  have,  at  immense 
cost,  been  successful;  but  in  no  instance  have  the  promised  fruits 
been  reaped.  Again,  in  the  present  campaign,  was  the  delusion 
fondly  cherished  that  the  capture  of  Atlanta  and  Richmond 
would,  if  effected,  end  the  war  by  the  overthrow  of  our  Govern- 


336  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap, 

ment  and  the  submission  of  our  people.  We  can  now  judge  by 
experience  bow  unimportant  is  tbe  influence  of  tbe  former  event 
upon  our  capacity  for  defense,  upon  the  courage  and  spirit  of  the 
people,  and  the  stability  of  the  Government.  We  may,  in  like  man 
ner,  judge  that  if  the  campaign  against  Richmond  had  resulted 
in  success  instead  of  failure;  if  the  valor  of  the  army,  under  the 
leadership  of  its  accomplished  Commander,  had  resisted  in 
vain  the  overwhelming  masses  which  were,  on  the  contrary,  de 
cisively  repulsed;  if  we  had  been  compelled  to  evacuate  Richmond 
as  well  as  Atlanta,  the  Confederacy  would  have  remained  as  erect 
and  defiant  as  ever.  Nothing  could  have  been  changed  in  the 
purpose  of  its  Government,  in  the  indomitable  valor  of  its  troops, 
or  in  the  unquenchable  spirit  of  its  people.  The  baffled  and  dis 
appointed  foe  would  in  vain  have  scanned  the  reports  of  your 
proceedings,  at  some  new  legislative  seat,  for  any  indication  that 
progress  had  been  made  in  his  gigantic  task  of  conquering  a  free 
people.  The  truth,  so  patent  to  us,  must  ere  long  be  forced  upon 
the  reluctant  Northern  mind.  There  are  no  vital  points  on  the 
preservation  of  which  the  continued  existence  of  the  Confederacy 
depends.  There  is  no  military  success  of  the  enemy  which  can 
accomplish  its  destruction.  Not  the  fall  of  Richmond,  nor  Wil 
mington,  nor  Charleston,,  nor  Savannah,  nor  Mobile,  nor  of  all 
combined,  can  save  the  enemy  from  the  constant  and  exhaustive 
drain  of  blood  and  treasure,,  which  must  continue  until  he  shall 
discover  that  no  peace  is  attainable  unless  based  on  the  recogni 
tion  of  our  indefeasible  rights.  *  *  We  seek  no  favor,  we  wish 
no  intervention;  we  know  ourselves  fully  competent  to  maintain 
our  own  rights  and  independence  against  the  invaders  of  the  coun 
try,  and  we  feel  justified  in  asserting  that,  without  the  kid  derived 
from  recruiting  their  armies  from  foreign  countries,  they  would, 
ere  this,  have  been  driven  from  our  soil.  When  the  Confed 
eracy  was  refused  recognition  by  Great  Britain,  in  the  fall  of  1862, 
the  refusal  was  excused  on  the  ground  that  any  action  of  Her 
Majesty's  Government  would  have  the  effect  of  inflaming  the 
passions  of  the  belligerents,  and  of  preventing  the  return  of 
peace.  It  is  assumed  that  this  opinion  was  sincerely  entertained, 
but  the  experience  of  two  years  of  unequal  -carnage  shows  that 
it  was  erroneous,  and  the  result  was  the  reverse  of  what  the 
British  ministry  humanely  desired.  A  contrary  policy,  a  policy 
just  to  us,  a  policy  diverging  from  an  unvarying  course  of  con 
cession  to  all  the  demands  of  our  enemies,  is  still  within  the 


XIX.]  DAVIS'  MESSAGE   IN   NOVEMBER,  1864.  337 

power  of  her  Majesty's  Government,  and  would,  it  is  fair  to 
presume,  be  productive  of  consequences  the  opposite  to  those 
which  have,  unfortunately,  followed  its  whole  course  of  conduct 
from  the  commencement  of  the  war  to  the  present  time.  In  a 
word,  peace  is  impossible  without  independence,  and  it  is  not  to 
be  expected  that  the  enemy  will  anticipate  neutrals  in  the  recog 
nition  of  that  independence.  "When  the  history  of  this  war  shall 
be  fully  disclosed,  the  calm  judgment  of  the  impartial  publicist 
will,  for  these  reasons,  be  unable  to  absolve  the  neutral  nations 
of  Europe  from  a  share  in  the  moral  responsibility  for  the  myriads 
of  human  lives  that  have  been  unnecessarily  sacrificed  during  its 
progress. 

"  The  renewed  instances  in  which  foreign  power  have  given  us 
just  cause  of  complaint  need  not  here  be  detailed.  The  extracts 
from  the  correspondence  of  the  State  Department,  which  accom 
pany  this  message,  will  afford  such  further  information  as  can 
be  given  without  detriment  to  the  public  interest,  and  we  must 
reserve  for  the  future  such  action  as  may  then  be  deemed  advis 
able  to  secure  redress.  *  *  *  The  employment 
of  slaves  for  service  "with  the  army  as  teamsters,  or  cooks,  or  in 
the  way  of  work  upon  fortifications,  or  in  the  Government  work 
shops,  or  in  hospitals,  and  other  similar  duties,  was  authorized 
by  the  Act  of  the  17th  of  February  last,  and  provision  was  made 
for  their  impressment,  to  a  number  not  exceeding  twenty  thou 
sand,  if  it  should  be  found  impracticable  to  obtain  them  by  con 
tract  with  the  owners.  The  law  contemplated  the  hiring  only 
of  the  labors  of  these  slaves,  and  imposed  on  the  Government 
the  liability  to  pay  for  the  value  of  such  as  might  be  lost  to  the 
owners  from  casualties  resulting  from  their  employment  in  the 
service. 

"  The  Act  has  produced  less  result  than  was  anticipated,  and 
further  provision  is  required  to  render  it  efficacious.  But  my 
present  purpose  is  to  invite  your  consideration  to  the  propriety 
of  a  radical  modification  in  the  theory  of  the  law. 

'  Viewed  merely  as  property,  and  therefore  as  the  subject  of 
imprisonment,  the  service  or  labor  of  the  slave  has  been  fre 
quently  claimed  for  short  periods,  in  the  construction  of  defe^s- 
ive  works.  The  slave,  however,  bears  another  relation  to  the 
State — that  of  a  person.  The  law  of  last  February  contemplates 
the  relation  of  the  slave  to  the  master,  and  limits  the  impress 
ment  to  a  certain  term  of  service.  But  for  the  purposes  enu- 


338  REPUBLICANISM   IN    AMERICA.  [Chap. 

merated  in  the  Act,  instruction  in  the  manner  of  encamping, 
marching,  and  parking  trains  is  needful,  so  that  even  in  this 
limited  employment,  length  of  service  adds  greatly  to  the  value 
of  the  negro's  labor.  Hazard  is  also  encountered  in  all  the 
positions  to  which  negroes  can  be  assigned  with  the  army,  and 
the  duties  required  of  them  demand  loyalty  and  zeal. 

"  In  this  aspect,  the  relation  of  person  predominates  so  far  as 
to  render  it  doubtful  whether  the  private  rights  of  property  can 
consistently  and  beneficially  continue,  and  it  would  seem  proper 
to  acquire  for  the  public  service  the  entire  property  in  the  labor 
of  the  slave,  and  to  pay  therefor  due  compensation  rather  than 
to  impress  his  labor  for  short  terms;  and  this  the  more  especially 
as  the  effect  of  the  present  law  would  vest  this  entire  property 
in  all  cases  where  the  slave  might  be  recaptured  after  compensa 
tion  for  his  loss  had  been  paid  to  the  private  owner.  Whenever 
the  entire  property  in  the  service  of  a  slave  is  thus  acquired  by 
the  Government,  the  question  is  presented  by  what  tenure  he 
should  be  held.  Should  he  be  retained  in  servitude,  or  should 
his  emancipation  be  held  out  to  him  as  a  reward  of  faithful  serv 
ice,  or  should  it  be  granted  at  once  on  the  promise  of  such 
service;  and,  if  emancipated,  what  action  should  be  taken  to 
secure  the  freed  man  the  permission  of  the  State  from  which  he 
was  drawn  to  reside  within  its  limits  after  the  close  of  his  public 
service  ?  The  permission  would  doubtless  be  more  readily  ac 
corded  as  a  reward  for  past  faithful  service,  and  a  double  motive 
for  zealous  discharge  of  duty  would  thus  be  offered  to  those 
employed  by  the  Government,  their  freedom,  and  the  gratifica 
tion  of  the  local  attachment  which  is  so  marked  a  characteristic 
of  the  negro,  and  forms  so  powerful  an  incentive  to  his  action. 
The  policy  of  engaging  to  liberate  the  negro  on  his  discharge 
after  service  faithfully  rendered,  seems  to  me  preferable  to  that 
of  granting  immediate  manumission,  or  that  of  retaining  him 
in  servitude.  If  this  policy  should  recommend  itself  to  Con 
gress,  it  is  suggested  that,  in  addition  to  the  duties  heretofore 
performed  by  the  slave,  he  might  be  advantageously  employed 
as  a  pioneer  and  engineer  laborer;  and  in  that  event,  that  the 
number  should  be  augmented  to  forty  thousand.  *  *  * 

11  The  disposition  of  this  Government  for  a  peaceful  solution 
of  the  issues  which  the  enemy  has  referred  to  the  arbitrament  of 
arms,  has  been  too  often  manifested,  and  is  too  well  known  to 
need  new  assurances.  But,  while  it  is  true  that  individuals  and 


XIX.]  PEACE   COMMISSIONERS,   1865.  339 

parties  in  the  United  States  have  indicated  a  desire  to  substitute 
reason  for  force,  and  by  negotiation  to  stop  the  further  sacrifice 
of  human  life,  and  to  arrest  the  calamities  which  now  afflict  both 
countries,  the  authorities  who  control  the  Government  of  oui 
enemies  have  too  often  and  too  clearly  expressed  their  resolution 
to  make  no  peace  except  on  terms  of  our  unconditional  submission 
and  degradation,  to  leave  us  any  hope  of  the  cessation  of  hostil 
ities  until  the  delusion  of  their  ability  to  conquer  us  is  dispelled." 

During  the  months  of  January  and  February,  1865, 
Alexander  H.  Stephens,  Yice-President  of  the  Con 
federacy,  R.  M.  T.  Hunter  and  John  A.  Campbell, 
were  sent  by  Tavis  as  Commissioners  to  treat  upon 
terms  of  peace  with  the  President  of  the  United  States. 

They  were  met  on  February  3d  by  President  Lin 
coln  and  W.  H.  Seward,  Secretary  of  State;  but  no 
terms  were  agreed  upon,  so  the  Commissioners  returned 
to  Richmond  and  the  Administration  determined .  to 
fight  it  out. 

The  sanguine  struggle  could  not  end  by  compromise. 
Since  the  days  in  which  the  Constitution  was  framed, 
up  to  the  hour  of  the  commencement  of  the  Rebellion, 
compromise  had  been  strained  to  its  very  last  stretch  of 
endurance.  Two  conditions  were  precedent  to  any 
terir^nation  by  either  party.  The  Administration  of 
the  United  States  said,  that  to  warrant  even  a  cessa 
tion  of  hostilities,  the  people  of  the  South  must  lay 
down  their  arms ;  and  the  South  said,  that  recognition 
of  them  as  a  Nation  must  precede  any  cessation  on 
their  part. 

On  the  4th  of  March,  1865,  Abraham  Lincoln  was 
inaugurated  as  President  of  the  United  States  for  the 
second  time.  His  Inaugural  Address  was  brief  and 
seemed  to  be  inspired  with  a  calm  yet  dignified  tone 
of  philosophical  hope ;  it  was  as  follows ; 

"  Fellow  Countrymen: 
"At  this  second  appearing  to  take  the  oath  of  the  Presidential 


340  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

office,  there  is  less  occasion  for  an  extended  address  than  there 
was  at  the  first.  Then,  a  statement,  somewhat  in  detail,  of  a 
course  to  be  pursued,  seemed  fitting  and  proper.  Now,  at  the 
expiration  of  four  years,  during  which  public  declarations  have 
been  constantly  called  forth  on  every  point  and  phase  of  the 
great  contest  which  still  absorbs  the  attention  and  engrosses  the 
energies  of  the  Nation,  little  that  is  new  could  be  presented. 
The  progress  of  our  arms,  upon  which  all  else  chiefly  depends, 
is  as  well  known  to  the  public  as  to  myself ;  ajtid  it  is,  I  trust, 
reasonably  satisfactory  and  encouraging  to  all.  With  high  hope 
for  the  future  no  prediction  in  regard  to  it  is  ventured. 

On  the  occasion  corresponding  to  this  four  years  ago,  all 
thoughts  were  anxiously  directed  to  an  impending  civil  war.  All 
dreaded  it;  all  sought  to  avert  it.  "While  the  inaugural  address 
was  being  delivered  from  this  place,  devoted  altogether  to  saving 
the  Union  without  war,  insurgent  agents  were  in  the  city  seeking 
to  destroy  it  without  war — seeking  to  dissolve  the  Union,  and 
divide  effects,  by  negotiation.  Both  parties  deprecated  war;  but 
one  of  them  would  make  war  rather  than  let  the  Nation  survive; 
and  the  other  would  accept  war  rather  than  let  it  perish.  And 
the  war  came. 

"One-eighth  of  the  whole  population  was  colored  slaves, 
not  distributed  generally  over  the  Union,  but  legalized  in  the 
Southern  part  of  it.  These  slaves  constituted  a  peculiar  and 
powerful  interest.  All  knew  that  this  interest  was,  somehow, 
the  cause  of  the  war.  To  strengthen,  perpetuate,  and  extend 
this  interest  was  the  object  for  which  the  insurgents  would  rend 
the  Union,  even  by  war;  while  the  Government  claimed  no  right 
to  do  more  than  to  restrict  the  territorial  enlargement  of  it. 
Neither  party  expected  for  the  war  the  magnitude  or  the  dura 
tion  which  it  has  already  obtained.  Neither  anticipated  that  the 
cause  of  the  conflict  might  cease  with,  or  even  before,  the  con 
flict  itself  should  cease.  Each  looked  for  an  easier  triumph,  and 
a  result  less  fundamental  and  astounding.  Both  read  the  same 
Bible,  and  pray  to  the  same  God;  and  each  invokes  His  aid 
against  the  other.  It  may  seem  strange  that  any  men  should 
dare  to  ask  a  just  God's  assistance  in  wringing  their  bread  from 
the  sweat  of  other  men's  faces;  but  let  us  judge  not,  that  we  be 
not  judged.  The  prayers  of  both  could  not  be  answered;  that 
of  neither  has  been  answered  fully.  The  Almighty  has  His  own 
purposes.  '  Woe  unto  the  world  because  of  offenses !  for  it  must 


XIX.]  LINCOLN'S  MESSAGE  IN  1865.  341 

needs  be  that  offenses  come,  but  woe  to  that  man  by  whom  the 
offense  cometh/  If  we  shall  suppose  American  Slavery  is  one 
of  those  offenses  which,  in  the  providence  of  God,  must  needs 
come,  but  which,  having  continued  through  His  appointed  time, 
He  now  wills  to  remove,  and  that  He  gives  to  both  North  and 
South  this  terrible  war,  as  the  woe  due  to  those  by  whom  the 
offense  came,  shall  we  discern  therein  any  departure  from  those 
divide  attributes  which  the  believer  in  a  living  God  always 
ascribes  to  Him?  Fondly  do  we  hope,  fervently  do  we  pray,  that 
this  mighty  scourge  of  war  may  speedily  pass  away.  Yet,  if  God 
wills  that  it  continue  until  all  the  wealth  piled  by  the  bondman's 
two  hundred  and  fifty  years  of  unrequited  toil  shall  be  sunk,  and 
until  every  drop  of  blood  drawn  with  the  lash  shall  be  paid  by 
another  drawn  with  the  sword,  as  was  said  three  thousand  years 
ago,  so  still  it  must  be  said:  '  The  judgments  of  the  Lord  are 
true  and  righteous  altogether.' 

"  With  malice  toward  none,  with  charity  for  all,  with  firmness 
in  the  right,  as  God  gives  us  to  see  the  right,  let  us  strive  on  to 
finish  the  work  we  are  in;  to  bind  up  the  Nation's  wounds;  to 
care  for  him  who  shall  have  borne  the  battle,  and  for  his  widow, 
and  for  his  orphan;  to  do  all  which  may  achieve  and  cherish  a 
just  and  a  lasting  peace  among  ourselves  and  with  all  nations." 

At  this  period  the  condition  of  the  country  was  most 
hopeful.  The  victories  of  the  Federal  Armies  were 
such  as  to  lead  to  the  belief  that  the  enemy  must  soon 
abandon  all  hope  of  success.  The  Cabinet,  Congress, 
and  the  people  were  in  harmony  with  the  expressed 
views  of  the  Executive,  and  as  the  events  from  this 
period  to  the  close  of  the  war  were  most  important, 
the  leading  ones  are  here  given  in  chronological  order 
more  fully  than  the  sphere  of  this  volume  would  ad 
mit,  were  it  not  that  they  bear  so  important  a  part 
upon  the  succeeding  political  affairs  of  the  Nation. 

Throughout  the  month  of  December,  1864,  there 
was  a  succession  of  Union  victories.  Gens.  Sherman, 
Warren,  Miles,  Burbridge,  Hazen,  Thomas,  Stoneman, 
and  McCook,  were  defeating  and  driving  the  enemy 


342  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

from  his  stronghold.  Among  the  most  prominent 
achievements  of  this  period  was  the  great  victory  of 
Gen.  Thomas  near  Nashville,  December  15th,  in  which 
he  captured  17  camion,  and  1,500  prisoners;  the  defeat 
of  the  rebel  Gen.  Forrest  with  a  loss  of  1,500  in  killed 
and  wounded;  the  rebel  Gen.  Hood's  complete  rout 
before  Nashville,  and  his  loss  of  13,189  prisoners, 
2,207  deserters,  30  cannon,  and  7,000  small  arms;  the 
capture  of  the  rebel  Gen.  Quantrel,  December  18th, 
1864,  and  the  occupation  of  Savannah  by  Gen.  Sher 
man,  who  captured  800  prisoners,  150  pieces  of  artil 
lery,  3  steamers,  and  33,000  bales  of  cotton,  on  De 
cember  21st,  1864. 

The  year  1865  dawned  upon  the  Nation  with  most 
auspicious  prospects  of  speedy  victory.  "  Sherman's 
march  to  the  sea"  had  inspired  the  people  with  hope, 
and  no  difficulty  was  now  felt  in  filling  up  the  depleted 
ranks  of  the  army,  thinned  during  the  past  year.  The 
spring  campaign  found  the  army  in  strong  force,  and 
well  prepared  for  active  service.  The  aggregate  Na 
tional  military  force  on  the  1st  day  of  March,  1865,  of 
all  arms,  officers  and  men,  was  965,591.  In  two  months 
from  that  date  the  forces  were  augmented  to  1,000,516 
of  all  arms,  officers  and  men.  This  was  the  largest  num 
ber  of  troops  in  the  army  at  any  one  time  since  the 
beginning  of  the  Rebellion,  and  clearly  indicated  the 
determination  of  the  people  to  adhere  to  the  doctrine 
of  the  President,  that  the  only  condition  upon  which 
hostilities  could  cease,  would  be  the  laying  down  of 
their  arms  by  the  forces  against  Federal  authority. 
Of  the  number  of  troops  enlisted  during  the  war,  178,- 
975  were  colored.  On  the  15th  of  July,  1865,  there 
were  123,156  colored  troops  in  the  service,  organized 
into  one  hundred  and  twenty  regiments  of  infantry, 


XIX.]  CAPTURE   OF   FORT   FISHER.  343 

twelve  regiments  of  heavy  artillery,  and  seven  regi 
ments  of  cavalry. 

The  attack  and  capture  of  Fort  Fisher  on  the  15th 
of  January,  1865,  with  2,500  prisoner s>  72  guns,  Fed 
eral  loss  691,  in  which  there  were  engaged  forty-four 
war  vessels  of  various  classes,  some  of  them  formidable 
ironclads,  besides  fourteen  vessels  held  as  a  reserve, 
was  one  of  the  grandest  achievements  of  the  war ; 
and  the  fleet  attacking,  was  perhaps  as  powerful  a 
naval  force  as  ever  engaged  a  fort,  and  considering 
the  capacity  and  formidable  character  of  the  vessels 
engaged,  exhibits  plainly  that  no  fort  can  be  con 
structed  by  man,  that  cannot  in  time  be  reduced  and 
cut  down  by  the  conical  missiles  of  modern  inven 
tion,  directed  by  the  floating  iron  batteries  known  as 
"  Ironclads."  That  the  American  Rebellion  did  revo 
lutionize  the  world  in  this  department,  and  render 
useless  for  attack  the  old  style  of  "wooden  walls/'  no 
one  will  deny.  Nor  will  any  denial  be  made  of  the 
fact  that  the  American  Navy  at  the  close  of  the  war 
in  the  spring  of  1865,  was  the  most  powerful  naval 
force  for  home  defense  of  any  Nation  of  the  earth; 
and  notwithstanding  the  supposed  inefficiency  in  the 
sea-going  qualities  of  this  class  of  naval  ships,  it  is  fair 
to  conclude  that  America,  at  least  upon  her  own  sea- 
coast,  is  impregnable  against  the  combined  navies  of 
Europe.  The  extent,  operations,  and  efficiency  of  the 
American  Navy,  form  a  most  interesting  part  of  the 
history  of  the  Republic.  The  marvelous  rapidity  with 
which  the  navy  was  raised  from  its  insignificant  con 
dition  in  1861,  to  its  powerful  efficiency  in  1865, 
demonstrates  the  great -resources  and  the  ability  of  the 
American  people  to  provide  against  emergencies  how 
ever  gigantic ;  and  the  splendid  achievements  of  the 


344  REPUBLICANISM  IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

ironclads  upon  the  forts  of  the  enemy  during  the  Re 
bellion,  exhibit  the  most  remarkable  and  skillful 
combination  of  naval  power  ever  exhibited  in  the 
world.  At  the  breaking  out  of  the  Rebellion,  many 
of  the  best  war  ships  were  on  distant  and  foreign  seas ; 
and  most  of  the  officers  at  home  and  abroad  were 
brought  up  in  the  old  school  Democratic  faith,  and 
were  of  Southern  birth  or  Southern  politics,  of  whom 
three  hundred  and  twenty-two  traitorously  abandoned 
their  posts,  and  in  violation  of  their  solemn  oaths, 
abandoned  the  flag  they  swore  to  support,  and  enlisted 
under  the  flag  of  the  rebels. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  year  1861  the  navy  consisted 
of  five  squadrons  of  35  vessels,  with  445  guns.  From 
March  4th,  1861,  to  the  end  of  the  war,  208  vessels 
were  constructed,  and  during  the  same  period  418  were 
purchased,  making  626  vessels  in  all;  of  these,  313 
were  steamers.  On  the  1st  day  of  January,  1865,  the 
squadron  blockading  the  vast  rebel  sea- coast  was  471 
vessels,  carrying  2,455  guns;  this  was  exclusive  of  the 
force  on  other  duties,  213,  making  684  vessels  in  all. 
The  number  of  men  in  the  navy,  at  the  beginning  of 
the  war,  was  7,844.  This  number  had  been  increased 
to  51,500  at  its  close,  in  April,  1865.  The  total  num 
ber  of  men  employed  in  the  navy  yards  of  the  Republic, 
in  1861,  was  3,844.  This  had  increased  to  16,880  in 
1865,  and  does  not  include  the  number  employed  in 
private  yards  building  Government  vessels,  which  was 
equal  to  the  number  in  the  navy  yards. 

The  ravages  of  rebel  pirates  during  the  war  were  very 
great,  and  their  acts  of  vandalism  upon  the  peaceful 
mercantile  marine,  penetrating  far  into  the  Pacific  seas 
and  burning  the  inoffensive  fishing  fleets,  exhibited  the 
characteristic  villainy  of  those  engaged  in  it.  In  their 


XIX.]  CAPTURE  OF   THE   "  FLORIDA."  345 

operations  they  were  aided  by  the  British  Government, 
which  smiled  a  bland  acquiescence  in  their  atrocities, 
by  permitting  ships  to  be  built,  equipped  and  manned 
for  their  service  throughout  the  British  empire.  Among 
the  most  formidable  of  the  English  pirates  thus  preying 
upon  American  commerce  was  the  Sea  King,  built  at 
Glasgow,  Scotland,  afterwards  known  as  the  Shenan- 
doah.  She  continued  her  depredations  for  four  months 
after  the  fall  of  Richmond,  and  did  not  desist  until  her 
Commander,  Capt.  Wadell,  was  assured  that  Jefferson 
Davis  was  in  prison,  and  Lee  on  parole.  On  the  6th  of 
November,  1865,  the  Shenandoah  entered  the  Mersey, 
and  Wadell,  in  a  formal  written  letter,  surrendered 
her  to  the  British  authorities. 

The  Stonewall,  built  in  France,  was  another  formidable 
rebel  cruiser.  The  Alabama,  Florida  and  Georgia  also 
were  pests  of  the  seas.  In  1864  the  British  added  to 
the  rebel  fleet  three  other  cruisers — the  Chickamauga, 
Olustee  and  Tallahassee.  The  Florida,  after  preying  long 
upon  the  peaceful  commerce,  ran  into  the  Brazilian  port 
of  Bahia,  October  5th,  1864.  The  United  States  steamer 
Wachusett,  Capt.  Collins,  was  lying  in  the  harbor.  The 
Florida,  for  her  security  from  the  Wachusett,  dropped 
her  anchor  in  the  midst  of  the  Brazilian  fleet,  and  di 
rectly  under  the  guns  of  the  fort  on  shore.  The  gallant 
Capt.  Collins,  finding  that  the  pirate  would  not  leave 
the  port,  and  that  he  could  not  fight  her  in  neutral 
waters,  determined  to  possess  himself  of  her,  and  at 
3  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  7th,  while  she  lay  at 
anchor,  directly  under  the  guns  of  the  fort,  the  Wachu- 
sett,  under  full  steam,  and,  intending  to  sink  her,  ran 
upon  her  with  full  speed,  but  did  not  effect  her  object. 
Collins  at  once  demanded  her  surrender;  a  few  shots 
were  fired  from  the  small  arms  of  both  parties.  About 


346  REPUBLICANISM    IN    AMERICA.  [Chap. 

half  of  the  crew  of  the  Florida  were  on  shore  having 
a  "good  time,"  and  the  officer  in  charge,  finding  him 
self  overpowered,  was  compelled  to  surrender.  Quick 
as  thought  the  Florida  was  boarded,  a  hawser  made  fast 
to  her  from  the  Wachusett ,  which,  with  full  steam,  put 
to  sea  with'  the  prize,  paying  no  attention  to  the  chal 
lenge  from  the  Brazilian  fort  and  fleet,  which  sent 
shots  flying  after  her.  The  Wachusett  was  too  swift  for 
the  Brazilian  ships  that  gave  her  chase.  Collins  brought 
the  Wachusett  and  Florida  into  Hampton  Roads,  where, 
a  few  days  later,  the  latter  was  sunk  by  collision. 

The  Government  disapproved  of  Collins'  act,  upon 
the  grounds  of  the  illegality  of  making  the  capture  in 
a  neutral  port,  suspended  him  from  duty,  and  ordered 
him  to  appear  before  a  Court  Martial. 

The  rebel  cruiser  Georgia  was  taken  a  prize  twenty 
miles  off  the  port  of  Lisbon,  by  the  United  States  frig 
ate  Niagara,  Capt.  Craven,  during  the  year  1864. 

The  Alabama,  already  mentioned,  had  a  long  and 
prosperous  career.  She  had  swept  the  Indian  Ocean 
and  South  Atlantic  of  American  commerce,  and  found 
her  way  again  to  European  waters.  In  June,  1864, 
she  entered  the  port  of  Cherbourg,  France.  The 
United  States  gunboat  Kearsarge  was  lying  in  the  Dutch 
harbor  of  Flushing ;  and  on  her  Commander  being  no 
tified  by  telegraph,  started  at  once  to  look  after  the 
pirate.  Semmes  was  in  command  of  the  Alabama,  and 
fearing  that  he  might  not  meet  the  Kearsarge,  he  dis 
patched,  on  June  15th,  1864,  while  in  the  port  of 
Cherbourg,  a  note  to  Capt.  Winslow,  of  the  Kearsarge, 
not  to  leave,  as  he  wanted  to  fight  him ;  so  that  a  meet 
ing  of  the  hostile  ships  was  easy  and  certain.  On  Sim- 
day,  June  19th,  1864,  at  10^  o'clock  A.  M.,  they  met, 
seven  miles  outside  the  harbor  of  Cherbourg,  the  Ala- 


XIX.]  SINKING    OF   THE    " ALABAMA."  347 

lama  %ing  the  rebel  ensign,  eager  for  the  fray.  She 
was  followed,  as  an  escort  and  friend,  by  the  British 
pleasure  steam  yacht  Deerhouna.  They  steamed  di 
rectly  for  the  Kearsarge,  which  was  making  towards  the 
harbor,  and  while  yet  a  mile  distant,  the  Alabama 
opened  fire  upon  the  Kearsarge.  The  Alabama's  gunners 
were  British  subjects,  trained  on  board  the  British  ship 
Excellent,  at  Portsmouth;  but  their  skill,  when  com 
pared  to  that  of  the  gunners  of  the  Kearsarge,  was  very 
indifferent.  The  ships  were  of  about  the  same  size 
and  calibre,  the  odds  being  in  favor  of  the  Alabama. 
She  was  600  horse  power,  the  Kearsarge  400.  The  Ala 
bama  had  8  guns,  the  Kearsarge  but  7  guns.  The  Ala- 
lama  had  150  men  and  officers,  the  Kearsarge  had  162. 
The  combatants  now  nearing  each  other,  formed  a  cir 
cle,  in  which  they  coursed,  sending  volleys  of  shot  at 
each  other  from  their  32-pounders.  The  combat  lasted 
an  hour,  when  the  shells  from  the  Kearsarge  began  to 
tell  upon  the  Alabama.  Her  sides  were  torn  to  shreds 
with  the  constant  and  well  directed  volleys  from  the 
Kearsarge;  eighteen  or  twenty  of  her  crew  were  disabled, 
and  nine  killed  by  the  explosion  of  shells.  The  fate  of 
the  Alabama  was  evident.  Sail  was  now  hoisted,  and 
she  headed  for  land.  The  Deerhound  made  to  her  res 
cue  and  took  on  board  Capt.  Semmes  and  60  men  and 
officers.  The  Alabama  now  struck  her  flag,  but  still 
headed  towards  shore.  Winslow  continued  to  pour 
his  well  directed  fire  upon  her,  crushing  her  to  atoms. 
Nine  miles  from  the  harbor  of  Cherbourg,  from  which 
she  a  few  hours  before  had  sailed  to  engage  in  volun 
tary  fight,  the  Alabama  sank,  reeling  beneath  the  stars 
and  stripes  that  floated  in  victory  from  the  Kearsarge, 
the  cannon's  roar  and  the  hearty  cheers  of  the  patriotic 
crew  of  the  Kearsarge  ringing  out  her  death  knell,  as 


3l8  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

with  a  plunge  she  sank  into  her  fretful  sepulchre. 
About  sixty  of  the  Alabama's  crew  were  made  prison 
ers  by  the  Kearsarge. 

The  whole  expense  of  the  navy  during  the  four 
years  of  war,  as  reported  by  the  Secretary  of  War, 
December  4th,  1865,  was  $314,170,960.  To  offset  this 
the  value  of  property  captured  by  the  navy  during  the 
same  period  was  $21,829,543;  and  the  value  of  the 
vessels  captured  and  destroyed  (having  been  built  and 
fitted  out  in  British  ports  for  the  rebel  service  as  block 
ade  runners,)  was  $31,500,000,  making  $63,329,543 
in  all.  The  captures  during  the  period  from  May  1st, 
1861,  to  the  end  of  the  war,  was  1,151  vessels,  as  fol 
lows:  210  steamers;  569  schooners;  139  sloops;  13 
ships;  29  brigs;  25  barks;  2  yachts;  139  small  boats; 
6  rebel  rams;  10  armed  schooners  and  sloops;  7  others, 
class  unknown.  There  were,  in  addition  to  these,  sunk, 
burned,  and  destroyed  by  the  navy  during  the  war, 
85  steamers;  114  schooners;  32  sloops;  2  brigs;  4  bark; 
2  ships;  96  small  boats;  5  rebel  rams;  4  ironclads;  1 
other  armed  vessel,  making  a  total  of  355,  and  a  grand 
total,  captured  and  destroyed,  of  1,504  of  all  classes. 

The  naval  force  of  the  United  States,  at  the  close 
of  the  war  in  1812,  consisted  of  301  vessels;  besides 
these,  there  were  517  commissioned  privateers.  These 
latter  captured  1,428  vessels,  and  the  vessels  of  the 
regular  navy  captured  291  vessels — making  the  total 
naval  force  811  vessels,  and  the  total  captures  1,719 
vessels.  In  the  Revolutionary  War  of  1776,  the  navy 
consisted  of  4  vessels  only. 

With  the  end  of  the  Rebellion,  the  seas  were  cleared 
of  Confederate  rovers;  and  the  gallant  officers  and 
men  of  the  navy,  were  entitled  to  a  large  share  of 
national  gratitude  for  their  efficient  and  patriotic  de- 


XIX.]  OPERATIONS    OF    THE   NAVY.  349 

votion  and  aid  to  the  cause  of  human  freedom.  Those 
who  have  distinguished  themselves  by  devotion  and 
heroism  are  a  host;  and  while  the  name  of  each  can 
not  find  a  place  in  these  limited  pages,  three  only  will 
be  mentioned,  in  each  of  whom  every  true  lover  of 
American  liberty,  and  every  heart  that  can  appreciate 
patriotism  and  devotion  to  the  science  of  war,  will 
hold  in  grateful  remembrance  the  names  of  Dahlgren, 
Porter,  and  last,  but  not  least,  the  sea  king  of  the  age, 
the  matchless  Admiral  D.  Gr.  Farragut. 
23 


CHAPTER    XX. 

STRENGTH  OF  THE  ARMY.— IMPORTANT  BATTLES.— FALL  OF  RICHMOND.— DIS 
ORDERED  FLIGHT  OF  THE  INHABITANTS.  —  SURRENDER  OF  LEE  AND 
JOHNSTON:— NUMBER  OF  TROOPS  IN  THE  FIELD.— NUMBERS  SLAIN.— 
NUMBER  OF  COLORED  SOLDIERS.— POPULATION  OF  NORTH  AND  SOUTH.— 
GRANT'S  AND  SHERMAN'S  FAREWELL  ADDRESSES  TO  THEIR  SOLDIERS.— 
JEFF.  DAVIS  ISSUES  A  PROCLAMATION.— HIS  FLIGHT  SOUTHWARD.  — HIS 

CAPTURE. 

THE  total  strength  of  the  army,  early  in  the  year 
1865,  has  been  already  shown.  On  the  1st  of  Jan 
uary  it  was  officered  by  66  Major- Generals  and  267 
Brigadier-Generals. 

The  first  event  of  the  year  was  the  arrival  of  Gen. 
Grierson  at  Vicksburg,  January  5th,  after  having  de 
stroyed  100  miles  of  railroad  in  the  rebel  States,  cap 
turing  600  prisoners  and  1,000  contrabands  (colored 
citizens).  Next  followed  the  capture  of  Fort  Fisher, 
already  alluded  to.  February  6th,  the  Army  of  the  Po 
tomac  gained  a  victory  over  the  rebels  at  Hatcher's 
Run,  Virginia:  Union  loss,  232  killed;  rebel  loss,  1,200 
killed.  February  22d,  Wilmington,  North  Carolina, 
occupied.  February  18th,  Charleston,  South  Carolina, 
surrendered.  March  10th,  capture  of  Kingston,  North 
Carolina:  Union  loss,  650  killed,  and  1,500  wounded ; 
rebel  loss,  2,400  killed,  wounded  and  missing.  March 
25th,  battle  of  Fort  Stedman,  Virginia:  Union  loss,  171 
killed,  1,236  wounded,  and  983  prisoners;  rebel  loss, 
3,200  killed  and  wounded,  and  1,881  prisoners.  March 
29th,  battle  of  Hatcher's  Run  and  Five  Forks,  Virginia: 
Union  loss,  5,000  killed,  wounded  and  missing;  rebel 
loss,  4,500  killed  and  wounded,  and  7,000  prisoners. 


\. 


UEUT.  GEN.  WILLIAM   T.  SHERMAN" 


XX.]  PALL    OF   RICHMOND.  351 

April  2d,  assault  at  Petersburg,  Virginia:  Union  loss, 
5,000  killed  and  wounded  ;  rebel  loss,  5,000  killed  and 
wounded,  and  8,000  prisoners.  April  6th,  battle  of 
Deatonville,  Virginia:  Union  loss,  1,000  killed  and 
wounded  ;  rebel  loss,  7,700  prisoners,  killed  and 
wounded  not  reported. 

The  first  of  April  found  Gen4  Grant  planted  before 
the  gates  of  Richmond — the  rebel  Capital.  His  veter 
ans  were  about  him.  President  Lincoln  was  at  City 
Point,  Virginia,  and  in  constant  communication  with 
the  Army  and  with  Washington  by  telegraph.  Lee 
with  his  veterans  was  at  Petersburg  and  Richmond, 
determined  to  hold  his  position;  but  the  fates  were 
against  him.  The  armies  of  conquest  were  within 
sight  of  the  smoke  of  the  chimneys  of  the  rebel 
Capital,  eager  for  the  assault  that  should  destroy  the 
rebel  pov  2r.  The  impetuous  Sheridan  was  dashing 
his  invincible  cavalry,  ten  thousand  strong,  in  the 
face  of  the  enemy.  Meade,  Ord,  Warren,  Griffin, 
Humphreys,  Gregg,  Gibbs,  Merritt,  McKenzie,  Win- 
throp,  Mills,  Crawford,  and  a  host  of  others,  had  con 
centrated  their  commands  around  Richmond  and 
Petersburg,  and  it  would  seem  as  if  the  whole  Army 
of  the  Republic  was  centered  about  the  Capital  of  the 
Confederacy.  The  powerful  armies  of  the  Union  were 
closing  in  upon  the  enemy.  On  the  morning  of  the 
1st  of  April  a  general  advance  was  ordered  by  Gen. 
Grant  along  the  whole  line,  and  as  if  by  magic  the 
whole  force  advanced.  Sheridan  was  in  his  glory. 
He  had  under  his  immediate  command  about  ten 
thousand  veteran  cavalry,  and  soon  they  began  to  in 
flict  terrible  punishment  upon  the  enemy.  Grant's 
forces,  under  the  command  of  the  veteran  Corps  Com 
manders,  moved  steadily  forward,  and  inch  by  inch 


352  REPUBLICANISM   IN    AMERICA.  [Chap. 

pushed  the  enemy  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet,  who 
fell  back  before  the  resistless  forces  of  the  Union,  as 
if  it  were  an  avalanche.  Throughout  the  entire  day 
of  the  2d,  the  contest  had  been  stubborn  and  hard- 
fought;  but  each  hour  brought  the  soldiers  of  the 
Republic  over  new  intrenchments  and  across  the  heaps 
of  their  slain  comrades  and  of  the  enemy,  and  closer 
to  the  heart  of  the  rebel  Capital.  The  sky  was  lurid 
with  smoke  and  flame;  and  for  miles  around  the  rebel 
stronghold,  the  scene  was  fearfully  destructive  and 
appalling.  Before  10  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the 
2u,  Lee,  who  was  in  command  of  the  rebel  forces  and 
who  had  lost  over  10,000  of  his  men  within  the  last 
two  days,  saw  the  hopelessness  of  his  position,  and  at 
10  o'clock  A.M.,  telegraphed  from  Petersburg  to  Jef- 
fersoii  Davis,  at  Richmond,  who  was  at  church,  (it  was 
Sunday,)  the  following  message:  "My  lines  are  broken 
in  three  places  •  Richmond  must  be  evacuated  this 
evening."  The  Slave  Power  was  now  in  the  throes  of  death; 
the  cold  sweat  of  dissolution  had  enveloped  the  whole 
body — the  jugular  vein  of  treason  was  within  reach  of 
the  iron  grasp  of  Grant.  Sheridan  was  lopping  off 
its  paralyzed  limbs;  his  fierce  cavalry  were  trampling 
the  rebel  dead  beneath  their  feet;  the  artillery  were 
cutting  broad  gaps  through  the  rebel  ranks;  the  solid 
columns  of  Grant's  infantry,  with  their  glittering  bay 
onets,  moved  forward,  tier  after  tier,  like  waves  of  the 
ocean,  pouring  their  leaden  rain  of  death  upon  the 
enemy;  and  now  on  they  marched,  banners  waving, 
the  fife  and  drum  drowning  the  groans  of  the  wounded 
and  dying;  the  screeches  of  angry  shells,  as  they  burst 
with  terrible  destruction,  seemed  to  mock  with  reckless 
defiance  the  struggle  of  the  suffering.  Volleys  of  artil 
lery  boomed  out  their  loud  proclamations  of  victory, 


XX.]  FALL.  OP    RICHMOND.  353 

shaking  the  earth,  from  the  surface  of  which,  in  the 
midst  of  the  struggle  of  the  mighty  conflict,  went  up 
fitful  flashes  of  flame  and  jets  of  smoke;  more  like  a 
war  of  nature  bursting  from  the  angry  breast  of  earth's 
caverns,  than  like  the  operations  of  an  army. 

The  sacrifice  of  life  was  terrible ;  but  the  stake  at 
issue  was  the  life  or  death  of  American  -Nationality. 
The  fate  of  the  liberties  of  thirty  millions  of  citizens 
of  the  Republic  was  at  stake.  The  hope  of  freedom 
to  the  millions  who  were  turning  their  eyes  toward 
the  banner  of  liberty,  was  in.  the  scale.  The  fate  of 
Republicanism  throughout  the  world  was  at  stake. 
The  problem  whether  man  is  capable  of  self-goveril- 
ment  was  on  trial.  The  sovereignty  of  States,  or,  the 
sovereignty  of  the  mass  of  the  American  people  in 
their  aggregate  political  capacity,  was  now  being  tested. 
Two  hundred  and  fifty  years  of  unrequited  toil,  and  of 
the  blood  and  tears  of  the  poor  slave,  were  calling 
loudly  for  redress.  Four  millions  of  human  beings 
lifted  their  manacled  limbs  and  tearful  faces  toward 
the  emblem  of  freedom — the  fate  of  millions  of  their 
race  yet  unborn,  and  the  fate  of  millions  of  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  and  Celtic  races,  hung  upon  the  issue — the  fate 
of  mankind  seemed  to  hang  upon  a  single  thread.  The 
banner  of  the  Confederacy  could  be  seen  in  the  distance 
floating  from  the  dome  of  the  Capitol 'at  Richmond. 
The  armies  of  the  auction  block  and  scourge  were 
bearing  their  heavy  freight;  with  one  hand  they  thrust 
their  sabres  at  the  army  of  freedom,  while  with  the 
other  they  pressed  to  their  breasts  the  last  relic  of 
barbarism  in  the  Republic.  But  the  heat  and  burden 
of  the  day  were  heavy ;  fainting  and  falling,  they  fought 
as  they  were  driven  back  inch  by  inch ;  the  burden 
was  more  than  nature  could  endure;  time  and  time 


354  REPUBLICANISM  IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

again  were  they  rallied  "by  their  commanders,  and 
again  and  again  did  they  struggle  to  hold  their  foot 
ing,  but  with  each  struggle  they  grew  feeble.  It  would 
seem  as  if  heaven  had  opened  its  batteries  of  thunder 
and  flame  that  now  swept  them  down.  Still,  bleeding 
and  exhausted,  they  clung  to  the  banner  upon  which 
was  inscribed  the  lash  and  the  fetters.  Their  fire  grew 
more  ineffectual;  the  roar  of  their  cannon  was  less 
distinct;  the  calls  of  their  leaders  feeble  and  faltering ; 
their  blows  irregular  and  uncertain;  the  roll  of  their 
drums  dull  and  jnuffled ;  while  the  march  of  the  army 
of  the  Union  was  firm,  steady,  and  resistless.  Their 
banners  waved  higher,  and  the  galaxy  of  thirty-six  stars 
was  visible  through  the  smoke  and  flame,  like  a  heav 
enly  constellation;  their  martial  music  rolled  up  in 
inspiring  strains;  the  shower  of  lead  from  their  in 
fantry,  covered  like  a  pall  of  death  all  before  it;  the 
bright  sabres  of  the  dashing  cavalry-men  cut  sharp 
and  deep;  fiery  steeds  pawed  at  the  clouds,  and  gal 
loped  over  the  storm,  trampling  beneath  their  hoofs 
the  breasts  of  the  slain ;  the  shouts  of  the  Union  lead 
ers,  rallying  their  hosts,  were  only  equaled  by  the 
thunder-tones  of  the  loud  and  angry-mouthed  can 
non,  which,  joining  in  the  chorus  of  the  carnage  scene, 
swelled  loud  the  requiem  of  the  slave  power.  And 
now  the  combined  hosts  of  freedom,  like  a  convulsion 
of  nature,  encircled  the  army  of  despotism,  and  with 
one  mighty  dash,  sent  the  tremor  of  death  through 
the  heart  of  the  enemy,  who  with  trappings  of  Pal 
metto  flags,  State  Rights,  Compromise,  Fugitive 
Slave  Laws,  manacle,  scourge,  and  auction  block, 
hung  to  its  neck,  with  the  jubilant  shouts  of  the  con 
quering  hosts,  sank  into  the  lap  of  oblivion  forever; 
and  flung  upon  its  grave  as  a  funeral  pile  from  the 


XX.]  FALL   OF   RICHMOND.  355 

"bright  bayonets  of  the  army  of  victory,  were  the 
shackles  of  four  millions  of  slaves  who  now  stood  free 
— they  and  their  children  forever.  From  that  hour, 
human  Slavery  in  America  was  dead  beyond  the  hope 
of  resurrection. 

But  the  enemy  did  not  die  without  a  violent  strug 
gle.  The  City  of  Richmond  was  not  to  be  abandoned 
without  the  last  fiendish  acts  of  barbarity;  and  as  the 
darkness  of  night  of  the  2d  of  April  enveloped  the 
city,  and  a  lull  in  the  conflict  seemed  to  afford  the 
citizens  an  opportunity  to  depart,  Davis  directed  the 
evacuation  of  his  Capital. 

The  rebels,  now  driven  in  terrible  fright  from  their 
stronghold,  gathered  their  goods  and  "chattels,"  old 
and  young ;  the  mother  with  her  babe  upon  her  breast, 
and  the  aged  sire,  joined  in  the  proc2ssion,  which  out 
rivaled  in  wild  disorder  and  reckless  flight  any  scenes 
of  ancient  or  modern  times.  Every  species  of  vehicle, 
from  artillery  carriage,  dray,  truck,  coach,  hack,  to 
wheelbarrow,  with  every  description  of  domestic  ani 
mal  attached,  not  in  the  ordered  pairs  as  they  left 
Noah's  ark,  but  in  strange  companionship  of  species 
and  sex,  that  lent  a  wild  disorder  and  primitive  aspect - 
to  a  scene  already  fearfully  incongruous  and  ludicrous, 
were  pressed  into  the  service  of  the  escaping  inhabitants. 
This  suddenly  improvised  and  strange-looking  conglom 
erated  mass  of  animals,  men,  women,  and  children,  of 
all  ages,  sexes,  and  colors,  with  boxes,  trunks,  bedding, 
clothing,  all  piled  and  scattered  in  reckless  disorder, 
made  its  way  towards  the  Danville  depot. 

The  banks  were  all  open,  depositors  were  calling 
for  and  receiving  their  money  and  then  plunging  into 
the  throng  ;  hundreds  of  thousands  of  dollars  of 
paper  money  were  destroyed.  Night  was  fast  approach 
ing — no  eye  was  closed  in  Richmond  that  night;  de- 


356  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

• 

struction  of  property  commenced;  all  liquors  in  the 
city  were  by  order  of  the  City  Council  destroyed; 
rivers  of  every  kind  of  fluids  mingled  in  floods,  rush 
ing  through  the  gutters;  reckless  soldiers  and  others 
•fell  to  supplying  themselves  with  the  exhilarating  bev 
erage,  and  from  that  moment  disorder  reigned  supreme. 
The  air  was  thick  with  the  fumes  of  liquor,  wild  cries 
of  despair  were  echoed  back  by  the  yells  of  frantic 
and  drunken  men,  whose  last  physical  strength  was 
turned  to  breaking  windows,  and  a  general  and  reck 
less  destruction  of  everything  before  them.  But  the 
scene  was  not  completed ;  the  fate  of  the  rebel  Capital 
was  not  yet  come ;  night  was  upon  them,  and  an  order 
came  from  the  rebel  General  Ewell  to  fire  the  city. 
The  torch  was  applied;  all  the  principal  warehouses, 
loaded  with  all  descriptions  of  merchandise  and  mili 
tary  stores,  were  on  fire ;  the  flouring  mills,  the  bridges 
leading  out  of  the  city,  and  all  the  shipping  were  fired. 
.Rebel  rams  and  naval  ships  were  blown  up  or  scuttled. 
The  city  was  fired  at  several  places,  and  as  gray  morn 
ing  broke  from  the  east,  dense  volumes  of  smoke  rested 
like  an  eclipse  upon  the  sky.  The  roar -of  the  confla 
gration,  mingled  with  the  explosions  of  powder  and 
other  combustibles,  filled  the  air.  The  flames,  reaching 
above  the  church  steeples,  seemed  to  lash  their  forked 
tongues  against  the  clouds,  revealing  in  the  streets 
below  the  busy  throng  of  escaping  citizens  and  the 
riotous  rabble,  who,  plunging  through  smoke  and  flame, 
ransacked  the  stores  and  houses,  carrying  their  booty 
to  places  of  safety.  Jefferson  Davis  had  left  the  city 
at  7  P.M.,  of  the  2d,  by  the  Danville  railroad,  together 
with  the  members  of.  the  Confederate  Congress  and 
other  "  officials." 

Gen.  Weitzel,  who  was  in  command  of  the  Union 


XX.]  FALL    OF   RICHMOND.  357 

army  immediately  in  front  of  Richmond,  learned  at  3 
o'clock  on  Monday  morning,  April  3d,  that  Richmond 
was  being  evacuated;  and  at  the  head  of  his  troops 
marched  into  the  city,  which  was  surrendered  without 
opposition.  The  Palmetto  flag  of  the  Confederacy  was 
hauled  down,  and  the  stars  and  stripes  floated  from  the 
dome  of  the  rebel  Capitol  amid  salvos  and  cheers  from 
the  patriot  soldiers,  whose  four  years  of  toil  h*ad  been 
repaid  by  their  seeing  the  inside  of  the  Rebellion. 

General  Weitzel,  on  entering  Richmond,  Monday, 
April  3d,  1865,  telegraphed  to  Secretary  Stanton  as 
follows : 

"  We  took  Eiclimond  at  8 : 15,  this  morning.  I  captured  many 
guns.  The  enemy  left  in  great  haste.  The  city  is  on  fire  in  one 
place;  am  making  every  effort  to  put  it  out.  Gen.  Grant  started 
early  this  morning  with  the  army,  towards  the  Danville  road,  to 
cut  off  Lee's  retreating  army  if  possible.  President  Lincoln  has 
gone  to  the  front." 

President  Lincoln,  who  had  been  at  City  Point,  a 
few  miles  from  the  scene  of  action,  on  hearing  of  the 
fall  of  Richmond,  started  immediately  for  that  city, 
where  he  arrived  on  the  morning  of  the  day  after  the 
capture;  he  entered  the  city  with  his  son,  Commodore 
Porter,  and  a  few  sailors  who  rowed  him  to  the  wharf. 
They  all  started  on  foot,  the  President  as  unostenta 
tious  ?s  any  of  the  company,  and  entirely  unknown, 
save  to  his  few  companions;  but  soon  his  presence 
became  known,  and  as  he  passed  along  the  streets,  the 
negroes,  old  and  young,  flocked  about  him,  some 
laughing  and  bursting  forth  in  wildest  ecstacies  of  joy, 
exclaiming  all  kinds  of  blessings  on  the  President,  and 
clinging  to  him  with  tearful  faces;  and  for  the  first 
time  in  their  lives  breathing  the  air  of  freedom,  ex 
claimed:  " Glory  to  God!  glory  to  God!  glory,  glory;" 


358  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

"I  thank  you,  dear  Jesus,  that  I  behold  President 
Linkum."  " Bless  de  Lord!  bless  de  Lord!"  '"  May 
de  good  Lord  bless  you,  President  Linkum!"  Mr. 
Lincoln  raised  his  hat,  and  in  silence,  as  if  much 
affected,  bowed  as  he  passed  on.  He  returned  the 
same  afternoon  to  Washington,  and  in  a  few  days  went 
back  to  Richmond,  accompanied  by  Mrs.  Lincoln,  sev 
eral  Senators,  and  other  friends. 

At  Petersburg,  the  rebels  were  in  strong  force,  and 
were  driven  from  it  on  the  same  night  that  they  evac 
uated  Richmond;  and  Lee  and  his  vast  army  were  in 
full  flight,  hotly  pursued  by  Grant  and  Sheridan  and 
the  powerful  army  whose  hearts  swelled  with  joy,  as 
they  sped  missiles  of  destruction  after  the  flying  foe. 
The  news  of  these  achievements  was  flashed  through 
the  land,  and  the  loyal  heart  of  America  illuminated 
the  whole  country  with  bonfires — the  funeral  pile  of 
the  Slave  Power  in  America.  Lee  was  overtaken  by 
his  pursuers  and  brought  to  a  halt.  His  power  was 
spent,  his  faith  was  gone;  hope  had  died  out  in  his 
breast.  The  military  chief  of  the  age — he  who  had 
never  faltered,  he  who  had  carried  the  old  flag  from 
the  far  west  through  the  broken  ranks  of  the  enemy, 
and  had  captured  every  stronghold  in  his  march — Ulys 
ses  S.  Grant,  stood  before  him;  the  banner  of  freedom 
in  the  hands  of  his  patriot  host.  He  bade  Robert  E. 
Lee,  the  leader  of  -the  rebel  forces  surrender.  The 
champion  of  State  Rights  bowed  a  reluctant  acquies 
cence,  and  the  General  of  the  Union  army  received 
the  sword  of  Gen.  Lee.  This  was  done  on  April  9th, 
1865.  Lee's  whole  army  of  26,000  men  were  made 
prisoners,  and  one  hundred  and  seventy  cannon,  besides 
all  the  small  arms,  surrendered  to  Grant. 

The  rebel  Gen.  Johnston  and  his  army  were  also  in 


XX.]  SURRENDER   OF   THE   REBEL   ARMIES.  359 

flight.  He  was  pursued  by  the  hero  who  "  marched 
from  Atlanta  to  the  sea,"  Gen.  Wm.  T.  Sherman;  and 
on  the  26  ch  of  April,  near  Raleigh,  North  Carolina, 
the  whole  Confederate  forces  of  the  Rebel  Gen.  John 
ston  were  surrendered  to  Sherman,  upon  the  same  terms 
as  Lee's  army  was  surrendered  to  Grant.  29,924  men, 
and  180  cannon,  and  all  the  small  arms;  beside  these, 
large  numbers  of  prisoners  and  guns  had  been  taken 
by  Grant  and  Sherman,  during  the  march  against  the 
enemy. 

The  surrender  of  Dick  Taylor  and  the  rebel  fleet, 
on  the  9th  of  May,  and  the  surrender  of  Kirby  Smith, 
with  20,000  men  and  150  cannon,  on  the  26th  of  May, 
1865,  closed  the  Rebellion. 

"Transportation  and  subsistence  to  be  furnished  at 
public  cost  for  the  officers  and  men  after  surrender,  to 
the  nearest  practical  point  to  their  homes,"  was  ac 
corded  to  the  rebel  armies,  which  was  done  immedi 
ately. 

Lee  and  his  forces  being  put  to  flight,  and  Grant 
with  his  victorious  army  in  vigorous  pursuit,  anxious 
to  stay  the  further  effusion  of  blood  and  the  destruc 
tion  of  property,  and  seeing  the  evident  fate  of  Lee 
and  his  army,  on  the  7th  of  April  sent  him  the  follow 
ing  letter,  which  resulted  in  the  further  correspond 
ence  here  given,  ending  with  the  surrender  of  Lee  and 
his  entire  army. 

"  April  7th. 
"GEN.  E.  E.  LEE,  Commander  Confederate  States  Armies: 

"General — The  result  of  the  last  week  must  convince  you  of 
the  hopelessness  of  further  resistance  on  the  part  of  the  Army 
of  Northern  Virginia  in  this  struggle.  I  feel  that  it  is  so,  and 
regard  it  as  my  duty  to  shift  from  myself  the  responsibility  of 
any  further  effusion  of  blood,  by  asking  of  you  the  surrender  of 


300  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

that  portion  of  the  C.  S.  Army  known  as  the  Army  of  Northern 
Virginia. 

"  Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

"U.  S.  GRANT, 
"Lieut, -Gen.  Commanding  Armies  of  the  U.  States." 

'  'April  7th. 
"To  LIEUT.-GEN.    U.   S.   GRANT,  Commanding  Armies   of  the 

United  States: 

"General — I  have  received  your  note  of  this  date.  Though 
not  entirely  of  the  opinion  you  express  of  the  hopelessness  of 
further  resistance  on  the  part  of  the  Army  of  Northern  Virginia, 
I  reciprocate  your  desire  to  avoid  useless  effusion  of  blood,  and 
therefore,  before  considering  your  proposition,  ask  the  ternjs 
you  will  offer,  on  condition  of  its  surrender. 

"R.  E.  LEE,  General."- 

"  April  8th. 
"  To  GEN.  R.  E.  LEE,  Commanding  Confederate  States  Army: 

"  General — Your  note  of  last  evening,  in  reply  to  mine  of 
same  date,  asking  the  conditions  on  which  I  will  accept  the  sur 
render  of  the  Army  of  Northern  Virginia,  is  just  received.  In 
reply,  I  would  say,  that  peace  being  my  first  desire,  there  is  but 
one  condition  that  I  insist  upon,  viz: 

"  That  the  men  surrendered  shall  be  disqualified  for  taking  up 
arms  against  the  Government  of  the  United  States  until  properly 
exchanged. 

"I  will  meet  you,  or  designate  officers  to  meet  any  officers 

you  may  name  for  the  same  purpose,  at  any  point  agreeable  to 

you,  for  the  purpose  of  arranging  definitely  the  terms  upon  which 

the  surrender  of  the  Army  of  Northern  Virginia  will  be  received. 

' '  Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

".U.   S.  GRANT, 
"  Lieut. -Gen.  Commanding  Armies  of  the  U.  States." 

"April  8th. 
"  To  LIEUT.-GEN.   GRANT,  Commanding  Armies  of  the  United 

States: 

"General — I  received  at  a  late  hour -your  note  of  to-day,  in 
answer  to  mine  of  yesterday.  I  did  not  intend  to  propose  the 
surrender  of  the  Army  of  Northern  Virginia,  but  to  ask  the 
terms  of  your  proposition.  To  be  frank,  I  do  not  think  the 


XX.]       CORRESPONDENCE  BETWEEN  GRANT  AND  LEE.  361 

emergency  has  arisen  to  call  for  the  surrender.  But  as  the  res 
toration  of  peace  should  be  the  sole  object  of  all,  I  desire  to 
know  whether  your  proposals  would  tend  to  that  end. 

"  I  cannot,  therefore,  meet  you  with  a  view  to  surrender  the 
Army  of  Northern  Virginia,  but  so  far  as  your  proposition  maj/ 
affect  the  Confederate  States  forces  under  my  command,  and 
lead  to  the  restoration  of  peace,  I  should  be  pleased  to  meet  you 
at  10  A.M.  to-morrow,  on  the  old  stage-road  to  Kichmond,  between 
the  picket  lines  of  the  two  armies. 

"  Very  respectfully  your  obedient  servant, 

"K.  E.  LEE, 
"General  Confederate  States  Armies." 

"April  8th. 
"  GEN.  B.  E.  LEE,  Commanding  Confederate  States  Armies: 

"General — Your  note  of  yesterday  is  received.  As  I  have  no 
authority  to  treat  on  the  subject  of  peace,  the  meeting  proposed 
for  10  A.M.  to-day,  could  lead  to  no  good.  I  will  state,  however, 
General,  that  I  am  equally  anxious  for  peace  with  yourself,  and 
the  whole  North  entertain  the  same  feeling.  The  terms  upon 
which  peace  can  be  had  are  well  understood.  By  the  South 
laying  down  their  arms  they  will  hasten  that  most  desirable 
event,  save  thousands  of  human  lives,  and  hundreds  of  millions 
of  property  not  yet  destroyed. 

"  Sincerely  hoping  that  all  our  difficulties  may  be  settled 
without  the  loss  of  another-,  life,  I  subscribe  myself, 
"Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

"U.  S.  GRANT,  Lieut.-Gen.  U.  S.  A." 

"  April  9th,  1865. 

"General — I  received  your  note  of  this  morning  on  the  picket 
line,  whither  I  had  come  to  meet  you  and  ascertain  definitely 
what  terms  were  embraced  in  your  proposition  of  yesterday  with 
reference  to  the  surrender  of  this  army. 

"  I  now  request  an  interview  in  accordance  with  the  offer  con 
tained  in  your  letter  of  yesterday  for  that  purpose. 

"  Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

"K.  E.  LEE,  General. 
"  To  Lieut.-Gen.  Grant,  Commanding  U.  S.  Armies." 

"April  9th. 

"  Gen.  E.  E.  LEE,  Commanding  Confederate  States  Armies: 
"Your  note  of  this  date  is  but  this  moment  (11 :50  A.M.)  re- 


362  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA,  [Chap. 

% 

ceived.  In  consequence  of  my  having  passed  from  the  Rich 
mond  and  Lynchburg  road  to  the  Farmville  and  Lynchburg 
road,  I  am  at  this  writing  about  four  miles  wesc  of  Walter's 
Church,  and  will  push  forward  to  the  front  for  the  purpose  of 
meeting  you. 

1 '  Notice  sent  to  me  on  this  road  where  you  wish  the  interview 
to  take  place  will  meet  me. 

"  Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

"U.  S.  GRANT,  Lieut. -Gen." 

ct  APPOMATTOX  COURT  HOUSE,  April  9th. 
"  GEN.  R.  E.  LEE,  Commanding  Confederate  States  Armies: 

"  In  accordance  with  the  substance  of  my  letter  to  you  of  the 
8th  instant,  I  propose  to  receive  the  surrender  of  the  Army  of 
Northern  Virginia  on  the  following  terms,. to  wit: 

"Rolls  of  all  the  officers  and  men  to  be  made  in  duplicate, 
one  copy  to  be  given  to  an  officer  designated  by  me,  the  other 
to  be  retained  by  such  officers  as  you  may  designate. 

"  The  officers  to  give  their  individual  paroles  not  to  take  arms 
against  the  United  States  until  properly  exchanged,  and  each 
company  or  regimental  commander  sign  a  like  parole  for  the 
men  of  their  commands. 

"The  arms,  artillery,  and  public  property  to  be  packed  and 
stacked,  and  turned  over  to  the  officers  appointed  by  me  to 
receive  them.  This  will  not  embrace  the  side-arms  of  the  offi 
cers,  nor  their  private  horses  or  baggage. 

"  This  done,  each  officer  and  man  will  be  allowed  to  return  to 
their  homes,  not  to  be  disturbed  by  United  States  authority  so 
long  as  they  observe  their  parole  and  the  laws  in  force  where 

they  may  reside. 

"  Very  respectfully,  0 

"U.  S.  GRANT,  Lieut-Gen." 

"  HEAD-QUARTERS  ARMY  OF  NORTHERN  VA.,  April  9th,  1865. 
"  LIEUT. -GEN.  U.  S.  GRANT,  Commanding  U.  S.  Armies: 

"  General — I  have  received  your  letter  of  this  date,  containing 
the  terms  of  surrender  of  the  Army  of  Northern  Virginia,  as 
proposed  by  you;  as  they  are  substantially  the  same  as  those 
expressed  in  your  letter  of  the  8th  instant,  they  are  accepted.  I 
will  proceed  to  designate  the  proper  officers  to  carry  the  stipula 
tions  into  effect. 

"  Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

"R.  E.  LEE,  General." 


XX.]  SURRENDER   OP   LEE.  363 

At  3f  P.M.  of  the  9th  of  April,  1865,  the  Articles 
of  Capitulation  were  signed,  and  Lee'a  ainiy  was  re 
ceived  as  prisoners  of  war.  Before  the  surrender, 
Lee's  army  being  cut  off  from  all  supplies  and  pursued 
by  the  Federal  forces,  rendered  his  position  most  des 
perate.  The  following  description  of  his  flight,  made 
by  an  eye-witness,  will  give  the  reader  a  pretty  clear 
idea  of  the  circumstances  which  led  to  his  surrender, 
and  the  eminent  peril  which  awaited  the  Confederate 
forces : 

"  Those  foragers  who  returned  to  Lee  brought  little  or  nothing 
with  t!iem.  The  suffering^  of  the  men  from  the  pangs  of  hunger 
has  not  been  approached  in  the  military  annals  of  the  past  fifty 
years.  But  the  suffering  of  the  mules  and  horses  must  have  been 
even  keener;  for  the  men  assuaged  their  cravings  by  plucking 
the  buds  and  twigs  of  trees  just  shooting  in  the  early  spring, 
whereas  the  grass  had  not  yet  started  from  its  wintry  sleep,  and 
food  for  the  ur happy  quadrupeds  there  was  none.  As  early  as 
the  morning  of  the  6th,  Lee  sent  off  half  his  artillery  toward  the 
railroad,  to  relieve  the  famished  horses.  The  artillery,  making 
slow  progress,  thanks  to  the  exhaustion  of  the  horses,  was  cap 
tured  by  the  Federals  on  the  8th. 

"It  is  easy  to  see  that  the  locomotion  of  an  army  in  such  a 
plight  must  have  been  slow  and  slower.  The  retreat  was  con 
ducted  in  the  following  fashion :  About  midnight  the  Confeder 
ates  slipped  out  of  their  hasty  works,  which  they  had  thrown  up 
and  held  during  the  previous  day,  and  fell  back  until  10  or  12 
o'clock  the  next  morning.  Then  they  halted,  and  immediately 
threw  tip  earth-works  for  their  protection  during  the  day.  It  was 
not  long  before  the  wolves  were  again  on  their  heels,  and  from 
their  earth-works  the  Confederates  exchanged  a  heavy  fire  with 
their  pursuers  throughout  the  day.  Delayed  with  the  necessity 
of  guarding  an  ammunition  train  from  thirty-five  to  forty  iftiles 
in  length,  enfeebled  by  hunger  and  sleeplessness,  the  retreating 
army  was  only  able  to  make  ten  miles  each  night.  The  delay 
enabled  the  active  Sheridan  to  get  ahead  with  his  cavalry,  and 
to  destroy  the  depots  of  provisions  along  the  railroad  between 
Burkville  and  Danville.  Upon  the  5th,  many  of  the  mules  and 
horses  had  ceased  to  struggle.  It  became  necessary  to  burn  hun- 


364  REPUBLICANISM   IN  AMERICA.  [Chap. 

dreds  of  wagons.  At  intervals  the  enemy's  cavalry  dashed  in,  and 
struck  the  interminable  ammunition  train  here  and  there,  captur 
ing  and  burning  dozens  upon  dozens  of  wagons.  Toward  evening 
of  the  5th,  and  all  day  on  the  6th,  hundreds  of  men  dropped 
from  exhaustion,  and  thousands  let  fall  their  muskets  from  ina 
bility  to  carry  them  any  further. 

"The  scenes  of  the  5th,  6th,  7th,  and  8th,  were  of  a  nature 
which  can  be  apprehended  in  its  vivid  reality  only  by  men  who 
are  thoroughly  familiar  with  the  harrowing  details  of  war.  Be 
hind,  and  on  either  flank,  an  ubiquitous  and  increasingly  adven 
turous  enemy — every  mud-hole  and  every  rise  in  the  road  choked 
with  blazing  wagons — the  air  filled  with  the  deafening  reports 
of  ammunition  exploding,  and  shells  bursting  when  touched  by 
the  flames — dense  columns  of  smoke  ascending  to  heaven  from 
the  burning  and  exploding  vehicles — exhausted  men,  worn-out 
mules  and  horses,  lying  down  side  by  side — gaunt  famine  glar 
ing  hopelessly  from  sunken,  lack-lustre  eyes — dead  mules,  dead 
horses,  dead  men  everywhere — death,  many  times  welcomed  as 
God's  blessing  in  disguise — who  can  wonder  if  many  hearts, 
tried  in  the  fiery  furnace  of  four  years'  unparalleled  suffering, 
and  never  hitherto  found  wanting,  should  have  quailed  in  pres 
ence  of  starvation,  fatigue,  sleeplessness,  misery — unintermitted 
for  five  or  six  days,  and  culminating  in  hopelessness  ? 

"Yet  there  were  not  wanting  occasional  episodes  which  recalled 
something  of  the  old  pride  of  former  memories,  and  reminded 
men  that  this  hunted,  famished  crowd  was  still  the  same  army 
that  had  won  two  Bull  Buns,  which  had  twice  (in  pursuit  of 
a  fatal  policy)  trodden  its  enemy's  soil,  and  had  written  Fred- 
ericksburg,  Chancellorsville,  and  a  dozen  other  names  upon  its 
banners. 

"  The  reader  will  have  gathered  that  when  Gen.  Lee  found 
his  depots  along  the  Danville  road  destroyed  by  Sheridan,  he 
had  no  alternative  but  to  make  for  Lynchburg.  He  still  hoped 
to  get  rations  and  to  turn  suddenly  upon  Grant,  whose  army  was 
dispersed  into  many  columns.  The  fatigue  of  the  pursuit,  though 
unaggravated  by  famine,  was  beginning  to  tell  upon  the  pur 
suers.  But  in  pressing  for  Lynchburg,  Lee  found  himself  in  a 
dangerous  predicament.  He  was  on  a  strip  of  land,  not  more 
than  seven  or  eight  miles  broad,  between  the  James  and  Appo- 
mattox  Rivers.  On  the  afternoon  of  the  7th,  Lee's  situation 
seemed  so  unpromising,  that  Grant,  for  the  first  time,  sent  to 


XX.]  SURRENDER   OF   LEE.  365 

propose  surrender.  Lee  at  once  replied  that  his  circumstances 
did  not  seem  to  him  such  as  to  justify  his  entertaining  such 
a  proposal.  On  the  morning  of  the  8th,  Grant  renewed  his 
solicitations.  Lee  did  not  decline,  but  debated  the  matter,  call 
ing  a  council  of  war  in  the '  evening.  No  determination  was 
arrived  at  on  the  8th,  and  at  midnight  the  usual  dreary  retreat 
was  resumed.  The  springs  of  energy  and  will,  unstrung  by  long 
want  of  food,  had  run  down  in  the  men  like  the  machinery  of  a 
broken  clock.  Hitherto  the  retreat  had  been  covered  by  Long- 
street  and  Gordon  alternately,  but  now  the  Federal  force,  which 
had  got  ahead  of  Lee  and  was  obstructing  his  retreat,  had  become 
so  considerable  that  Gordon  was  thrown  out  with  2,000  men  in 
front,  while  Longstreet,  whose  pluck  neither  hunger,  nor  fatigue 
nor  depression  could  abate,  or  subdue,  still  covered  the  rear. 

"  At  daybreak  on  the  9th,  a  courier  from  Gordon  announced 
to  Lee  that  a  large  body  of  Federal  cavalry  (in  other  words, 
Sheridan's  army)  was  across  the  road  at  Appomattox  Court 
House.  At  the  same  moment  a  heavy  force  of  infantry  under 
Grant  was  pushing  Longstreet  vigorously  in  the  rear.  Between 
Longstreet  and  Gordon  were  the  remaining  wagons,  and  cling 
ing  to  them  thousands  of  unarmed  and  famished  stragglers  too 
weak  to  carry  their  muskets.  Lee  sent  orders  to  Gordon  to  cut 
his  way  through,  cowte  qu'il  coute.  Presently  came  another  cou 
rier  from  Gordon,  announcing  that  the  enemy  was  driving  him 
back.  Lee  had  at  this  moment  less  than  30,000  men  with  mus 
kets  at  their  hands.  The  fatal  moment  had  indisputably  come.. 
Hastily  donning  his  best  uniform,  and  buckling  on  his  sword, 
which  it  was  never  his  fashion  to  wear,  Gen.  Lee  turned  sadly 
to  the  rear,  to  seek  the  final  interview  with  Gen.  Grant. 

"  There  is  no  passage  of  history  in  this  war  which  will,  for 
years  to  come,  be  more  honorably  mentioned  and  gratefully 
remembered  than  the  demeanor  on  the  9th  of  April,  1865,  of 
Gen.  Grant  toward  Gen.  Lee.  I  do  not  so  much  allude  to  the 
facility  with  which  honorable  terms  were  accorded  to  the  Con 
federates,  as  to  the  bearing  of  Gen.  Grant  and  the  officers  about 
him  toward  Gen.  Lee.  The  interview  was  brief.  Three  com 
missioners  upon  either  side  were  immediately  appointed.  The 
agreement  to  which  these  six  commissioners  acceded  is  known. 

"  In  the  mean  time,  immediately  that  Gen.  Lee  was  seen 
riding  to  the  rear,  dressed  more  gaily  than  usual  and  begirt  with 
his  sword,  the  rumor  of  immediate  surrender  flew  like  wild-fire 
24 


366  REPUBLICANISM  IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

through  the  Confederates.  It  might  be  imagined  that  an  army, 
which  had  drawn  its  last  regular  rations  on  the  1st  of  April,  and 
harassed  incessantly  by  night  and  day,  had  been  marching  and 
lighting  until  the  morning  of  the  9th,  would  have  welcomed 
anything  like  a  termination  of  its  sufferings,  let  it  come  in  what 
form  it  might.  Let  those  who  idly  imagine  that  the  finer  feel 
ings  are  the  prerogative  of  what  are  called  the  '  upper  classes/ 
learn  from  this  and  similar  scenes  to  appreciate  '  common  men.' 
As  the  great  Confederate  captain  rode  back  from  his  interview 
with  Gen.  Grant,  the  news  of  the  surrender  acquired  shape  and 
consistency,  and  could  no  longer  be  denied.  The  effect  on  the 
worn  and  battered  troops — some  of  whom  had  fought  since 
April,  1861,  and  (sparse  survivors  of  hecatombs  of  fallen  com 
rades)  had  passed  unscathed  through  such  hurricanes  of  shot  as 
within  four  years  no  other  men  had  ever  experienced — passes 
mortal  description. 

"  Whole  lines  of  battle  rushed  up  to  their  beloved  old  chief, 
and,  choking  with  emotion,  broke  ranks  and  struggled  with  each 
other  to  wring  him  once  more  by  the  hand.  Men  who  had  fought 
throughout  the  war,  and  knew  what  the  agony  and  humiliation  of 
that  moment  must  be  to  him,  strove  with  a  refinement  of  unself 
ishness  and  tenderness  which  he  alone  could  fully  appreciate,  to 
lighten  his  burden  and  mitigate  his  pain.  With  tears  pouring 
down  his  cheek,  Gen.  Lee  at  length  commanded  voice  enough 
to  say:  '  Men,  we  have  fought  through  the  war  together.  I  have 
done  the  best  that  I  could  for  you/  Not  an  eye  that  looked  on 
that  scene  was  dry.  Nor  was  this  the  emotion  of  sickly  senti 
mentalists,  but  of  rough  and  rugged  men,  familiar  with  hard 
ships,  danger,  and  death  in  a  thousand  shapes,  mastered  by 
sympathy  and  feeling  for  another  what  they  never  experienced 
on  their  own  account." 

The  whole  number  of  troops  raised  by  the  Union, 
during  the  war,',  was  2,688,523,  and  the  number  in 
service,  or  on  the  lists  of  enrollment,  on  May  1st,  1865, 
at  the  close  of  the  war,  was  1,000,516,  which  was  at 
once  reduced  to  a  peace  footing  of  50,000,  of  all  arms. 
During  the  war  there  were  5,221  commissioned  officers 
and  90,868  men  fell  dead  in  battle,  or  died  of  wounds 
received  in  actual  service.  Besides  these,  2,324  com- 


XX.]  FORCES  ENGAGED   AND   LOSSES.  367 

missioned  officers  and  182,329  men  died  from  disease 
or  accident,  making  an  aggregate  of  379,828  who  fell 
in  the  cause  of  Liberty,  in  the  service  of  the  Union 
army,  during  the  war.  This  does  not  include  the  thou 
sands  who  died,  after  leaving  the  army,  from  wounds 
and  disease  received  and  contracted  there.  Ab  >ut  one- 
tenth  of  the  male  population  of  the  22,027,627  people 
from  whom  the  Union  armies  were  drawn — that  being 
the  population  of  the  twenty-five  loyal  States  in  1860 — 
participated  in  the  subduing  of  the  Rebellion  ;  and 
about  one-tenth  of  all  enlisted  died,  or  were  slain  in 
the  service.  There  were  180,000  black  soldiers  in  the 
Union  armies,  of  whom  29,298  were  slain  or  died  in 
the  service.  Mortality  from  disease  was  much  greater 
among  the  blacks  than  among  the  whites ;  no  doubt 
their  exposure  was  greater. 

On  the  rebel  side  the  aggregate  mustered  into  their 
armies  was  much  smaller  than  the  Union  forces.  They 
had,  in  1860,  in  the  eleven  seceded  States  5,449,463 
white  inhabitants,  and  a  population  of  3,607,467 
negroes,  a  few  of  whom  were  free.  Thus  they  had  a 
total  population  of  9,056,930,  of  all  classes,  from  which 
to  draw  their  armies;  while  the  North  had  22,027,627. 
At  this  date  there  were  only  1 ,841,996  more  whites  than 
blacks  in  the  eleven  seceded  States.  With  the  great 
facilities  of  the  North  for  supplying  and  maintaining 
an  army,  and  supplying  and  keeping  afloat  a  navy 
that  could  completely  cut  off  all  supply  from  without 
from,  the  rebels ;  the  great  odds  in  their  favor  of  the 
number  of  men,  and  all  the  foreign  immigration  coming 
to  the  ports  of  the  Free  States,  it  was  a  physical  impos 
sibility  for  the  South  to  long  continue  war  against  the 
North,  and  time  alone  was  waiting  to  bring  the  day, 
when  complete  exhaustion,  or  absolute  annihilation, 


368  REPUBLICANISM   IN  AMERICA.  [Chap. 

would  leave  the  rebel  army  a  thing  only  known  of  the 
past. 

The  losses  on  the  side  of  the  rebels,  from  insuffi 
ciencies  in  hospital  comfort  and  the  heavy  losses  in  the 
field,  are  computed  to  be  about  as  great  as  those  of  the 
Union  armies.  This  being  so,  there  must  have  been  at 
least  760,000  slain  and  died  of  disease  in  the  armies 
of  both  sides,  to  say  nothing  of  the  thousands  who  have 
died  since  leaving  the  armies,  with  wounds  and  dis 
eases  contracted  while  there,  and  those  permanently 
crippled.  These  classes  are  not  less  than  440,000 — 
making  at  least  1,200,000  human  beings  sacrificed  on 
the  altar  of  the  Slave  Power  and  State  Rights;  to  say 
nothing  of  the  untold  treasure  expended,  the  great 
national  debt  incurred,  the  burdensome  taxation  im 
posed,  the  sad  trials  and  unrequited  grief  and  misery 
of  the  friends  of  the  dead,  and  the  national  sorrow 
that  lingers  in  every  household,  North  and  South, 
where  the  tears  and  sighs  of  the  widow  and  orphan  are 
uttered  in  silent  despair.  At  whose  feet  this  awful 
spectacle  must  rest,  let  the  impartial  reader  of  these 
pages  be  the  judge. 

The  great  facility  with  which  the  vast  armies  of  the 
Nation  were  disposed  of  at  the  close  of  the  war,  and 
the  peaceful  order  in  which  they  returned  to  their 
homes  and  friends,  to  mingle  in  the  peaceful  pursuits 
of  business  and  pleasure,  is  an  example  of  the  peculiar 
features  of  American  Republicanism,  which,  in  time  of 
peace,  so  harmoniously  adapts  the  conditions  of  its  cit 
izens  to  the  business  and  social  relations  of  the  country, 
that  no  individual  class  can  maintain  a  distinctive  char 
acter  ;  but,  in  the  great  march  of  social  equality  and 
progressive  liberty,  the  soldier  of  to-day  is  the  civilian 
of  to-morrow,  and  the  civilian  of  to-day  is  the  soldier 
of  to-morrow. 


XX.]       SHERMAN'S  FAREWELL  TO  HIS  SOLDIERS.          369 

The  vast  armies  of  the  Republic,  as  they  stood  be 
fore  the  hosts  of  the  enemy,  at  the  close  of  the  war, 
will  doubtless  never  again  be  called  to  meet  a  foe  upon 
American  soil.  The  fast  passing  events  must,  in  the 
course  of  nature,  soon  seriously  deplete  their  ranks; 
but  so  long  as  they  live  they  will  be  the  sentinels^  who, 
standing  upon  the  pinnacles  of  our  mountain  heights, 
will  sound  aloud  the  first  notes  of  alarm,  should  dan 
ger  from  within  or  without  threaten  that  liberty  which 
is  the  highest  pride  and  the  dearest  boon  of  every 
American. 

The  parting  salutations  of  the  two  military  cham 
pions  of  the  age,  on  taking  leave  of  their  victorious 
armies,  are  here  given;  the  sentiments  they  contain 
will  be  held  dear  by  every  lover  of  freedom  while 
human  liberty  has  an  advocate  on  earth: 

"  HEAD-QUARTEBS  MIDDLE  Div.  OF  THE  MISSISSIPPI,  IN  THE  FIELD,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.,  May  30th,  1865.  j 

"Special  Order  No.  67. 

"The  General  Commanding  announces  to  the  Armies  of  the 
Tennessee  and  Georgia  that  the  time  has  come  for  us  to  part. 
Our  work  is  done,  and  armed  enemies  no  longer  defy  us.  Some 
of  you  will  be  retained  in  service  until  further  orders;  and 
now,  that  we  are  about  to  separate,  to  mingle  with  the  civil 
world,  it  becomes  a  pleasing  duty  to  recall  to  mind  the  situation 
of  national  affairs  when,  but  a  little  more  than  a  year  ago,  we 
were  gathered  a  .out  the  twining  cliffs  of  Lookout  Mountain, 
and  all  the  future  was  wrapped  in  doubt  and  uncertainty.  Three 
armies  had  come  together,  from  distant  fields,  with  separate 
histories,  yet  bound  by  one  common  cause — the  union  of  our 
country  and  the  perpetuation  of  the  Government  of  our  inherit 
ance.  There  is  no  need  to  recall  to  your  memories  Tunnel  Hill, 
with  its  Rocky  Face  Mountain,  and  Buzzard  Boost  Gap,  with 
the  ugly  forts  of  Dalton  behind.  We  were  in  earnest,  and  paused 
not  for  danger  and  difficulty,  but  dashed  through  Snake  Creek 
Gap  and  fell  on  Eesaca;  then  on  to  the  Etowah,  to  Dallas,  to 
Kenezaw,  and  the  heats  of  summer  found  us  on  the  banks  of  the 


370  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMEEICA.  [Chap. 

Chattahoochee,  far  from  borne  and  dependent  on  a  single  road 
for  supplies.  Again  we  were  not  to  be  beld  back  by  any  obstacle, 
and  crossed  over  and  fought  four  heavy  battles  for  the  possession 
of  the  citadel  of  Atlanta.  That  was  the  crisis  of  our  history. 
A  doubt  still  clouded  our  future;  but  we  solved  the  problem  and 
destroyed  Atlanta,  struck  boldly  across  the  State  of  Georgia, 
secured  all  the  main  arteries  of  life  to  our  enemy,  and  Christmas 
found  us  at  Savannah.  Waiting  there  only  long  enough  to  fill 
our  wagons,  we  again  began  a  march,  which  for  peril,  labor  and 
results  will  compare  with  any  ever  made  by  an  organized  army. 
The  floods  of  the  Savannah,  the  swamps  of  the  Combahee  and 
Edisto,  the  high  hills  and  the  rocks  o  the  Santee,  the  flat  quag 
mires  of  the  Pedee  and  Cape  Fear  Rivers,  were  all  passed  in 
midwinter,  with  its  floods  and  rains,  in  the  face  of  an  accumulat 
ing  enemy;  and,  after  the  battles  of  Averysboro  and  Bentonville, 
we  once  more  came  out  of  the  wilderness  to  meet  our  friends  at 
Goldsboro.  Even  then  we  paused  only  long  enough  to  get  new 
clothing,  to  reload  our  wagons,  and  again  pushed  on  to  Baleigh 
and  .beyond,  until  we  met  our  enemy,  suing  for  peace  instead 
of  war,  and  offering  to  submit  to  the  injured  laws  of  his  and  our 
country.  As  long  as  that  enemy  was  defiant,  nor  mountains, 
nor  rivers,  nor  swamps,  nor  hunger,  nor  cold,  had  checked  us; 
but  when  he  who  had  fought  us  hard  and  persistently  offered 
submission,  your  General  thought  it  wrong  to  pursue  him 
further,  and  negotiations  followed,  which  resulted,  as  you  all 
know,  in  his  surrender.  How  far  the  operations  of  the  army 
have  contributed  to  the  overthrow  of  the  Confederacy,  to  the 
peace  which  now  dawns  on  us,  must  be  judged  by  others,  not  by 
us.  But  that  you  have  done  all  that  men  could  do  has  been  ad 
mitted  by  those  in  authority;  and  we  have  a  right  to  join  in  the 
universal  joy  that  fills  our  land,  because  the  war  is  over,  and  our 
Government  stands  vindicated  before  the  world  by  the  joint  ac 
tion  of  the  volunteer  armies  of  the  United  States. 

"  To  such  as  remain  in  the  military  service,  your  General  need 
only  remind  you  that  successes  in  the  past  are  due  to  hard  work 
and  discipline,  and  that  the  same  work  and  discipline  are  equally 
important  in  the  future.  To  such  as  go  home,  he  will  only  say, 
that  our  favored  country  is  so  grand,  so  extensive,  so  diversified 
in  climate,  soil,  and  productions,  that  every  man  may  surely  find 
a  home  and  occupation  suited  to  his  tastes;  and  none  should 
yield  to  the  natural  impotence  sure  to  result  from  our  past  life 


XX.]    GRANT'S  FAREWELL  TO  THE  ARMIES.     371 

of  excitement  and  adventure.  You  will  be  invited  to  seek  new 
adventure  abroad,  but  do  not  yield  to  the  temptation,  for  it  will 
only  lead  to  death  and  disappointment. 

"  Your  General  now  bids  you  all  farewell,  with  the  full  belief 
that,  as  in  war  you  have  beon  good  soldiers,  so  in  peace  you  will 
make  good  citizens;  and  if,  unfortunately,  new  war  should  rise 
in  our  country,  Sherman's  Army  will  be  the  first  to  buckle  on 
the  old  armor  and  come  forth  to  defend  and  maintain  the  Gov 
ernment  of  our  inheritance  and  choice. 

"Bv  order  of  Major-General  "W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

"L.  M.  DAYTON,  Assistant  Adjutant-General." 

At  a  later  period,  the  following  address  was  issued 
by  Lieut.-General  Grant  to  all  the  Armies  of  the  Re 
public  : 

"GENERAL  ORDERS  No.  108. 

"  WAR  DEPARTMENT,  ADJUTANT-GENERAL'S  OFFICE,  ) 
"  Washington,  D.  C.,  June  2d,  1865.      ) 

"Soldiers  of  the  Armies  of  the  United  States: 

1 '  By  your  patriotic  devotion  to  your  country  in  the  hour  of 
danger  and  alarm,  your  magnificent  fighting,  bravery  and  endur 
ance,  you  have  maintained  the  supremacy  of  the  Union  and  the 
Constitution,  overthrown  all  armed  opposition  to  the  enforce 
ment  of  the  laws  and  the  proclamations  forever  abolishing 
Slavery — the  cause  and  pretext  of  the  Rebellion — and  opened  the 
way  to  the  rightful  authorities  to  restore  order  and  inaugurate 
peace  on  a  permanent  and  enduring  basis  on  every  foot  of  Amer 
ican  soil.  Your  marches,  sieges,  and  battles,  in  distance,  dura 
tion,  resolution,  and  brilliancy  of  results,  dim  the  lustre  of  the 
world's  past  military  achievements,  and  will  be  the  patriot's 
precedent  in  defense  of  liberty  and  right  in  all  time  to  come.  In 
obedience  to  your  country's  call,  you  left  your  homes  and  fami 
lies  and  volunteered  in  its  defense.  Victory  has  crowned  your 
valor,  and  secured  the  purpose  of  your  patriotic  hearts;  and  with 
the  gratitude  of  your  countrymen  and  the  highest  honors  a  great 
and  free  Nation  can  accord,  you  will  soon  be  permitted  to  return 
to  your  homes  and  families,  conscious  of  having  discharged  the 
highest  duty  of  American  citizens.  To1  achieve  these  glorious 
triumphs  and  secure  to  yourselves,  your  fellow  countrymen,  and 
posterity  the  blessings  of  free  institutions,  tens  of  thousands  of 


372  REPUBLICANISM   IN    AMERICA.  [Chap. 

your  gallant  comrades  have  fallen  and  sealed  the  priceless  legacy 
with  their  lives.  The  graves  of  these,  a  grateful  Natio^  bedews 
with  tears,  honors  their  memories,  and  will  ever  cherish  and 
support  their  stricken  families. 

"U.  S.  GKANT,  Lieut.-General." 

Jefferson  Davis,  President  of  the  Southern  Confed 
eracy,  who  had  in  company  with  other  officials  evacu 
ated  Richmond,  on  the  afternoon  of  Sunday,  April  2d, 
had  made  his  way  by  railroad  to  Danville,  I^orth  Car 
olina,  where,  on  the  5th  of  April,  he  established  his 
Government,  and  issued  the  following  appeal  to  his 
people : 

"  DANVILLE,  Va.,  April  5th,  1865. 

"The  General-in-Chief  found  it  necessary  to  make  such 
movements  of  his  troops  as  to  uncover  the  Capital.  It  would 
be  unwise  to  conceal  the  moral  and  material  injury  to  our  cause 
resulting  from  the  occupation  of  our  Capital  by  the  enemy.  It  is 
equally  unwise  and  unworthy  of  us  to  allow  our  energies  to  fal 
ter  and  our  efforts  to  become  relaxed  under  adverses,  however 
calamitous  they  may  be. 

' '  For  many  months  the  largest  and  finest  Army  of  the  Con 
federacy,  under  command  of  a  leader  whose  presence  inspires 
equal  confidence  in  the  troops  and  the  people,  has  been  greatly 
trammeled  by  the  necessity  of  keeping  constant  watch  over  the 
approaches  to  the  Capital,  and  has  thus  been  forced  to  forego 
more  than  one  opportunity  for  promising  enterprise.  It  is  for 
us,  my  countrymen,  to  show  by  our  bearing  under  reverses  how 
wretched  has  been  the  self-deception  of  those  who  have  believed 
us  less  able  to  endure  misfortunes  with  fortitude  than  to  en 
counter  dangers  with  courage. 

"  We  have  now  entered  upon  a  new  phase  of  the  struggle. 
Believed  from  the  necessity  of  guarding  particular  points,  our 
army  will  be  free  to  move  from  point  to  point  to  strike  the 
enemy  in  detail  far  from  his  base.  Let  us  but  will  it  and  we 
are  free. 

* '  Animated  by  that  confidence  in  spirit  and  fortitude  which 
never  yet  failed  me,  I  announce  to  you,  fellow  countrymen,  that 
it  is  my  purpose  to  maintain  your  cause  with  my  whole  heart 
and  soul — that  I  will  never  consent  to  abandon  to  the  enemy 


XX.]  DAVIS'  APPEAL   TO   HIS   SUBJECTS.  373 

one  foot  of  the  soil  of  any  one  of  the  States  of  the  Confederacy. 
That  Virginia — noble  State — whose  ancient  renown  has  been 
eclipsed  by  her  still  more  glorious  recent  history;  whose  bosom 
has  been  bared  to  receive  the  main  shock  of  this  war;  whose  sons 
and  daughters  have  exhibited  heroism  so  sublime  as  to  render 
her  illustrious  in  all  time  to  come — that  Virginia,  with  the  help 
of  the  people  and  by  the  blessing  of  Providence,  shall  be  held 
and  defended,  and  no  peace  ever  be  made  with  the  infamous  in 
vaders  of  her  territory. 

"  If,  by  the  stress  of  numbers,  we  should  ever  be  compelled  to 
a  temporary  withdrawal  from  her  limits,  or  those  of  any  other 
Border  State,  again  and  again  will  we  return,  until  the  baffled 
and  exhausted  enemy  shall  abandon  in  despair  his  endless  and 
impossible  task  of  making  slaves  of  a  people  resolved  to  be  free. 

"Let  us,  then,  not  despond,  my  countrymen,  but  relying  on 
God,  meet  the  foe  with  fresh  defiance  and  with  unconquered 
and  unconquerable  hearts. 

"JEFFERSON  DAVIS." 

The  new  phase  of  which  Davis  spoke,  upon  which 
the  people*  of  the  Confederacy  had  entered,  was  evi 
dently  not  the  phase  through  which  himself  and  the 
whole  army  of  the  seceded  States  were  passing.  Lee's 
telegram  to  him  at  Richmond,  on  April  2d,  apprised 
him  that  that  city,  and  also  Petersburg,  must  be  evac 
uated  at  once ;  and  as  he  left  the  rebel  Capital,  and  as 
the  Union  army  entered,  all  communication  was  cut 
off  between  himself  and  the  Confederate  Army;  and, 
as  he  indicated,  he  was  still  hopeful  that  the  South 
ern  armies,  even  detached  and  cut  off  from  all  regular 
sources  of  supply,  could  keep  up  a  protracted  warfare ; 
and,  in  the  hope  of  meeting  Lee,  or  some  of  the  lead 
ing  Generals  of  his  armies  at  his  new  head-quarters,  he 
remained  for  several  days  at  Danville.  He  would  not, 
he  said,  "  abandon  a  foot  of  the  soil  of  any  one  of  the 
States  of  the  Confederacy  to  the  'infamous  invaders' 
of  her  territory."  He  appealed  loudly  to  "the  ancient 


374  REPUBLICANISM  IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

renown  of  Virginia,"  "  whose  bosom  has  been  bared  to 
receive  the  main  shock  of  the  war."  How  well  she 
received  it  may  be  learned  from  a  perusal  of  a  preced 
ing  portion  of  this  chapter.  His  declaration,  that  if 
they  should  be  driven  from  the  Confederacy,  thr.t  they 
should  again  and  again  return,  has  been  verified  by  the 
reign  of  terror  instituted  by  his  followers  throughout 
the  conquered  States,  and  their  assumption  to  regain 
possession  of  the  reins  of  Government  and  institute  a 
system  of  Slavery  among  those  made  free  by  the  opera 
tions  of  the  war. 

On  the  10th  of  April  the  startling  news  of  the  fall 
of  Richmond  and  surrender  of  Lee  reached  Davis,  who, 
thinking  the  tenure  of  his  location  too  uncertain  even 
for  personal  safety,  packed  the  Government  of  the 
Confederacy  in  a  carpet-bag,  and  posted  off  by  rail  for 
Greensboro,  North  Carolina.  Here  he  halted  to  await 
events,  his  faithful  Postmaster-General,  Sir.  Reagan, 
and  a  few  other  officials  still  with  him.  The  Govern 
ment  was  set  up  in  the  cars,  where  the  President  and 
his  Cabinet  kept  watch  through  the  weary  night.  The 
thing  was  growing  slim.  The  Confederacy  had  shrunk 
from  its  once  proud  proportions  to  the  collapsed  inte 
rior  of  a  dusty  carpet-bag.  But  the  institution  was 
doomed  to  a  still  further  contraction.  On  the  15th 
of  April  the  news  of  the  surrender  of  Gen.  Johnston's 
Army  to  Gen.  Sherman  had  reached  him,  and  Greens 
boro,  like  Danville,  must  now  be  abandoned.  But  his 
flight  must  be  slow,  for  Gen.  Stoneman's  force  had  cut 
off  his  retreat  by  destroying  the  railroads,  A  move 
ment  must  be  made,  so  the  "President"  and  the 
''faithful"  hurried  the  Government  into  a  wagon  and 
started  upon  their  pilgrimage  to  Charlotte,  North  Car 
olina,  Here  the  weary  Executive  and  suite  were 


XX.]  FLIGHT   AND   CAPTURE   OF   DAVIS.  375 

kindly  received  by  his  subjects,  and  the  Government 
was  taken  from  the  carpet-bag  to  get  an  airing.  The 
company  rested  for  a  few  days,  but  their  repose  was 
doomed  to  arrest,  for  soon  the  news  of  the  approach 
of  General  Stoneman's  cavalry  brought  the  President 
to  another  change  of  base ;  so  the  carpet-bag  was  again 
sought  for,  but  its  contents  were  fast  evaporating. 
Wagon  was  too  slow  now — fast  horses  were  necessary. 
Soon  the  President  and  his  officials  were  mounted,  the 
Government  was  hung  to  the  pummel  of  Davis'  saddle, 
who  surrounded  by  2,000  cavalry,  started  at  full  speed, 
headed  southward  by  way  of  Yorkville  and  Abbieville, 
South  Carolina.  On  the  4th  of  May  the  remnant  of 
the  Presidential  escort,  which  had  dwindled  down  to 
a  few  dozen  persons,  together  with  the  President,  ar 
rived  at  Washington,  Georgia.  Here  the  sack  con 
taining  the  Government  was  snatched  from  the  saddle 
of  the  foaming  steed.  Davis  unlocked  it,  and  peering 
in,  failed  to  discover  its  contents  with  the  naked  eye, 
and  in  a  burst  of  agony  dropped  from  his  nervous  fin 
gers  the  unsubstantial  fabric  of  the  Southern  Confed 
eracy,  and  again  headed  South  in  search  of  happiness 
where  it  could  be  cheaper  and  more  abundantly  ob 
tained. 

Davis'  family,  who  up  to  this  time  had  accompanied 
him,  were  now  separated  from  him,  and  were  in  pos 
session  of  a  considerable  amount  of  money.  Fearing 
that  the  safety  of  his  funds  was  in  danger,  Davis  has 
tened  to  join  his  family,  and  with  the  aid  of  a  few 
friends,  pitched  their  gypsy  tent  in  the  woods,  a  little 
distance  from  the  village  of  Irwinsville,  Georgia.  Gen. 
Wilson,  of  the  Union  Army,  hearing  of  the  escape 
southward  of  Davis,  dispatched  two  companies  of  cav 
alry  in  pursuit — the  first  Wisconsin,  under  Lieut.-CoL 


376  REPUBLICANISM  IN  AMERICA.  [Chap. 

Harden,  and  fourth  Michigan,  under  Lieut. -Col. 
Pritchad.  The  cavalry  started  upon  their  important 
mission.  Pritchad  at  last,  on  the  10th  of  May,  struck 
the  rebel  trail  which  led  him  to  the  "last  ditch." 
Here  in  the  gray  of  monring  he  surprised  and  captured 
Mr.  Davis,  his  wife,  and  children,  and  his  wife's  sister. 
At  this  juncture  a  melancholy  affair  occurred.  The 
two  companies  of  cavalry  in  pursuit  had  taken  oppo 
site  directions,  and  meeting  at  this  point  while  it  was 
yet  too  early  in  the  morning  to  distinguish  each  other, 
and  mistaking  one  another  for  enemies,  commenced 
an  engagement.  Two  men  were  killed,  and  several 
wounded.  The  mistake  was  soon  discovered,  how 
ever.  Davis,  now  a  prisoner,  was  dispatched  to  For 
tress  Monroe,  where  he  was  closely  confined  for  some 
time,  but  was  subsequently  released  on  bail  that  he 
would  appear  before  the  United  States  Courts  for  trial 
upon  two  charges  found  against  him  by  indictment — 
one  for  treason,  the  other  for  complicity  in  the  assas 
sination  of  President  Lincoln. 

More  than  three  years  have  elapsed  since  the  arrest 
of  Mr.  Davis  to  the  present  time,  and  he  is  still  at 
large,  without  having  had  a  trial.  Alexander  H. 
Stephens,  Yice-President  of  the  Confederacy,  had  been 
captured  in  Georgia ;  and  he,  with  the  rebel  Post 
master-General  Reagan,  captured  with  Davis,  were 
sent  to  Fort  Warren,  Boston  harbor,  from  which  they 
were,  a  few  months  after,  released  on  parole. 

The  stories  circulated  about  Mr.  Davis'  attempting 
to  escape  in  female  attire  are  much  exaggerated.  Being 
aroused  at  early  morning,  he  hurriedly  put  on  his  boots, 
and  with  a  loose  wrapper  about  him,  in  which  he  had 
slept,  started  to  the  tent  door.  Mrs.  Davis,  fastening 
his  wrapper  about  him,  followed  him  to  the  door,  and 


XX.]  FLIGHT   AND   CAPTURE   OF   DAVIS.  377 

bade  him  go  towards  the  spring,  where  were  his  hors.e 
and  his  arms.  He  complied ;  and  as  he  was  leaving 
the  door,  Miss  Ho  well  threw  a  shawl  over  his  head. 
This  he  did  not  attempt  to  remove,  as  there  was  now 
no  time  to  be  lost;  so  in  this  attire  he  made  his  way 
hastily  towards  his  horse.  These  articles  are  believed, 
upon  good  authority,  to  be  all  pertaining  to  female 
attire  upon  Mr.  Davis.  Doubtless  his  appearance, 
with  his  long  robe  down  to  his  feet,  girdled  about 
him,  and  a  shawl  thrown  over  his  head,  was  well  cal 
culated  to  lead  to  the  belief  that  he  was  disguised 
as  a  female ;  but  it  is  very  doubtful  if  any  such  inten 
tion  had  entered  his  mind,  however  the  contrary  might 
be  among  those  about  him. 


CHAPTER    XXI. 

ENTHUSIASM  AT  THE  FALL  OF  RICHMOND.— ASSASSINATION  OF  ABRAHAM 
LINCOLN.  —  ATTEMPT  TO  MURDER  W.  H.  SEWARD.  —  ANDREW  JOHNSON 
SWORN  IN  PRESIDENT  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.— CAPTURE  OF  BOOTH,  THE 
ASSASSIN  OF  LINCOLN.— CAPTURE  OF  THE  OTHER  CONSPIRATORS.— TRIAL 
AND  SENTENCE  OF.— REWARDS  OFFERED  FOR  JEFFERSON  DAVIS,  JACOB 
THOMPSON,  CLEMENT  C.  CLAY,  BEVERLY  TUCKER,  GEO.  N.  SANDERS,  AND 
W.  C  CLEARY. 

PRESIDENT  LINCOLN,  on  the  24th  of  March,  1865,  had 
gone  to  City  Point,  a  few  miles  from  Petersburg  and 
Richmond,  Virginia,  to  witness  the  grand  attack  on 
the  rebel  Capital.  Grant  had  kept  up  continuous  tel 
egraphic  reports  to  him  during  the  siege  of  Peters 
burg  and  Richmond.  Mr.  Lincoln  arrived  at  Richmond 
on  the  4th  of  April,  the  day  after  its  fall,  remained  a 
short  time,  and  returned  soon  again,  as  has  been 
already  stated  in  the  preceding  chapter. 

He  returned  to  Washington  on  Sunday,  April  9th, 
the  day  of  Lee's  surrender.  The  news  of  the  sur 
render  of  Lee  reached  Washington  about  the  same 
time  that  Mr.  Lincoln  did,  and  caused  another  burst 
of  rejoicing  throughout  the  land.  All  the  cities  and 
villages  in  the  Free  States  were  illuminated.  Wash 
ington  City  was  a  scene  of  joy  never  witnessed  before. 
The  fall  of  Richmond,  and  the  brilliant  achievements 
of  Grant  and  Sheridan  and  their  soldiers,  had  wrought 
the  public  feeling  up  to  a  pitch  of  enthusiasm  beyond 
description. 

The  friends  of  the  Executive  were  now  highly 
elated.  Years  of  patient  toil  of  the  army,  in  which 
they  had  made  so  many  sacrifices  and  gained  so  many 


THADDEUS  STEVENS 


XXL]       JOY   OVER  THE  DEFEAT   OF   THE   REBELS.  379 

brilliant  victories,  were  now  crowned  by  success  com 
plete  and  permanent.  The  long  and  painful  night  of 
suspense,  suffering,  and  mourning  of  the  Nation,  was 
at  last  ended  ;  and  the  indomitable  energy  and  un 
interrupted  watchfulness  of  Mr.  Lincoln  had  all  been 
repaid.  He  had  the  pleasure  of  entering  -the  rebel 
Capital  the  day  after  its  fall,  and  gazing  upon  the 
charred  walls  of  the  city  of  treason.  He  saw  the  smoke 
from  its  ruins  mingle  with  the  clouds;  and  the  flames 
from  the  last  funeral  pile  of  the  Slave  Power  in  Amer 
ica  illuminate  the  path  of  the  bondman  from  the  night 
of  Slavery,  into  the  morning  of  blessed  freedom, and  be 
held  the  symbol  of  Liberty — the  flag  of  his  country — 
floating  where,  for  four  years,  the  rebel  flag  had  held  un 
interrupted  sway.  The  heart  of  the  mighty  enemy  was 
crushed,  and  America  was  free.  The  great  problem  of 
human  liberty,  and  the  capacity  of  man  for  self-gov 
ernment,  had  been  solved  by  the  terrible  arbitrament 
of  the  sword.  The  sacrifice  had  been  great,  but  the 
victory  and  its  fruits  were  not  to  be  garnered  in  a  day ; 
their  results  were  the  liberties  of  millions  yet  unborn. 
And  as  the  magnitude  of  the  victory  stood  before  the 
humane  Lincoln,  his  great  soul  rejoiced  and  praised 
God.  How  little  did  he  dream  of  the  tragic  fate  so 
close  upon  him.  Already  the  bullet  that  was  to  pierce 
his  brain,  had  been  placed  in  the  pistol  by  the  hand 
of  the  assassin.  The  country  was  turning  toward  re 
pose.  Her  conquering  armies  were  seeking  their 
homes  and  dear  ones.  A  tranquillity  unknown  for 
years,  spread  over  the  land,  only  however  to  be  eclipsed 
by  the  black  shadow  of  mourning,  whose  sable  pall 
draped  every  loyal  house  in  the  land,  and  hung  from 
the  declivities  of  the  mountains,  from  the  Saco  to  the 
Columbia. 


380  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

President  Lincoln  had,  on  April  13th,  1865,  directed 
that  an  order  issue  from  the  War  Office  discontinuing 
all  further  recruiting  for  the  army.  This  appeared  in 
the  public  press  on  April  14th,  the  anniversary  of  the 
fall  of  Fort  Sumter  and  its  surrender  to  the  rebels, 
four  yeara  prior  to  that  day.  A  Cabinet  meeting  had 
been  held  during  the  day,  at  which  General  Grant  was 
present.  President  Lincoln,  General  Grant,  and  a  few 
other  friends  had  arranged  to  spend  the  evening  at 
Ford's  Theatre,  in  Washington  City.  The  General, 
however,  returned  to  his  post,  and  did  not  attend. 
Mr.  Lincoln,  with  his  wife  and  their  friends,  Major  H. 
R.  Rathbone  and  Miss  Carrie  W.  Harris,  attended  the 
theatre,  and  occupied  a  private  box.  His  going  to  the 
theatre  was  to  him  a  moment  of  relaxation,  and  as 
unsuspicious  of  danger  as  possibly  could  be.  He,  of 
all  others,  never  had  a  suspicion  of  any  personal  dan 
ger,  notwithstanding  that,  during  the  past  four  years, 
he  had  received  many  anonymous  letters  of  threats 
of  assassination.  While  seated  in  the  theatre  with  his 
friends,  J.  Wilkes  Booth,  an  o.ctor,  born  in  Baltimore, 
Maryland,  and  son  of  the  celebrated  tragedian,  Junius 
Brutus  Booth,  entered,  at  half-past  10  o'clock,  at  the 
door  of  the  box,  which  he  fastened  behind  him;  and, 
while  all  were  intent  upon  the  play,  stood  close  to  the 
back  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  who  sat  in  a  high  arm  chair,  and 
with  a  Derringer  pistol  in  his  right  hand,  and  double- 
edged  dagger  in  the  other,  placed  the  pistol  to  the 
President's  head,  fired,  and  striking  at  those  in  the  box 
with  the  dagger,  sprang  to  the  front  of  the  box,  ex 
claiming,  uSic  semper  tyrannis!"  (Thus  always  with 
tyrants — the  motto  of  the  State  of  Virginia),  leaped 
upon  the  stage  below,  and,  brandishing  his  dagger, 
shouted,  "The  South  is  avenged!"  Rushing  across  the 


XXI.]  ASSASSINATION  OF   LINCOLN.  381 

stage,  he  made  his  exit  through  a  back  door,  mounted 
a  horse  in  waiting  for  him,  and  made  his  flight  into 
Maryland,  where  he  found  shelter  and  protection 
among  his  Secession  friends.  All  this  was  done  so 
quickly,  and  the  confusion  was  so  great,  that  his  pur 
suers  came  to  the  street  only  to  see  him  flying  away 
upon  his  fleet  horse.  When  the  true  state  of  affairs 
was  known,  the  excitement  in  the  theatre  was  intense. 
Mr.  Lincoln  was  removed  insensible ;  the  lights  were 
turned  down  and  the  doors  closed.  Mr.  Lincoln,  who 
had  been  entirely  unconscious  since  he  had  received 
the  fatal  shot,  at  twenty  minutes  past  seven  o'clock  on 
the  following  morning,  April  15th,  1865,  expired.  His 
death  was  the  result  of  an  organized  conspiracy,  by  a 
number  of  ruffians,  to  assassinate  the  President  and 
his  Cabinet. 

"While  this  bloody  tragedy  was  being  enacted,  Lewis 
Payne  Powell,  known  as  Payne,  entered  the  residence 
of  W.  H.  Seward,  Secretary  of  State,  who  was  lying  in 
bed  disabled  by  a  fall  from  his  carriage,  resulting  in 
the  breaking  of  his  jaw  and  one  of  his  arms.  Payne 
stated  to  a  boy  in  the  hall  that  he  had  medicine  for 
Mr.  Seward,  and  went  up  stairs  to  the  third  floor.  At 
the  door  of  Mr.  Seward' s  room  he  met  Frederick  "W. 
Seward,  the  son  of  the  Secretary,  to  whom  he  told  the 
same  story,  and  on  being  refused  admission,  drew  a 
pistol  and  fired,  but  without  effect.  He  then  struck 
Mr.  Seward  two  severe  blows  on  the  head,  breaking 
his  pistol  and  fracturing  Mr.  Seward' s  skull.  Miss 
Fannie  Seward,  being  in  her  father's  room  and  hearing 
the  noise,  opened  the  door.  Payne  rushed  in  and 
commenced  to  deal  terrible  blows  at  the  throat  of  Mr. 
Seward  with  a  bowie-knife,  inflicting  desperate  wounds. 
Mr.  Robinson,  an  invalid  soldier  in  the  house,  and  at- 
25 


382  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

tendant  upon  Mr.  Seward,  endeavored  to  drag  the 
murderer  from  the  bed.  Payne  turned  upon  Robin 
son,  inflicting  serious  wounds  upon  him.  Mr.  Seward 
at  this  moment  rolled  himself  from  the  bed  and  on  the 
floor  towards  the  wall.  The  would-be  assassin,  find 
ing  that  he  could  not  reach  his  victim,  relieved  him 
self  from  Robinson  and  started  down  stairs.  Meeting 
Major  Augustus  Seward,  another  son  of  the  Secre 
tary,  on  the  stairs,  he  plunged  at  him  with  his  knife. 
Further  down  the  stairs  he  met  Mr.  Hansel,  an  attend 
ant  on  the  Secretary,  whom  he  stabbed  in  the  back. 
Miss  Seward  was  now  screaming  " murder"  from  her 
father's  room  window.  Payne  passed  all  obstacles,  and 
rushing  for  his  horse  at  the  door,  mounted  him  and 
rode  away.  This  took  place  about  half  past  ten  o'clock 
on  Friday  night,  April  14th,  1865. 

The  news  of  the  assassination  of  Abraham  Lincoln 
was  soon  spread  throughout  the  land,  and  a  cloud  of 
mourning  like  an  eclipse  draped  every  dwelling  where 
lived  the  spirit  of  liberty.  The  Nation's  pulse  stood 
still.  A  gloom,  sad  and  sickening,  as  blank  as  a  pause 
in  nature,  suspended  the  actions  of  men.  The  busy 
streets  of  yesterday,  wherein  hundreds  of  thousands 
of  active  seekers  of  business  and  pleasure  were  con 
gregated,  were  now  a  slow-moving  procession  of  sor 
rowful  people.  Festivities  and  hilarity  of  a  few  days 
before,  were  now  hushed  into  melancholy  gloom ;  the 
piping  notes  of  joyous  music  were  answered  only  by 
the  measured  roll  of  the  muffled  drum.  Throughout 
the  entire  land,  and  over  the  deep  sea,  the  National 
flag  hung  mournfully  at  half-mast.  All  business  of 
the  country  was  suspended,  and  men  seemed  to 
wander  in  idle  forgetfulness  of  their  own  being. 
Beside  the  altar  of  prayer,  old  age  reverently  bowed, 


XXI.]  ASSASSINATION   OF   LINCOLN.  383 

while  the  fountains  of  tears  long  locked  up,  burst 
forth  afresh  in  copious  streams.  Vigorous  manhood 
stood  appalled,  while  innocent  youth  inquired  the 
cause  of  so  much  grief.  The  Goddess  of  Liberty,  from 
her  throne  of  clouds,  sang  a  melancholy  requiem  as 
she  wove  emblems  of  national  mourning.  In  the  cot 
tage  of  the  peasant,  the  lowly  cabin  of  the  miner 
where  the  tall  pine  casts  its  shadow,  by  the  sea-side, 
in  the  fisherman's  lonely  home,  where  the  ceaseless 
dirge  of  Atlantic's  fretful  pulse  mingles  with  the  storm- 
cloud,  in  the  lumberman's  secluded  abode,  obscure 
and  dark  in  forest  gloom;  around  the  shrine  of  liberty, 
where  stood  the  sable  sons  of  Africa  as  they  laid  their 
fetters  upon  the  funeral  pile  of  bondage,  and  breathed 
prayers  of  love  and  gratitude — alike  in  all  these,  was 
the  same  sad  mourning,  and  the  same  unspeakable 
sorrow. 

When  the  .sad  news  reached  across  the  seas5.  the 
haughty  standard  of  the  Monarch  was  lowered  in 
honor  of  the  dead.  The  courtly  halls  of  proud  Eng 
land,  the  royal  court  of  the  Czar,  the  legislative  coun 
cils  of  the  nations,  presented  scenes  of  sadness  and 
sympathy.  The  sturdy  Polander,  whose  breast  swelled 
with  manly  pride  at  the  mention  of  Republicanism; 
the  collier  of  Britain,  who  from  his  chamber  of  dark 
ness  had  seen  the  bright  star  of  American  Liberty, 
through  the  eternal  night  to  which  he  was  doomed; 
the  plaided  Highlander,  who  listened  to  the  tales  of 
his  conquering  clans  and  sighed  for  freedom;  and  the 
robust  son  of  the  Emerald  Isle,  whose  heart  yearned 
for  the  emancipation  of  his  down-trodden  land — all 
joined  in  the  universal  mourning — all  seemed  to  have 
lost  a  friend. 

The  name  and  the  fame  of  Abraham  Lincoln  had 


384  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

reached  to  the  extreme  ends  of  the  earth,  for  the  land 
of  which  he  was  an  honored  citizen  and  bold  defender, 
had  for  four  years  been  passing  through  a  purgation  of 
the  heresies  of  two  and  a  half  centuries ;  and  the  great 
free  land  of  America,  where  so  many  exiles  had  made 
their  homes,  was  looked  to  from  across  the  Atlantic 
as  an  asylum  for  the  oppressed  of  all  lands. 

But  the  tragic  death  of  the  good  Lincoln  was  not  to 
arrest  the  progress  of  civil  liberty  in  America.  Like 
a  giant  of  the  forest,  he  fell;  but  he  sleeps  not — his 
watchful  spirit  still  keeps  vigilant  guard  over  the  free 
dom  of  those  he  loved  so  well.  And  as  the  tide  of 
time  carries  the  generations  of  men  into  the  fitful  ed 
dies  and  whirlpools  of  political  danger,  the  memory  of 
his  patriotism  and  love  of  human  liberty,  will  lead 
them  to  fields  of  victory  and  scenes  of  peaceful  repose. 
And  in  the  ages  that  will  pass  away,  the  generations 
that  will  read  of  the  great  struggle,  on  the  American 
Continent,  between  barbarism  and  freedom,  in  the 
four  years  from  April  12th,  1861,  to  April  14th,  1865, 
will  revere  the  name  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  so  long  as 
liberty  inspires  the  human  heart. 

At  11  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  April  15th,  the  day 
of  M%  Lincoln's  death,  Andrew  Johnson,  who  had 
been  elected  Yice-Precident  in  1864,  took  the  Consti 
tutional  oath  of  office  as  President  of  the  United  States. 
Mr.  Johnson,  who  was  a  native  of  North  Carolina,  one 
of  the  original  Slave  States,  and  who  was  United  States 
Senator  from  the  State  of  Tennessee  at  the  commence 
ment  of  the  war,  unlike  his  fellow  Representatives 
from  the  South,  proclaimed  himself  unalterably  for  the 
Union.  Before  his  election  as  Vice-President  he  had 
been  appointed  Military  Governor  of  his  State,  and 
during  the  war  stood  firm  with  the  Administration,  and 
opposed  Secession. 


XXL]         THE   FLIGHT   AND   CAPTUKE   OF  BOOTH.  385 

Soon  after  the  death  of  his  predecessor,  the  question 
of  the  status  of  the  States  lately  in  Rebellion  became 
a  subject  of  National  interest.  The  pause  in  the 
affairs  of  the  rebellious  States,  caused  by  the  cessation 
of  hostilities,  and  while  there  was  yet  no  civil  gov 
ernment,  called  for  immediate  action.  All  State 
laws  in  conformity  with  any  laws  of  Congress,  had 
been  suspended ;  the  people  had  just  stacked  their 
arms,  at  the  command  of  a  superior  physical  power; 
the  changes  wrought  by  the  revolution  in  the  personal 
status  of  the  people  could  not  be  ascertained  in  a  mo 
ment;  the  patriot  could  not  be  distinguished  from  the 
traitor,  so  as  to  adopt  a  civil  policy  to  suit  each;  so, 
accordingly,  Military  Governors  were  appointed  by  the 
Executive,  instructed  to  improvise  such  Government 
as  might  be  adequate  to  the  changed  condition  of  the 
people,  until  such  time  as  circumstances  might  fit  the 
people  to  again  resume  relationship  with  the  Govern 
ment  which  they  had  abandoned.  (See  "  Reconstruc 
tion/') 

The  flight  of  the  assassins  from  the  Capital  was  as 
remarkable  as  the  desperation  of  the  deed.  Soon  the 
vigilant  police  and  active  military  were  upon  their 
track.  Booth  and  some  of  his  confederates  had  escaped 
into  Maryland,  and  were  received  by  their  friends.  His 
progress  had  been  retarded  by  a  fracture  of  his  leg, 
received  in  leaping  from  the  box  to  the  stage  of  the 
theatre.  On  the  night  of  the  26th  of  April,  twelve 
days  after  the  murder,  his  pursuers  discovered  him  and 
his  confederate,  Harold,  concealed  in  a  barn  near  Port 
Royal.  On  demand  of  his  pursuers,  Booth  refused  to 
surrender,  and  displayed  his  firearms,  and  declared 
that  he  would  not  be  arrested.  The  barn  was  fired. 
Harold  came  out  and  gave  himself  up,  but  Booth  still 


386  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

remained  within.  The  cavalry  (New  York)  that  dis 
covered  him,  formed  themselves  in  a  circle  round  the 
barn,  and,  either  from  impatience,  fear  of  his  escape, 
or  dread  of  personal  injury  from  the  menacing  attitude 
of  Booth,  who  was  leveling  his  Colt's  revolver  at  them, 
Boston  Corbet,  a  young  man  of  English  birth,  belong 
ing  to  the  cavalry,  drew  his  rifle  upon  Booth,  and  shot 
him.  He  died  in  a  few  hours.  His  body  was  taken 
to  Washington  and  surrendered  to  the  United  States 
authorities.  It  was  disposed  of  secretly.  The  curi 
osity  of  the  public  to  know  the  locality  of  the  remains 
of  the  assassin  are  likely  never  to  be  gratified.  The 
reports  that  he  still  lives  are  as  unfounded  as  many 
others  that  distract  the  minds  of  curious  people. 

Nine  of  those  immediately  connected  with  this  mur 
derous  affair,  were  tried  before  a  Court  Martial,  in  the 
City  of  Washington;  and  on  the  6th  day  of  July,  1865, 
Mrs.  Surratt,  Harold,  Atzerott,  and  Payne,  were  exe 
cuted  by  order  of  President  Johnson,  on  approval  of 
the  findings  of  the  Court  Martial.  O'Laughlin,  Arnold, 
and  Dr.  Mudd  were  imprisoned  for  life,  and  Spangler 
for  six  years. 

At  the  trial  of  these  persons,  circumstances  pointed 
strongly  against  Jefferson  Davis  and  many  leading 
Democrats,  as  being  implicated  in  the  schemes  of  as 
sassination.  But,  so  far,  no  trial  or  conviction  of  them 
has  been  had. 

On  the  2d  of  May,  1865,  the  following  proclamation 
was  issued  by  President  Johnson : 

"  Whereas,  It  appears,  from  evidence  in  the  bureau  of  Military 
Justice,  that  the  atrocious  murder  of  the  late  President,  Abra 
ham  Lincoln,  and  the  attempted  assassination  of  the  Hon.  W. 
H.  Seward,  Secretary  of  State,  were  incited,  concerted,  and 
procured  by  and  between  Jefferson  Davis,  late  of  Richmond, 
Va.,  and  Jacob  Thompson,  Clement  C.  Clay,  Beverly  Tucker, 


XXL]         JOHNSON'S  PARDON  PROCLAMATION.  387 

George  N.  Sanders,  W.  C.  Cleary,  and  other  rebels  and  trait 
ors  against  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  harbored  in 
Canada. 

"Now,  therefdre,  to  the  end  that  justice  may  be  done,  I, 
Andrew  Johnson,  President  of  the  United  States,  do  offer  and 
promise,  for  the  arrest  of  said  persons,  or  either  of  them,  within 
the  limits  of  the  United  States,  so  that  they  can  be  brought  to 
trial,  the  following  rewards:  $100,000  for  the  arrest  of  Jefferson 
Davis;  $25,000  for  the  arrest  of  Jacob  Thompson,  late  of  Missis 
sippi;  $25,000  for  the  arrest  of  George  N.  Sanders;  $25,000 
for  the  arrest  of  Beverly  Tucker;  and  $10,000  for  the  arrest  of 
William  C.  Cleary,  late  clerk  of  Clement  C.  Clay.  The  Provost 
Marshal-General  of  the  United  States  is  directed  to  cause  a  de 
scription  of  said  persons  with  notice  of  the  above  rewards  to  be 
published." 

On  the  4th  day  of  July,  1868,  President  Johnson 
issued  an  amnesty  proclamation  very  sweeping  in  its 
nature.  The  policy  of  this  act  has  been  much  doubted 
by  some  who  believe  that  the  spirit  of  Rebellion  was 
still  fresh  in  the  breasts  of  the  leaders  of  the  late  Con 
federacy.  But  the  freedom  of  America  is  safe  in  the 
hands  of  the  masses  who  rescued  it  from  the  Slave 
Power.  America  can  afford  to  be  magnanimous. 

Following  is  the  proclamation : 

"Whereas,  In  the  month  of  July,  Anno  Domini,  1861,  in 
accepting  the  condition  of  civil  war  which  was  brought  about 
by  insurrection  and  rebellion  in  several  of  the  States  which  con 
stitute  the  United  States,  the  two  Houses  of  Congress  did  solemnly 
declare  that  war  was  not  waged  on  the  part  of  the  Government 
in  any  spirit  of  oppression  nor  for  any  purpose  of  conquest  or 
subjugation;  nor  for  any  purpose  of  overthrowing  or  interfering 
with  the  rights  or  established  institutions  of  the  States,  but  only 
to  defend  and  maintain  the  supremacy  of  the  Constitution  of 
the  United  States,  and  to  preserve  the  Union  with  all  the  dignity, 
equality  and  rights  of  the  several  States  unimpaired,  and  that 
so  soon  as  those  objects  should  be  accomplished  the  war,  on  the 
part  of  the  Government,  should  cease; 

"And  wtereas,  The  President  of  the  United  States  has  hereto- 


388  REPUBLICANISM   IN    AMERICA.  [Chap. 

fore,  in  the  spirit  of  that  declaration,  and  with  the  view  of 
securing1  for  it  ultimate  and  complete  effect,  set  forth  several 
proclamations  offering  amnesty  and  pardon  to  persons  who  had 
been  or  were  concerned  in  the  aforenamed  Rebellion,  which  proc 
lamations,  however,  were  attended  with  prudential  reservations 
and  exceptions  then  deemed  necessary  and  proper,  and  which 
proclamations  were  respectively  issued  on  the  8th  day  of  Decem 
ber,  1863;  on  the  26th  day  of  March,  1864;  on  the  29th  day  of 
May,  1865;  and  on  the  7th  of  September,  1867; 

"And  whereas,  The  said  lamentable  civil  war  has  long  since 
altogether  ceased,  with  an  acknowledgment  by  all  the  States  of 
the  supremacy  of  the  Federal  Constitution  and  of  the  Govern 
ment  thereunder,  and  there  no  longer  exists  any  reasonable 
ground  to  apprehend  a  renewal  of  the  said  civil  war,  or  any  for 
eign  interference,  or  any  unlawful  resistance  by  any  portion  of 
the  people  of  any  of  the  States  to  the  Constitution  and  laws  of 
the  United  States; 

"  And  whereas,  It  is  desirable  to  reduce  the  standing  army  and 
to  bring  to  a  speedy  termination  military  occupation,  martial 
law,  military  tribunals,  abridgment  of  the  freedom  of  speech 
and  of  the  press,  and  suspension  of  the  privilege  of  habeas  corpus 
and  of  the  right  of  trial  by  jury,  such  encroachments  upon  our 
free  institutions  in  time  of  peace  being  dangerous  to  public  lib 
erty,  incompatible  with  the  individual  rights  of  citizens,  contrary 
to  the  genius  and  spirit  of  our  Republican  form  of  Government 
and  exhaustive  of  the  national  resources; 

"And  whereas,  It  is  believed  that  amnesty  and  pardon  will 
tend  to  secure  a  complete  and  universal  establishment  and  prev 
alence  of  municipal  law  and  order,  in  conformity  with  the  Con 
stitution  of  the  United  States,  and  to  remove  all  appearances 
and  presumptions  of  a  retaliatory  or  vindictive  policy  on  the  part 
of  the  Government,  attended  by  unnecessary  disqualifications, 
pains,  penalties,  confiscations  and  disfranchisements,  and  on  the 
contrary  to  promote  and  procure  complete  fraternal  reconcilia 
tion  among  the  whole  people,  with  due  submission  to  the  Con 
stitution  and  laws.  • 

"  Now,  therefore,  be  it  known  that  I,  Andrew  Johnson,  Presi 
dent  of  the  United  States,  do,  by  virtue  of  the  Constitution,  and 
in  the  name  of  the  people  of  the  United  States,  hereby  proclaim 
and  declare,  unconditionally  and  without  reservation,  to  all  and 
to  every  person  who,  directly  or  indirectly  participated  in  the 


XXI.]         JOHNSON'S  PARDON  PROCLAMATION.  389 

late  insurrection  or  rebellion,  except  such  person  or  persons  as 
may  be  under  presentment  or  indictment  in  any  Court  of  the 
United  States  having  competent  jurisdiction  upon  a  charge  of 
treason  or  other  felony,  a  full  pardon  and  amnesty  for  the  offense 
of  treason  against  the  United  States,  or  of  adhering  to  their 
enemies  during  the  late  civil  war,  with  restoration  of  all  rights  of 
property,  except  as  to  slaves,  and  except  also  as  to  any  property 
of  which  any  person  may  have  been  legally  divested  under  the 
laws  of  the  United  States. 

t '  In  testimony  whereof,  I  have  signed  these  presents  with  my 
hand  and  have  caused  the  seal  of  the  United  States  to  be  here 
unto  affixed. 

"  Done  at  the  City  of  "Washington,  the  fourth  day  of  July,  in 
the  year  of  our  Lord  1868,  and  of  the  Independence  of  the 
United  States  of  America  the  93d. 

"ANDREW  JOHNSON. 
"By  the  President: 

"  WM.  H.  SEWABD,  Secretary  of  State/' 


CHAPTER    XXII 

RECONSTRUCTION.— STATUS  OF  THE  REBEL  STATES.— THE  PRESIDENT'S  POLICY. 
—ATTITUDE  OF  THE  DEMOCRACY.— ACTION  OF  CONGRESS.— AMENDMENTS  TO 
THE  CONSTITUTION.— CIVIL  RIGHTS  BILL. 

AT  the  close  of  the  war,  the  States  of  the  conquered 
Confederacy  were  destitute  of  all  Civil  Government. 
Whatever  sort  of  laws  or  forms  of  Government  they 
had  maintained  during  the  period  of  the  Rebellion 
were  in  opposition  to  the  Federal  Constitution,  and 
upon  the  fall  of  Davis'  Government  the  soil  was  the 
property  of  the  United  States,  and  the  people  in  the 
same  position  as  they  were  -before  the  Rebellion,  with 
this  exception — that  their  voluntary  acts  of  treason 
had  attainted  them,  and  rendered  them  unfit  to  parti 
cipate  in  the  affairs  of  Government,  or  to  perform  the 
acts  and  fulfill  the  offices  of  citizens.  The  Govern 
ments,  Constitutions  and  laws  of  the  States  were  com 
pletely  prostrated,  by  reason  of  the  people  having  lost 
their  right  of  citizenship.  To  reconstruct  these  Ter 
ritories  into  States,  and  give  them  a  position  in  the 
Union,  with  Governments  Republican  in  form,  and  also 
to  restore  the  people  to  citizenship,  devolved  upon  the 
Federal  Government  new  and  important  duties. 

On  the  establishment  of  Federal  authority  over  these 
States  and  people,  they  were  in  the  exact  position  of  a 
conquered  foreign  nation,  save  that  the  people  owed  alle 
giance  to  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  of  which 
they  could  not  divest  themselves  so  long  as  they  re 
mained  upon  the  soil  of  the  Union ;  and  to  recognize  any 
other  principle  would  be  contrary  to  the  customs  of  all 


XXIL]  STATUS   OF   THE   REBEL   STATES.  391 

civilized  nations ;  an  abandonment  of  the  strictest  rules 
of  international  law;  an  acknowledgment  of  the  lack 
of  power  in  the  National  Federal  Government  to  hold 
the  several  parts  01  the  nation  together,  by  measures 
sufficient  to  guarantee  a  Republican  form  of  Govern 
ment  and  a  perpetuity  of  the  Union. 

The  maintaining  of  de  facto  Governments  for  four 
years  in  the  Slave  States;  their  building  and  keeping 
afloat  a  navy ;  equipping  and  supporting  an  army  which 
prosecuted  a  vigorous  offensive  and  defensive  war 
against  the  United  States;  an  acknowledgment  of  their 
belligerent  power ;  exchange  of  prisoners,  and  the 
establishment  of  National  and  State  Governments  for 
eign  and  opposed  to  the  laws  of  the  United  States,  and 
in  violation  of  the  constitutional  powers  binding  the 
several  States  to  the  Union,  gave  them,  so  far  as  acts 
of  hostility  were  concerned,  the  position  of  a  foreign 
enemy;  and  this  character  they  maintained  for  four 
years,  and  abandoned  it  only  for  the  want  of  physical 
force  longer  to  maintain  it. 

On  the  cessation  of  hostilities,  the  military  power  of 
the  Nation  stepped  in  under  the  authority  of  the  Execu 
tive  and  the  laws  of  war,  to  lend  protection  to  the  peo 
ple,  until  such  time  as  civil  government  could  be 
established.  The  whole  civil  power  of  these  States 
was  prostrate,  and  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus  suspended ; 
and  the  regulations  of  the  military  forces,  under  the 
direction  of  Executive  authority,  was  the  only  law  of 
the  land. 

At  the  close  of  the  Rebellion  the  President  had  ap 
pointed  Military  Governors  in  the  States,  and  under 
their  directions  local  elections  were  held,  and  other 
civil  acts  performed,  tending  to  alleviate  the  condition 
of  the  people  and  prepare  them  for  affiliation  in  the 


392  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

great  body  politic  of  the  Republic.  It  was  soon  found 
that  these  elections  resulted  in  returning  to  office 
those  who  had  been  foremost  in  the  Rebellion.  Ard 
as  they  were  a  majority  of  the  inhabitants,  they  had 
complete  control  of  every  office  in  the  State;  and  in 
most  cases  a  necessary  qualification  of  the  candidate 
was  his  persistent  opposition  to  the  Federal  Govern 
ment  during  the  war.  All  those  who  had  maintained 
a  neutral  position,  or  who  advocated  the  Union  cause, 
were  ostracized  from  society,  or  expelled  from  the 
State,  and  considered  ineligible  to  office.  Elections 
were  at  once  held  for  Congressmen  and  Senators  to  the 
National  Councils  of  the  Republic,  which  resulted  in 
the  return  of  those  who  in  1860  and  1861  had,  in  vio 
lation  of  their  oaths,  left  the  Congress  of  the  Nation 
to  join  the  Southern  Confederacy,  and  who  had  acted 
as  the  highest  officials  in  the  civil  and  military  depart 
ments  of  the  rebel  Government.  These  persons  in  due 
time  presented  themselves  at  the  National  halls  for 
admission.  At  this  point  commenced  the  second  phase 
of  the  Rebellion.  If  these  men  were  to  enter  the  Legis 
lative  Department  of  the  Government,  the  fruits  of 
victory  of  the  four  years'  struggle  would  have  been 
lost;  the  Proclamation  of  Emancipation  would  have 
been  overthrown;  the  legislation  prohibiting  Slavery 
in  any  and  all  the  territory  under  the  jurisdiction  of 
the  United  States,  would  have  been  repealed;  the 
whole  war  debt  of  the  so-called  Confederacy  at  home 
and  abroad,  with  every  dollar  of  loss  sustained  by  the 
States  and  people  of  the  Slave  States,  with  the  value 
of  every  slave  who  had  gone  over  to  the  Union,  or  had 
been  lost  by  the  operations  of  the  war,  would  have 
been  ordered  paid,  and  the  people  of  the  North  taxed 
for  its  liquidation.  This  conclusion  is  justified  by 


XXII.]  RECONSTRUCTION   OF   REBEL    STATES.  393 

the  acts  and  avowals  of  the  leaders  of  the  South,  who 
offerer1  no  regret  for  their  past  conduct,  nor  would  give 
any  guarantee  for  the  future,  save  declarations  of  open 
hostility  to  the  Federal* Government. 

The  National  Congress  refused  to  admit  these  peo 
ple  upon  the  powers  granted  it  by  the  Federal  Consti 
tution,  which  in  Article  I,  Sec.  5,  says:  "Each  House 
shall  be  the  judge  of  the  elections,  returns  and  qualifi 
cations  of  its  own  members."  The  Congress  said  that 
many,  if  not  all,  of  those  voting  for  these  persons  were, 
by  acts  of  treason  against  the  Government  of  the 
United  States,  disqualified  to  vote,  as  were  also  the 
persons  elected,  and  that  therefore  the  elections  were 
illegal  and  void,  and  that  the  persons  claiming  admis 
sion  to  Congress  were  not  qualified  to  take  seats  there 
because  they  were  attainted  of  treason;  and  until  such 
elections  could  be  had  as  would  be  in  conformity  with 
the  laws  of  the  Nation,  and  such  persons  should  pre 
sent  themselves  as  Congress  should  deem  qualified. 
These  people,  and  the  territory  upon  which  they  re 
sided,  must  remain  under  the  general  laws  of  Congress, 
as  other  territories  of  the  Republic.  To  this  proposi 
tion  the  people  of  the  rebellious  States  demurred,  as 
did  also  the  whole  Democratic  party  of  the  country,  in 
which  they  were  joined  by  the  President,  who  dis 
avowed  any  power  in  the  Legislative  Department  of  the 
Nation  to  prescribe  terms  of  admission  to  the  States 
lately  in  rebellion,  or  to  the  people  of  these  States, 
respecting  their  qualifications. 

Congress  also  said  that  by  the  acts  of  rebellion  of 
the  people,  they  had  canceled  all  rights  to  representa 
tion;  that  their  former  State  Constitutions  were  dead, 
and  th&t  until  they  adopted  new  ones,  Republican  in 
form,  they  could  not  participate  in  National  legislation. 


394  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

To  this  also  did  the  President,  the  people  of  the  South, 
and  the  Democrats  in  and  out  of  Congress  protest. 
Congress  again  invoked  the  Federal  Constitution. 
Article  I,  Sec.  1,  says:  "All  legislative  powers  herein 
granted  shall  be  vested  in  a  Congress  of  the  United 
States,  which  shall  consist  of  a  Senate  and  House  of 
Representatives."  The  regulation  and  re-admission  of 
the  States  lately  in  rebellion,  they  said,  was  a  purely 
legislative  regulation,  and  within  the  exclusive  power 
of  Congress. 

Chapter  TY,  Sec.  3,  of  the  Constitution,  says:  "  New 
States  may  be  admitted  by  the  Congress  into  the 
Union."  It  is  clear  by  this,  that  Congress  must  assent 
to  their  return  as  States,  if  they  had  been  out  of  the 
Union.  The  same  chapter  and  section  also  say  : 
"  Congress  shall  have  power  to  dispose  of  and  make 
all  needful  rules  and  regulations,  respecting  the  terri 
tory  or  other  property,  belonging  to  the  United  States." 
Congress  justly  determined  that  under  this  clause, 
they  could  treat  the  States  lately  in  rebellion,  as  they 
could  treat  other  territory  or  property  belonging  to  the 
United  States;  and  upon  this  point  there  can  be  no  legal 
doubt  but  that  Congress  was  correct.  When  they 
were  conquered,  they  were  no  longer  "  Foreign  Na 
tions;"  they  were  not  States  in  the  Union,  for  they  had 
no  State  Governments — the  United  States  owned  the 
soil,  and  the  people  were  amenable  to  the  laws  of 
Congress. 

Chapter  IY,  Sec.  4,  of  the  Constitution,  also  says: 
"The  United  States  shall  guarantee  to  every  State  in 
this  Union,  a  Republican  form  of  Government."  Con 
gress  said  that  the  United  States  meant  the  people, 
through  the  three  branches  of  the  Government,  each 
discharging  its  peculiar  functions  within  its  sphere; 


XXII.]  RECONSTRUCTION   OF   REBEL    STATES.  395 

the  Legislative  making  the  laws,  the  President  executing 
them,  and  the  Judiciary  determining  their  validity. 
That  those  communities  in  the  South  did  not  have  any 
State  Governments  Republican  in  form  or  otherwise  in 
conformity  with  the  laws  of  Congress,  and  that  until 
they  saw  fit  to  adopt  Constitutions  within  the  require 
ments  of  the  National  Constitution,  they  must  remain 
in  a  territorial  condition.  To  this  the  people  of  the 
South  objected;  the  whole  Democratic  party  of  the 
country  sided  with  them,  and  the  President  assured 
them  that  he  alone  had  the  power  of  restoration  ;  that 
Congress  in  its  position,  was  assuming  the  duties  of 
tjie  Executive,  dangerous  to  the  institutions  of  free 
Government;  that  it  was  "  no  Congress,  but  a  body 
hanging  upon  the  verge  of  the  Government."  Thus 
encouraged  by  the  Executive  and  the  Democracy,  the 
people  of  the  rebellious  States  became  defiant  of  Fed 
eral  authority,  and  instituted  a  reign  of  terror  through 
out  the  South,  resulting  in  serious  riots  and  assassi 
nation  of  the  advocates  of  the  Congressional  views. 
Here  Congress  and  the  President  came  to  a  dead  lock 
against  each  other ;  and  throughout  his  whole  admin 
istration,  to  its  close,  every  bill  of  importance  enacted 
by  Congress  was  opposed  by  the  Democratic  members 
and  by  the  President,  and  had  to  be  carried  over  the 
veto  of  the  latter. 

At  no  time  in  the  history  of  the  Republic  was  dan 
ger  so  apparent,  resulting  from  legislative  and  execu 
tive  conflict,  as  during  the  winter  and  spring  of  1868, 
when  the  violation  of  the  Constitution  and  an  attempted 
subversion  of  the  Government  to  his  own  will,  put 
Andrew  Johnson  upon  his  trial  of  impeachment  for 
high  crimes  and  misdemeanors. 

In  support  of  the  position  taken  by  Congress  that 


396  REPUBLICANISM   IX   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

in  it  was  vested  the  exclusive  power  under  the  Consti 
tution  to  regulate  the  political  affairs  of  the  rebel 
States,  I  shall  here  introduce  the  views  of  President 
Lincoln,  the  Judiciary  Committee  of  the  Senate  of  the 
United  States,  and  the  opinion  of  the  highest  judicial 
officers  of  the  Republic. 

President  Lincoln,  in  recognition  of  the  illegality  of 
the  State  Governments  of  the  seceded  States,  on  the 
12th  of  April,  1865,  directed  Major-General  Weitzel, 
then  in  command  at  Richmond,  Virginia,  to  withdraw 
any  authority  for  the  insurgent  Legislature  to  meet. 

Conformable  to  this  view,  the  Judiciary  Committee 
of  the  Senate,  at  the  Second  Session  of  the  Thirty- 
eighth  Congress,  (Senate  Reports,  127)  reported  that, 
in  their  opinion,  the  admission  of  Representatives  from 
the  rebel  States  could  not  be  entertained  "till,  by 
some  joint  action  of  both  Houses,  there  shall  be  some 
recognition  of  an  existing  State  Government  acting  in 
harmony  with  the  Government  of  the  United  States, 
and  recognizing  its  authority." 

In  the  case  of  Luther  v.  Borden  (7  Howard's  Re 
ports),  Chief  Justice  Taney  says:  "  Under  the  Consti 
tution,  it  rests  with  Congress  to  decide  what  Govern 
ment  is  the  established  one  in  a  State;  for,  as  the  United 
States  guarantees  to  each  State  a  Republican  Govern 
ment,  Congress  must  necessarily  decide  what  Government 
is  established  in  a  State  before  it  can  determine  whether 
it  is  Republican  or  not;  and  when  the  Senators  and 
Representatives  of  a  State  are  admitted  into  the  coun 
cils  of  the  Union,  the  authority  of  the  Government 
under  which  they  are  appointed,  as  well  as  its  Republi 
can  character,  is  recognized  by  the  proper  constitutional 
authority,  and  its  decision  is  binding  on  every  other  depart 
ment  of  the  Government." 

u  Undoubtedly,  a  Military  Government,  established 


XXII.]  RECONSTRUCTION   OF   REBEL   STATES.  397 

as  a  permanent  Government  of  a  State,  would  not  be  a 
Republican  Government,  and  it  would  be  the  duty  of 
Congress  to  overthrow  it."  (Fleming  v.  Page,  9  How 
ard,  615;  Cross  v.  Harrison,  16  Howard,  194;  Feder 
alist,  69,  85;  Halleck's  International  Law,  785.) 

No  further  argument  is  necessary  to  show  the  exclu 
sive  authority  of  Congress  to  regulate  the  affairs  of  the 
seceded  States,  at  least  so  far  as  legislating  for  them 
while  they  remained  in  a  territorial  condition;  and,  to 
judge  of  the  character  of  their  Governments,  it  .is 
clear,  also,  that  the  United  States  being  bound  by  the 
Constitution  to  guarantee  to  every  State  a  Republican 
form  of  Government,  that  the  right  to  propose  or  sug 
gest  such  forms  of  State  Constitution,  or  other  acts  to 
be  performed  by  these  disorganized  States,  to  give 
them  a  Republican  status,  was  vested  in  Congress ;  and 
if  these  communities  did  not  see  fit  to  adopt  them,  then 
they  would  remain  as  do  other  territories  of  the  coun 
try. 

The  Thirteenth  Amendment,  abolishing  Slavery, 
having  been  adopted  by  a  constitutional  majority  of 
the  States,  it  became  binding  upon  the  seceded  States 
as  they  came  into  the  Union.  Besides  requiring  of 
them  to  adopt  new  Constitutions,  Republican  in  form, 
as  a  further  condition  before  their  admission,  they 
were  required  to  adopt  the  Fourteenth  Amendment  to 
the  Federal  Constitution.  (See  Constitution,  Appen 
dix.)  This  also  was  proclaimed  by  the  President  and 
the  Democratic  party  as  unconstitutional,  tyrannical 
and  oppressive.  Congress  being  the  judge  of  what  is 
a  Republican  form  of  Government,  and  deeming  this 
a  necessary  step  to  enable  these  disorganized  States  to 
become  Republican,  had  undoubted  legal  authority  for 
this  act. 
26 


398  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

The  great  objection  to  this,  besides  the  claim  that 
Congress  was  assuming  authority  not  delegated  to  it, 
was  that  it  forced  negro  suffrage  upon  the  South.  In 
this  its  application  will  extend  to  every  State  in  the 
Union  admitted  from  the  public  territory,  if  Congress 
sees  fit  to  exact  it.  But  the  amendment  is  not  imper 
ative,  as  will  be  seen  by  an  examination  of  the  second 
section  of  the  amendment,  and  any  and  every  State  in 
the  Union  has  the  right  to  disfranchise  any  class  they 
choose,  black  or  white;  and  in  most  of  the  Western 
and  Middle  States  proscriptions  are  still  retained  in 
their  Constitutions  against  negroes  exercising  the  right 
of  suffrage ;  and  no  doubt  so  soon  as  a  sufficient  white 
element  prevails  in  the  Southern  States,  they  will  dis 
franchise  the  negro.  The  result  being  in  all  cases  that 
when  any  State  disfranchises  any  of  its  male  inhabit 
ants  21  years  of  age,  being  citizens  of  the  United 
States,  and  not  disqualified  by  acts  of  crime,  then  the 
representation  of  such  State  in  Congress  shall  be  re 
duced  in  the  proportion  that  such  restrictions  are  to 
the  whole  male  population  21  years  of  age.  This  ap 
plies  to  every  State  in  the  Union,  but.was  intended  to 
abolish  the  long  continued  unequal  advantage  of  the 
Southern  States  over  the  Free  States,  by  their  having 
a  representation  in  Congress  based  upon  the  white 
population  and  three-fifths  of  the  slave  population. 
This  amendment  is  indeed  a  step  up  the  great  ladder 
of  American  freedom  and  progress,  and  one  that  no 
xnan  who  loves  justice  can  object  to.  It  has  purged 
the  National  Congress  of  the  odious  and  Anti-Repub 
lican  custom  of  a  representation  based  upon  property, 
and  in  that  one  respect,  at  least,  places  every  State  in 
the  American  Union  upon  an  equal  footing. 

The  passage  of  a  law  by  the  First  Session  of  the  39th 


XXII.]  CITIZENSHIP   IN  THE   REPUBLIC.  399 

Congress  in  1866,  declaring  all  persons  born  in  the 
United  States  and  not  subject  to  any  foreign  power, 
citizens  of  the  Republic,  and  also  extending  to  every 
person  in  America  equal  rights  before  the  law,  brought 
forth  fierce  opposition  from  the  whole  Democratic 
party  in  and  out  of  Congress,  who  declared  that  the 
tyranny  of  placing  the  negro  upon  an  equality  with 
them,  was  destructive  of  American  liberty  and  the  con 
stitutional  guarantees  to  the  people  of  the  sovereign 
States.  The  whole  Democratic  power  in  Congress 
voted  against  the  measure,  and  President  Johnson  sent 
in  his  veto  against  it.  It  was  carried  over  the  veto, 
however,  by  the  Republicans.  The  leading  feature  of 
the  Act  reads  as  follows: 

"  That  all  persons  born  in  the  United  States  and  not  subject 
to  any  foreign  Power,  excluding  Indians,  not  taxed,  are  hereby 
declared  to  be  citizens  of  the  United  States;  and  such  citizens  oi 
every  race  and  color,  without  regard  to  any  previous  condition 
of  Slavery,  or  involuntary  servitude,  except  as  a  punishment  for 
crime  whereof  the  party  shall  have  been  duly  convicted,  shall 
have  the  same  right  in  every  State  and  Territory  in  the  United 
States  to  make  and  enforce  contracts;  to  sue,  be  parties,  and 
give  evidence;  to  inherit,  purchase,  lease,  sell,  hold,  and  convey 
real  and  personal  property;  and  to  full  and  equal  benefit  of  all 
laws  and  proceedings  for  the  security  of  person  and  property  as 
is  enjoyed  by  white  citizens,  and  shall  be  subject  to  like  punish 
ment,  pains,  and  penalties,  and  to  none  other,  any  law,  statute, 
ordinance,  regulation,  or  custom,  to  the  contrary  notwithstand 
ing." 

This  law,  the  principal  features  of  which  are  now  a 
part  of  the  Federal  Constitution,  at  once  places  the 
National  authority  above  the  positions  assumed  by  the 
States,  in  regulating  and  controlling  the  civil  rights  of 
the  citizens  of  America.  It  at  once  broke  down  the 
despotism  of  those  communities  called  States,  which 
has  from  the  formation  of  the  Union  defied  and  ignored 


400  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

the  fundamental  principles  of  our  National  Govern 
ment,  by  depriving  large  classes  of  the  people  of  a 
participation  in  the  affairs  of  the  Nation,  ignoring,  on 
account  of  color,  birth-place  and  religion,  the  right  to 
maintain  suits  in  law  or  equity,  to  testify  in  the  Courts 
of  the  country,  or  to  be  eligible  to  office  of  trust  or 
profit. 

It  took  a  long  and  bloody  struggle  for  the  friends 
of  freedom  to  erect  the  monument  of  equal  rights 
before  the  law,  and  to  define,  even  in  its  present  im 
perfect  form,  citizenship  in  the  Republic.  But  the 
beautiful  structure  as  it  now  stands,  the  conservator  of 
the  liberties  of  the  people,  marks  the  era  of  the  tri 
umph  of  the  principles  of  the  Republican  party,  and 
the  decay  of  the  barbarism  of  the  Democracy  of  Amer 
ica,  and  the  legislation  of  the  Thirty-ninth  Congress 
of  1866,  long  to  be  remembered  by  the  friends  of 
progress  and  human  freedom. 

The  leading  question  absorbing  public  attention 
and  the  National  Congress,  from  the  close  of  the  Re 
bellion  to  the  present  time,  was  the  status  of  the 
seceded  States  and  their  people.  This  seemed  to  be 
paramount  to  all  else.  Statesmen  and  jurists  of  the 
highest  standing  in  the  Republic,  have  exhausted  their 
legal  knowledge  upon  the  subject.  Directly  opposite 
views  had  been  taken  by  men  of  acknowledged  ability 
and  integrity.  The  political  importance  attached  to 
the  subject,  has  undoubtedly  to  a  considerable  degree, 
shaped  the  opinions  of  some  men  upon  the  subject;  it 
would  be  doing  injustice  to  human  nature  to  suppose 
otherwise, 

In  discussing  the  subject  of  the  status  of  the  rebel 
lious  States  and  their  people,  which  I  shall  do  briefly, 
I  shall  endeavor  to  be  guided  by  the  best  legal  light 


XXII.]        RELATION  OF   STATES  TO   THE  UNION.  401 

before  me,  and  by  the  application  of  those  rules 
adopted  by  European  nations  since  the  formation  of 
civil  government, 

The  reader  has  already  seen,  in  preceding  chapters 
of  this  volume,  what  my  views  are  upon  the  relation 
that  the  States  hold  to  the  Union :  that  they  are  but 
parts  of  the  Nation,  and  have  no  sovereignty  whatever, 
when  that  term  is  used  in  its  usual  meaning  as  applied 
to  nations;  and  the  reasons  lor  my  conclusion  upon 
this  subject  have  been  fully  set  forth  already.  The 
remaining  questions  are:  Were  the  States  out  of  the 
Union,  and  what  was  the  status  of  their  inhabitants 
at  the  close  of  the  war  ? 

The  States  composing  the  Union  are  all  alike  subor 
dinate  to  the  laws  and  Constitution  of  the  Nation,  and 
any  infraction  of  them  may  be  redressed  by  the  means 
pointed  out  by  the  laws  themselves,  or  by  such  other 
measures  as  the  circumstances  may  require.  Congress 
is  bound  by  the  Constitution  to  guarantee  to  every 
State  in  the  Union  a  Republican  form  of  Government. 
If,  therefore,  any  State  should,  by  any  Legislative  act, 
so  change  its  organic  State  laws  that  it  would  no  longer 
be  Republican  in  form,  or  fail  to  maintain  a  Republi 
can  Government,  then  it  would  be  the  bounden  duty 
of  Congress  to  declare  the  existing  Government  not 
Republican;  to  refuse  it  admission  or  representation 
in  the  National  councils;  to  suspend  the  State  Gov 
ernments,  and,  through  the  Executive,  declare  martial 
law,  or  the  general  laws  of  the  Nation,  to  be  the  only 
laws  in  force ;  and  if  those  laws  were  resisted,  then  to 
call  the  armies  of  the  Nation  to  enforce  them ;  and, 
until  such  time  as  Congress  recognized  the  State 
Government  as  being  Republican,  they  would  not  be 
States  in  the  Union.  But  then,  say  some,  if  they  are 


402  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

not  States  in  the  Union,  then  they  must  be  States  out 
of  the  Union,  or  out  of  the  Union  as  foreign  nations. 
I  answer,  no.     It  is  immaterial  whether  a  State  holds 
the  position  of  a  suspended  State,  through  Legislative 
acts  of  the  National  Government,  or  by  the  force  of 
arms  of  the  same  Government.     If  for  a  time  a  State 
is  able  to  maintain  a  sufficient  resistance  to  the  General 
Government,  that  the  rights  of  belligerents  be  recog 
nized  and  accorded  to  the  people  during  the  period  of 
the  civil  war;  if  it  assume  that  character,  they  are  un 
questionably  out  of  the  Union  or  Nation  of  which  they 
were  a  member;  and  if  they  maintain  their  independ 
ence,  their  right  to  it  would  be  recognized  from  the 
time  that  they  successfully  maintained  their  opposition 
and  their  separate  Government;  but  if  they  fail,  how 
ever  protracted  the  contest,  they  assume  the  position 
of   conquered  provinces.     They  cannot  enter  upon  a 
voluntary  war  to  maintain  their  separation,  and  after  a 
contest  of  arms,  and  failure  to  gain  their  independence, 
assume  the  status  of  States  as  they  were  when  they 
entered  into  Rebellion,  no  more  than  they  could,  in 
defiance  of  Federal  authority,  assume  the  position  of 
States  without  a  Republican  form  of  Government,  when 
they  were  suspended  for  not  being  Republican,  as  the 
Constitution  requires.     And  even  if  their  State  Consti 
tutions  were  Republican  when  they  entered  into  revolt 
against  the  National  authority,  they  could  not  resume 
their  former  position  at  the  close  of  the  contest.    First, 
because,  by  their  acts  of  rebellion  or  civil  war,  they 
abrogated  the  former  ties — the  State  Constitution — 
which  bound  them  to  the  Union,  and  they  could  not 
now  pick  up  the  Constitution,  together  with  the  frag 
ments  of  State  laws,  and  return  to  the  Union.     Sec 
ondly:  by  their  rebellion  they  had  lost  their  status  of 


XXII.]  ALLEGIANCE   OF  THE   CITIZEN.  403 

citizenship,  and  that  could  be  restored  only  by  Execu 
tive  authority,  by  pardon,  or  by  the  Legislative  power 
removing  such  disabilities,  and  permitting  them  to  par 
ticipate  either  in  State  or  National  affairs. 

It  may  be  argued  by  some  that  these  States  and 
people  were  completely  out  of  the  Union,  and  that  the 
allegiance  of  the  people  to  the  United  States  ceased 
so  soon  as  they  became  the  subjects  or  citizens  of 
another  Nation.  This  view  is  neither  in  harmony  with 
the  principles  of  law  nor  reason.  In  one  event  only 
could  such  a  position  be  tenable,  and  that  is  in  the  case 
where  the  revolutionists  would  maintain  their  inde 
pendence  and  be  acknowledged  as  a  nation  by  estab 
lished  Governments. 

In  addition  to  the  views  already  expressed  upon  this 
subject,  it  would  be  well  to  call  the  attention  of  the 
intelligent  reader  to  the  fact,  that  while  the  Constitu 
tion  and  Government  of  a  State  may  lie  prostrate  from 
either  acts  of  rebellion,  or,  because  of  Anti-Republican 
tendencies,  the  land  is  not  affected ;  it  is  only  the  people 
that  are  affected.  The  sovereignty  of  the  soil  rests  in  the 
Federal  Government;  and  through  whatever  changes, 
politically,  the  affairs  of  the  State  pass,  it  still  remains 
there  until  some  foreign  power  asserts,  and  maintains, 
a  right  to  it,  and  enters  into  acknowledged  possession. 

If,  by  acts  of  war,  the  rebels  are  subjugated,  upon 
their  laying  down  their  arms,  they  are  civiliter  mor- 
tuus;  and  so  far  as  citizenship  is  concerned,  as  if  by 
disease,  or  in  combat,  every  man  in  the  State  was 
physically  dead.  And  were  this  the  case,  the  soil,  its 
rivers,  forests,  ports,  lakes  and  seas,  would  still  be 
the  lawful  property  of  the  sovereign.  This  was  the  exact 
condition  of  loth  States  and  people,  in  the  rebel  States,  when 
the  war  ended. 

But  further,  the  people  were  not  as  if  dead,  in  regard 


404  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

to  their  allegiance  which  they  owed  to  the  Federal  Gov 
ernment,  for  so  long  as  they  remained,  or  were  found 
upon  any  portion  of  the  soil  of  the  Republic,  State  or 
Territory,  they  were  amenable  to  the  law  for  their  acts 
of  treason,  subject  to  the  laws  of  the  State,  where  they 
might,  reside,  and  subject  to  the  Federal  and  military 
laws  of  the  Union,  in  any  and  all  States  and  Territories, 
including  the  soil  upon  which  they  rebelled;  liable  to 
taxation,  and  subject  to  draft  and  military  duty.  Their 
allegiance  to  the  Federal  Government  was  in  no  way 
abridged;  they  had  lost  their  own  political  rights  by 
acts  of  their  own,  but  they  could  not  deprive  the 
National  Government  of  its  rights  over  them,  so  long 
as  they  remained  upon  American  soil.  They  could 
throw  off  their  allegiance  to  the  Government  only  by 
removing  to  a  foreign  Nation,  arid  there  becoming  citi 
zens,  renouncing  their  allegiance  to  the  United  States. 
But  even  this  would  not  release  them  from  future  pains 
and  penalties  for  treason,  committed  against  the  United 
States,  by  acts  while  on  its  soil,  and  of  which  they 
were  not  relieved  before  they  left  the  country,  should 
they  ever  return. 

Outside  of  the  legal  status  of  the  people  of  the 
rebellious  States,  much  has  been  said  in  favor  of  their 
admission  into  the  Union,  upon  the  score  of  equal 
justice,  and  humanity;  and  that  all  that  was  necessary 
was  for  the  people  to  lay  down  their  arms  and  return 
to  their  former  pursuits,  and  enjoy  all  the  rights  of 
citizens.  It  is  difficult  to  conceive  upon  what  hypoth 
esis  of  equal  justice  this  argument  can  be  made,  unless 
treason  and  rebellion  be  regarded  as  worthy  of  hire 
<ami  salary.  But  such  is  not  the  case ;  for  neither  the 
National  Government,  nor  the  patriotic  millions  who 
fought  for  its  preservation,  could  take  to  their  embrape 
and  fellowship,  those  who,  of  their  own  volition,  in 


XXII.]  ALLEGIANCE   OF   THE   CITIZEN.  405 

the  calm  and  peaceful  repose  of  the  Nation,  while  she 
slept — lulled  to  rest  in  confidence  of  the  patriotism  of 
these  same  people — did  steal  upon  her,  at  the  still 
hour  of  the  night,  plunge  their  daggers  into  her  breast, 
arid  only  desisted  when,  after  four  years  of  reckless 
and  cruel  war,  they  had  slain  hundreds  of  thousands 
of  their  fellow  citizens;  had  incurred  a  national  debt 
that  must  continue  to  oppress  the  people  for  a  century ; 
had  invaded  and  menaced  the  National  Capital ;  butch 
ered  Union  soldiers  in  cold  blood;  confined  them  in 
filthy  prison  pens,  where  they  famished  and  died  of 
disease  and  starvation,  by  thousands;  entered  into 
conspiracies  to'  burn  the  homes  and  cities  of  the  peo 
ple  of  the  loyal  States;  employed  scientific  fiends  to 
poison  the  aqueducts  and  springs  of  water  within  the 
Free  States ;  and  to  spread  the  virus  of  contagious  and 
malignant  disease  in  the  tents  and  hospitals  of  wounded 
and  dying  patriotic  soldiers;  had  dotted  the  whole 
land  with  new-made  graves,  over  which  the  sorrowful 
face  of  the  mother  and  child  wept  in  despair;  had 
broken  the  family  circle  of  every  household  in  the 
land;  draped  the  Nation  in  mourning,  and  had  nigh 
overturned  the  foundations  of  the  American  Republic, 
and  established  a  foreign  Government  upon  its  ruins. 
That  these  people  should,  so  soon  as  their  weapons 
were  taken  from  their  hands  by  superior  force  of  the 
armies  of  the  Government  which  they  had  thus 
offended,  without  any  guarantees  for  the  future  or  re 
pentance,  for  the  past,  unpurged  of  their  high  crimes 
against  the  Nation  and  its  people,  establish  State  Gov 
ernments,  and  enter  the  National  halls  of  legislation  to 
accomplish  there  what  they  failed  to  accomplish  by 
force  of  arms,  would  neither  be  consistent  with  the 
instincts  and  teachings  of  human  nature,  nor  the  pres 
ervation  of  national  liberty. 


406  REPUBLICANISM   IN  AMERICA.  [Chap. 

But  it  is  neither  the  policy,  nor  is  it  consistent  with 
the  genius  of  American  Republicanism  to  inflict  severe 
pains  arid  penalties.  The  law  of  the  land  prohibits 
corruption  of  blood,  or  forfeiture  of  estate,  even  for 
treason — save  during  the  life  of  the  offender;  and  the 
lenient  hand  of  the  Government  toward  those  engaged 
in  the  late  Rebellion,  not  exacting  the  life  of  a  single 
individual,  and  gradually  lifting  the  burden  of  their 
offenses  from  them,  and  baptizing  them  anew  in  the 
fountain  of  American  citizenship,  is  a  sublime  spectacle 
of  the  majesty  of  freedom,  when  entrusted  to  the 
keeping  of  an  educated  and  patriotic  people. 

The  burden  of  political  infidelity  is  now  removed 
from  the  great  mass  of  the  people  of  the  rebellious 
States,  and  one  by  one,  as  each  offender  will  return,  all 
will  again  march  beneath  the  National  banner,  proud 
of  the  greatness  and  freedom  of  their  country. 

The  States,  lately  in  rebellion,  whose  restless  com 
motion  distracted  their  equilibrium,  and  obscured  their 
light  from  mightiest  telescopic  view  through  the  dense 
clouds  of  political  disaster,  have,  obedient  to  a  law  of 
nature,  gravitated  in  their  orbs,  and  again,  like  wan 
dering  stars,  that  had  passed  through  the  shock  of  the 
darkness  of  night,  when  the  celestial  artillery  had 
ceased  its  roar,  and  the  smoke  of  contending  ele 
ments  had  given  place  to  a  clear  sky,  appear  among 
the  National  galaxy,  polished  in  the  conflict,  and  shin 
ing  with  new  lustre;  their  citizens  wiser,  and,  it  is  to 
be  hoped,  better  people — content  to  seek  happiness 
within  the  sphere  of  the  laws  and  institutions  of  the 
Federal  Government,  where  they  will  find  it  much 
cheaper  and  easier  obtained,  than  dreaming  over  the 
phantom  of  the  Lost  Cause,  or  clinging  to  the  un 
substantial  fabric  of  State  Rights  and  Squatter  Sov 
ereignty. 


^/  st^y 


CHAPTER    XXIII. 

FEDERAL  UNION.— CONSTITUTIONS  OF  THE  SEVEBAL  STATES.— ELECTIVE  FRAN 
CHISE  IN  THE  SEVERAL  STATES.— WHO  ARE  ELIGIBLE  TO  OFFICE.— COLO 
NIAL  ROYAL  CHARTERS.— ADOPTION  OF  STATE  CONSTITUTIONS.— OF  THE 
FEDERAL  CONSTITUTION.— ADMISSION  OF  STATES  INTO  THE  UNION. 

IN  considering  the  political  affairs  of  the  American 
Republic,  one  important  fact  must  always  be  kept  in 
view,  namely:  that  the  people  constitute  the  Govern 
ment;  that  unlike  other  nations  whose  Governments 
are  conducted  by  a  small  class  of  the  inhabitants,  pre 
sided  over  by  an  hereditary  Monarch,  in  America  every 
office  is  filled  by  popular  vote.  True,  in  judicial  and 
other  positions,  appointments  are  made  by  the  Presi 
dent  and  Cabinet;  but  the  President  who  makes  the 
nomination  is  elected,  and  in  so  far  as  he  regards  his 
political  standing  and  chances  for  future  success,  he 
is  amenable  to  the  people;  and  the  Senate,  which  con 
firms  and  acts  in  the  appointments,  is  also  elected. 
Besides,  all  officers  are  liable  to  impeachment,  be  they 
elected  or  appointed;  and  the  Court  to  preside  over 
such  impeachment,  in  matters  connected  with  the 
Federal  Government,  is  the  United  States  Senate,  the 
members  of  which  are  elected. 

The  division  of  the  people  of  the  Nation  into  polit 
ical  bodies,  known  as  States,  is  for  the  more  conven 
ient  administration  of  municipal  government,  just  as 
counties  are  created  within  States,  and  cities  within 
counties.  It  is  a  political  absurdity  to  denominate 
these  political  societies  Sovereign  States,  unless  we 
acknowledge  sovereignty  to  belong  to  every  body  politic 


408  REPUBLICANISM    IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

that  is  not  absolutely  beneath  the  dignity  of  a  village 
corporation. 

That  the  thirteen  Colonies  were  "  sovereign  and  in 
dependent  States  "  before  the  adoption  of  the  Articles 
of  Confederation,  no  one  versed  in  the  history  of  the 
country,  or  in  the  science  of  government,  will  dispute; 
but  on  the  adoption  of  that  instrument,  they  relin 
quished  their  highest  political  rights,  and  handed  them 
to  the  United  States,  which  became  the  paramount  legis 
lative  and  executive  head  of  all  the  States ;  not  in  aU 
things,  but  in  all  such  powers  as  were  specifically  dele 
gated,  and  those  were  the  highest  political  functions 
of  the  States. 

By  Article  VI,  Sec.  1,  of  the  Articles  of  Confedera 
tion,  "  No  State  shall  send  any  .embassy  to,  or  receive 
any  embassy  from,  or  enter  into  any  conference,  agree 
ment,  alliance  or  treaty  with  any  King,  Prince,  or 
State." 

Section  2d,  of  the  same  article,  clearly  indicates, 
that  even  under  the  Articles  of  Confederation,  the 
States  did  not  retain  the  position  of  Sovereign  States, 
and  that  not  a  vestige  of  nationality  existed  in  them, 
save  in  their  being  fractions  of  the  sovereign  power 
the  United  States  created  by  the  general  laws  binding 
them  together.  The  section  alluded  to  reads  as  fol 
lows:  "No  two  or  more  States  shall  enter  into  any 
treaty,  confederation,  or  alliance  whatever  between 
them,  without  the  consent  of  the  United  States  in 
Congress  assembled." 

It  is  most  difficult  to  see  where  the  "  sovereignty  " 
or  "nationality  "  of  these  States  were,  after  the  adop 
tion  of  the  above.  By  Article  IX,  Sec.  1,  "  The  United 
States  in  Congress  assembled  "  had  the  sole  power  of 
declaring  war,  concluding  peace,  and  of  sending  and 
receiving  Embassadors. 


XXIII.]  SOVEREIGNTY   OF  THE  STATES.  409 

The  several  States  were  fully  divested  of  every  prin 
ciple  of  sovereignty  that  was  ever  attached  to  them  by 
the  adoption  of  these  articles ;  and  all  that  the  adop 
tion  of  the  Federal  Constitution  did,  was  to  more  fully 
define  the  powers  of  the  National  Government. 

In  my  examination  of  the  powers  vested  by  the  Con 
stitution  in  the  different  branches  of  the  Government, 
in  a  preceding  chapter,  the  subject  of  the  powers  of 
the  General  Government  over  the  States,  will  be  found 
pretty  fully  discussed ;  also  in  the  chapter  relating  to 
Reconstruction. 

The  Federal  Government  existing  under  the  Con 
stitution  and  laws  of  the  Nation  is  eminently  Republi 
can  in  letter,  spirit,  and  practice.  The  Civil  Rights 
Bill  and  the  Xlllth  and  XlVth  amendments  to  the 
United  States  Constitution,  have  completed  its  Repub 
lican  character.  But  the  political  latitude  assumed  by 
many  of  the  States,  has,  within  their  jurisdiction,  com 
pletely  subverted  the  Republican  form  of  Government, 
as  defined  by  the  Federal  Constitution,  and  established 
within  their  limits  Governments  ranging  all  the  way 
from  semi-Republicanism  to  despotism.  It  indeed 
seems  strange  that  the  people  of  America  could  have 
so  long  tolerated  communities  within  the  General 
Government  so  destitute  of  anything  approaching  Re 
publicanism  as  had  existed  from  the  adoption  of  the 
Constitution  up  to  1860,  and  as  exists  up  to  this  day 
in  some  of  the  States. 

That  the  reader  may  fully  understand  my  views  upon 
this  important  subject,  I  shall  arrange  in  chronological 
order  the  rights  of  citizens  under  the  Constitutions 
and  laws  of  the  several  States  in  the  Union.  The 
arrangement  will  be  made  in  the  order  in  which  the 
States  entered  the  Union,  and  as  they  were  January 


410  REPUBLICANISM  IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

1st,  1869,  except  those  of  the  seceded  States,  which 
are  given  as  they  were  at  the  close  of  the  Rebellion, 
in  April,  1865.  * 

DELAWARE. — One  of  the  original  thirteen  States,  re 
ceived  a  royal  charter  in  1682,  adopted  a  Constitution 
in  1776,  and  was  the  first  of  the  States  to  adopt  the 
Federal  Constitution,  December  7th,  1787.  Her  pres 
ent  Constitution  was  adopted  December  2d,  1831. 

Electors. — Free  white  male  citizens  21  years  of  age, 
having  resided  one  year  in  the  State,  and  one  month 
in  the  county  where  voting,  and  having  paid  .a  county 
tax  within  two  years.  Also,  white  male  citizens  21 
years  of  age,  and  under  22  years,  may  vote  without 
having  paid  a  tax. 

Governor. — Holds  his  office  for  four  years ;  must  be  at 
least  30  years  of  age;  a  citizen  and  inhabitant  of  the 
United  States  12  years,  and  6  years  an  inhabitant  of 
the  State. 

PENNSYLVANIA. — One  of  the  original  thirteen  States, 
received  a  royal  charter  in  1681,  adopted  her  first 
Constitution  in  1776,  a  new  one  in  1790,  and  again 
another,  her  present  one,  in  1838.  She  adopted  the 
Federal  Constitution  December  12th,  1787. 

Electors. — White  freemen  of  the  age  of  21  years,  who 
have  resided  in  th o  State  one  year,  and  who  have 
within  two  years  paid  a  State  or  County  tax.  Also, 
white  freemen  between  the  ages  of  21  and  22,  without 
having  paid  a  tax.  Article  IX,  Section  3,  of  her  Con 
stitution,  says:  "That  no  human  authority  can,  in  any 
case  whatever,  control  or  interfere  with  the  rights  of 
conscience."  Section  4,  of  the  same  Article,  declares 
that  "  persons  not  believing  in  a  future  state  of  rewards 
and  punishments  may  not  hold  any  office  or  place  of 


XXIII.]  CITIZENSHIP   IN   THE   STATES.  411 

trust  or  profit  under  this  Commonwealth."  These  sec 
tions  are  certainly  in  direct  opposition  to  each  other, 
and  the  last  one  Anti-Republican,  according  to  the 
Federal  Constitution,  which  declares  that  "Congress 
shall  make  no  law  respecting  an  establishment  of  re 
ligion,  or  prohibiting  the  free  exercise  thereof."  This 
is  the  standard  set  up  by  the  Federal  Government  upon 
this  subject  for  a  Republican  form  of  Government. 
The  Constitution  of  Pennsylvania,  therefore,  is  not 
Republican,  and  her  State  Government  should  be  'sus 
pended  by  Congress  until  a  State  Constitution,  Repub 
lican  in  form,  is  adopted. 

Governor. — Holds  his  office  for  three  years ;  must  be 
30  years  of  age,  and  a  citizen  and  resident  of  the  State 
for  seven  years. 

NEW  JERSEY. — This  was  also  one  of  the  original  thir 
teen  States.  This  State  received  a  royal  charter  in 
1665,  and  a  second  one  in  1675;  adopted  a  Constitu 
tion  in  1*776;  adopted  the  Federal  Constitution  De 
cember  13th  1787,  and  adopted  her  present  Constitu 
tion  June  29th,  1844. 

Electors. — Every  white  male  citizen  of  the  United 
States,  residing  in  the  State  one  year. 

Governor. — Holds  his  office  for  three  years;  must  be 
a  citizen  of  the  United  States  for  twenty  years,  and  of 
the  State  for  seven  years. 

GEORGIA.  —  Georgia,  one  of  the  original  thirteen 
States,  received  a  royal  charter  in  1732;  adopted  her 
first  Constitution  in  1777;  adopted  the  Federal  Consti 
tution  January  2d,  1788;  adopted  a  new  State  Consti 
tution  in  1785,  and  her  present  one  on  the  30th  of 
May,  1798. 

Electors. — White  male- citizens  21  years  of  age,  who 


412  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

have  paid  taxes,  inhabitants  of  the  State,  and  residents 
in  the  county  six  months.  State  Senators  must  be 
25  years  of  age,  and  nine  years  citizens -of  the  United 
States,  three  years  inhabitants  of  the  State,  and  must 
possess  a  freehold  estate  of  the  value  of  $500,  or  taxa 
ble  property  worth  $1,000  in  the  county  of  his  resi 
dence.  Representatives  in  the  Legislature  must  be  21 
years  of  age,  and  possessed  of  a  freehold  estate  of  the 
value  of  $250,  or  taxable  property  worth  $500 ;  must 
have  been  seven  years  citizens  of  the  United  States, 
and  three  years  inhabitants  of  the  State. 

Governor. — Holds  his  office  for  two  years ;  is  elected  by 
the  Legislature ;  must  be  a  citizen  of  the  United  States 
twelve  years,  and  an  inhabitant  of  the  State  six  years; 
thirty  years  of  age,  and  must  be  possessed  of  500  acres 
of  land  in  his  own  right,  within  the  State,  and  other 
property  to  the  amount  of  $4,000,  clear  of  all  debts. 

CONNECTICUT. — Connecticut,  one  of  the  original  thir 
teen  States,  received  a  charter  in  1662  from  Charles 
II,  which  was  confirmed  by  England  in  1688.  She  did 
not  adopt  a  State  Constitution  until  December  15th, 
1818.  She  adopted  the  Federal  Constitution  January 
9th,  1788. 

Electors. — All  white  male  citizens  of  the  United 
States  21  years  of  age,  who  shall  reside  in  the  State 
for  one  year,  and  shall  sustain  a  good  moral  character, 
and  be  able  to  read  any  Article  of  the  Constitution,  or 
any  Section  of  the  Statutes  of  tho  State. 

Governor. — Holds  his  office  for  one  year ;  must  be  30 
years  of  age,  and  an  elector. 

MASSACHUSETTS. — This  State,  one  of  the  original  thir 
teen  States,  received  a  royal  charter  in  1620;  another 
in  1692.  Adopted  her  first  and  present  Constitution 


XXIII.]  CITIZENSHIP   IN   THE   STATES.  413 

in  1780.  Adopted  the  Federal  Constitution  February 
6th,  1788. 

Electors. — Every  male  citizen  21  years  of  age,  who 
has  resided  in  the  State  one  year ;  has  paid  a  tax  within 
two  years;  "can.  read  the  Constitution  of  this  Common 
wealth  in  the  English  language,  and  can  write  his 
name ;  but  these  last  requirements  shall  not  apply  to 
persons  physically  disabled  to  perform  such  offices." 

Governor. — Is  elected  annually;  must  have  been  an 
inhabitant  of  the  State  for  seven  years. 

MARYLAND. — Maryland,  one  of  the  original  thirteen 
States,  received  a  royal  charter  in  1632,  another  in 
1650;  adopted  a  Constitution  in  1776;  adopted  the 
Federal  Constitution  April  28th,  1788,  and  her  pres 
ent  Constitution  May  13th,  1851. 

jEkctors. — Free  white  male  citizens  twenty-one  years 
of  age,  having  resided  one  year  in  the  State,  and  six 
months  in  the  county. 

Governor. — Holds  his  office  for  four  years,  must  be 
thirty  years  of  age,  five  years  a  citizen  of  the  United 
States,  five  years  a  resident  of  the  State,  and  three 
years  a  resident  of  the  district  from  which  he  is  elected. 
Article  III,  Sec.  2,  of  the  Constitution  says:  "No  min 
ister  or  preacher  of  the  gospel  of  any  denomination, 
shall  be  eligible  as  Senator  or  Delegate."  Article 
XXXIII  of  the  Declaration  of  Rights  to  the  same  Con 
stitution,  says:  "That  it  is  the  duty  of  every  man  to. 
worship  God,  in  such  manner  as  he  thinks  most  ac 
ceptable  to  him.  All  persons  are  equally  entitled  to 
protection  in  their  religious  liberty;  wherefore,  no 
person  ought  by  any  law,  to  be  molested  in  his  person 
or  estate,  on  account  of  his  religious  persuasions  or 
professions,  or  for  his  religious  practices."  How  can 
27 


414  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

the  good  people  of  Maryland  reconcile  these  two  sec 
tions,  when  they  do,  by  the  first,  deprive  a  man  of  his 
rights,  liberty,  and  privileges  for  the  exercise  of  his 
religious  belief.  This  Constitution  is  Anti-Republican. 

SOUTH  CAROLINA. — This  State  was  also  one  of  the 
original  thirteen  States.  Her  Constitution  was  adopted 
in  1775.  She  adopted  the  Federal  Constitution  May 
23d,  1788,  and  her  present  Constitution  in  1790. 

Electors. — Free  white  men  twenty- one  years  of  age 
and  citizens  of  the  State,  having  resided  therein  two 
years,  and  having  a  freehold  of  50  acres  of  land,  or 
owning  a  town  lot ;  not  possessing  the  former  property, 
the  payment  of  a  tax  of  three  shillings  sterling  enti 
tles  them  to  vote  for  members  of  the  Legislature.  To 
hold  a  seat  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  must  be 
a  free  white  man  twenty- one  years  of  age,  and  a  citi 
zen  and  resident  of  the  State  for  three  years ;  must  be 
possessed  of  a  freehold  of  500  acres  of  land  and  ten 
negroes,  or  of  real  estate  of  the  value  of  fifty  pounds 
sterling  clear  of  debt.  State  Senator  must  be  thirty 
years  of  age,  a  free  white  male  citizen,  and  resident  of 
the  State  for  five  years;  if  a  resident  in  the  electoral 
district,  he  must  hold  a  freehold  of  the  value  of  three 
hundred  pounds  sterling;  if  not  a  resident  of  the  dis 
trict,  he  must  own  a  freehold  of  the  value  of  one 
thousand  pounds  sterling. 

Governor. — Holds  his  office  for  two  years;  is  elected 
by  the  Legislature;  must  be  thirty  years  of  age;  a 
citizen  and  resident  of  the  State  for  ten  years,  and  be 
possessed  of  a  freehold  estate  of  fifteen  hundred 
pounds  sterling. 

NEW  HAMPSHIRE. — One  of  the  original  thirteen  States ; 
adopted  her  first  Constitution  in  1784;  adopted  the 


XXIII.]  CITIZENSHIP   IN  THE   STATES.  415 

Federal  Constitution  January  21st,  1788,  and  adopted 
her  present  Constitution  February,  1792. 

Electors. — All  male  inhabitants  twenty-one  years  of 
age,  having  "town  privileges;"  also  the  "  inhabitants'1 
who  shall  be  required  to  assess  taxes  upon  themselves 
for  the  support  of  the  Government.  (It  would  accom 
modate  the  public  if  they  could  know  what  the  "town 
privileges"  of  New  Hampshire  are,  also  who  are  "in 
habitants  required  to  assess  taxes  upon  themselves,"  so 
they  might  know  who  can  vote.) 

Governor. — Is  elected  annually ;  he  shall  be  ?,n  inhab 
itant  of  the  State  for  seven  years,  and  thirty  years  of 
age.  Part  I,  Sec.  5,  of  the  Bill  of  Rights,  declares 
that  "  every  individual  has  a  natural  and  inalienable 
right  to  worship  God  according  to  the  dictates  of  his 
own  conscience  and  reason."  Section  6,  same  Article, 
says:  "And  every  denomination  of  Christians,  demean 
ing  themselves  quietly  and  as  good  citizens  of  the 
State,  shall  be  equally  under  the  protection  of  the 
law."  Is  not  this  a  departure  from  the  doctrine  in  the 
first  Article  quoted,  extending  the  protection  of  the 
law  to  Christians  only?  What  of  the  hundreds  of 
other  denominations,  are  they  not  all  embraced  within 
the  clause  giving  to  every  individual  the  right  to  wor 
ship  God  according  to  the  dictates  of  his  conscience  ? 
Why  not  they,  too,  be  protected,  if  they  be  "  good 
citizens  ?" 

VIRGINIA. — One  of  the  original  thirteen  States;  re 
ceived  a  royal  charter  in  1606,  and  another  in  1609. 
She  adopted  a  Constitution  in  1776;  adopted  the  Fed 
eral  Constitution  June  26th,  1788;  adopted  a  new 
State  Constitution  in  1830,  and  another  in  1851. 

Electors. — White  male  citizens  twenty-one  years  of 
age,  who  have  resided  in  the  State  two  years. 


416  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 


Must  be  thirty  years  of  age,  a  native  bom 
citizen  of  the  United  States,  and  resident  of  Virginia 
five  years.  Senators,  twenty-five  years  of  age;  Repre 
sentatives,  twenty-one. 

NEW  YORK.  —  One  of  the  original  thirteen  States; 
received  a  royal  charter  in  1664;  adopted  a  Constitu 
tion  in  1777,  and  adopted  the  Federal  Constitution 
July  26th,  1788;  adopted  another  State  Constitution 
in  1822,  and  her  present  one  October  9th,  1846. 

Electors.  —  Every  male  citizen  twenty-one  years  of 
age,  who  has  resided  in  the  State  one  year,  and  has 
been  a  citizen  for  ten  days.  Colored  persons  must 
have  been  citizens  of  the  State  for  three  years,  and 
possessed  of  real  estate  to  the  value  of  $250,  free  of 
all  incumbrances. 

Governor.  —  Holds  his  office  for  two  years;  must  be« 
thirty  years  of  age,  a  citizen  of  the  United  States,  and 
resident  of  the  State  for  five  years. 

NORTH  CAROLINA.  —  One  of  the  original  thirteen 
States;  received  a  royal  charter  in  1630,  and  another 
in  1663;  adopted  a  Constitution  in  1776;  adopted  the 
Federal  Constitution  November  21st,  1789. 

Electors.  —  White  male  citizens  twenty-one  years  of 
age,  who  pay  a  tax,  and  shall  be  possessed  of  fifty 
acres  of  land. 

Governor.  —  Shall  hold  his  office  for  two  years,  must 
be  thirty  j:ears  of  age,  a  resident  of  the  State  five 
years,  and  possessed  of  a  freehold  in  the  State,  of  the 
value  of  one  thousand  pounds  sterling. 

Representatives.  —  Must  reside  one  year  in  the  county 
they  represent  and  possess  120  acres  of  land. 

Senators.  —  Must  reside  in  their  district  one  year,  and 
be  possessed  of  300  acres  of  land.  Section  19,  of  their 
Declaration  of  Rights,  says:  "  That  all  men  have  a 


XXIII.]  CITIZENSHIP   IN   THE   STATES.  417 

natural    and    inalienable  right  to   worship  Almighty 
God    according   to   the    dictates   of  their   own    con 


sciences." 


Section  34,  of  the  Constitution,  says:  "That  there 
shall  be  no  establishment  of  any  religious  church  or 
denomination  in  this  State  in  preference  to  any  other ;" 
and  that  "  all  persons  shall  be  at  liberty  to  exercise 
their  own  mode  of  worship." 

It  is  singular  with  what  impunity  the  people  who 
could  write  and  adopt  such  language  as  has  been 
quoted  here,  in  the  face  of  this,  could  have  disfran 
chised  a  portion  of  their  citizens  for  the  exercise  of 
conscience,  arid  establish  a  religious  prescription,  in 
violation  of  the  principles  of  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States.  Section  2,  Article  IY,  of  the  amend 
ments  to  the  Constitution  of  North  Carolina,  says:  "  No 
person  who  shall  deny  the  truth  of  the  Christian  re 
ligion,  or  the  divine  authority  of  the  Old  and  New 
Testament,  shall  be  capable  of  holding  any  office,  or 
place  of  trust,  or  profit,  in  the  civil  department  within 
this  State." 

This  Constitution  did  not  afford  the  people  a  Re 
publican  form  of  Government,  and  undoubtedly  the 
State  Government  could  have  been  suspended  by  the 
Congress  of  the  United  States,  and  their  Representa 
tives  refused  admission  to  the  National  Legislature. 

Section  31,  of  her  Constitution,  disfranchises  her 
citizens  on  account  of  the  exercise  of  religious  belief. 
It  says:  aNo  clergyman  or  preacher  of  the  Gospel  of 
any  denomination,  shall  be  capable  of  being  a  member 
of  either  the  Senate  or  House  of  Commons,  or  Council 
of  State." 

RHODE  ISLAND. — The  last  of  the  thirteen  original 


418  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

States  that  entered  the  Union,  received  a  royal  char 
ter  in  1663;  adopted  the  Federal  Constitution  May 
29th,  1790,  and  her  present  Constitution  November 
23d,  1842. 

Electors. — Native  male  citizens  twenty-one  years  of 
age.  Also,  naturalized  citizens  twenty-one  years  of 
age,  who  own  real  estate  worth  $134  over  all  incum- 
brances,  or  which  rents  for  $7  per  annum. 

Governor. — Is  elected  annually. 

VERMONT. — This  was  the  first  State,  after  the  original 
thirteen,  that  came  into  the  Union.  She  adopted  a 
Constitution  in  1777,  was  admitted  into  the  Union 
March  4th,  1791,  and  adopted  her  present  Constitu 
tion  July  9th,  1793. 

Electors. — Male  citizens  twenty-one  years  of  age,  who 
have  resided  in  the  State  one  year,  are  of  a  quiet  and 
peaceable  behavior,  and  will  make  oath  that  they  will 
cast  their  vote  according  to  their  consciences  for  the 
best  interests  of  the  State  of  Vermont,  "  without  fear 
or  favor  of  any  man." 

Governor. — Is  elected  annually;  must  have  resided  in 
the  State  four  years. 

Senators. — Must  be  thirty  years  of  age,  and  freemen. 

Representatives. — Shall  reside  two  years  in  the  State. 

KENTUCKY. — Adopted  a  Constitution  in  1790 ;  another 
in  1799;  admitted  into  the  Union  June  1st,  1792; 
adopted  her  present  Constitution  June  llth,  1850. 

Electors. — Free  white  men  twenty-one  years  of  age, 
citizens  of  the  United  States,  and  citizens  of  the  State 
two  years,  and  one  year  in  the  county  where  they  vote. 

Governor. — Is  elected  for  four  years ;  is  ineligible  for 
the  next  four  years ;  must  be  a  citizen  of  the  United 
States;  thirty-five  years  of  age,  and  been  a  resident  of 
the  State  six  years. 


XXIII.]  CITIZENSHIP  IN   THE   STATES.  419 

Senators. — Must  be  thirty  years  of  age,  resident  in 
the  State  six  years,  and  in  the  district  one  year. 

Representatives. — Must  be  twenty-four  years  of  age, 
reside  in  the  State  two  years,  and  one  year  in  the 
county  they  represent.  Section  5,  of  the  Bill  of  Rights, 
declares:  " That  all  men  have  a  natural  and  indefea 
sible  right  to  worship  Almighty  God  according  to  the 
dictates  of  their  own  consciences;  that  no  human  au 
thority  ought,  in  any  case  whatever,  to  control  or  in 
terfere  with  the  rights  of  conscience,  and  that  no 
preference  shall  ever  be  given  by  law  to  any  religious 
societies  or  modes  of  worship."  Article  III,  Sec.  6,  of 
the  same  Constitution,  says:  "No  minister  of  any  re 
ligious  society  shall  be  eligible  to  the  office  of  Gov 
ernor;"  and  Article  II,  Sec.  27:  "No  person,  while  he 
continues  to  exercise  the  functions  of  a  clergyman, 
priest,  or  teacher  of  any  religious  persuasion,  society, 
or  sect,  s&all  be  eligible  to  the  General  Assembly." 
These  last  sections  are  in  direct  derogation  of  the  dec 
laration  of  the  Bill  of  Rights  of  the  State,  and  opposed 
to  the  Federal  Constitution,  and  are  Anti-Republican. 
Kentucky  cannot  have  a  Republican  form  of  Govern 
ment  under  such  prescriptions,  and  the  National  Con 
gress  has  an  undoubted  constitutional  power  to  sus 
pend  her  State  Government,  refuse  her  Representatives 
seats  in  the  Congress,  and  hold  the  State  under  Fed 
eral  laws  as  one  of  the  Territories  until  she  adopts  a 
Government  Republican  in  form. 

TENNESSEE.— Adopted  a  State  Constitution  in  1796; 
admitted  into  the  Union  June  1st,  1796,  and  adopted 
her  present  Constitution  August  30th,  1834. 

Electors. — Free  white  male  citizens  twentj^-one  years 
of  ager  having  resided  six  months  in  the  county  where 


420  REPUBLICANISM   IN  AMERICA.  [Chap. 

they  vote-  also  all  colored  men,  who  are  competent 
witnesses  in  a  Court  of  Justice  against  a  white  man. 

Governor. — Holds  his  office  for  two  years;  must  be 
thirty  years  of  age,  a  citizen  of  the  United  States  and 
,  of  the  State  for  seven  years. 

Senators. — Must  be  thirty  years  of  age  and  citizens 
of  the  State  three  years. 

Representatives.— Must  be  twenty- one  years  of  age 
and  citizens  of  the  State  three  years. 

In  the  Constitution  of  Tennessee  the  Declaration  of 
Rights,  Article  I,  Sec.  3,  says:  "  No  human  authority 
can  in  any  case  whatever,  control  or  interfere  with  the 
rights  of  conscience  ;  and  that  no  preference  shall 
ever  be  given  by  law  to  any  religious  establishment  or 
mode  of  worship."  Section  4:  "That  no  religious  test 
shall  ever  be  required  as  a  qualification  to  any  office, 
or  public  trust  under  this  State."  Article  IX,  Sec.  1, 
of  the  same  Constitution,  says:  uNo  minister  of  the 
gospel  or  priest  of  any  denomination  whatever,  shall 
be  eligible  to  a  seat  in  either  House  of  the  Legisla 
ture."  This  section  is  in  direct  conflict  with  the 
Declaration  of  Rights,  is  opposed  to  the  letter  and 
spirit  of  the  Federal  Constitution,  and  is  Anti-Republi 
can.  The  Federal' Congress  had  undoubted  legal  au 
thority  to  suspend  the  State  Government  of  Tennes 
see,  and  to  refuse  her  representatives  admission,  until 
she  adopted  a  Constitution  Republican  in  form. 

OHIO. — Admitted  into  the  Union  November  29th, 
1802;  adopted  her  present  Constitution  March  10th, 
1851. 

Electors. — White  male  citizens  twenty-one  years  of 
age,  who  have  resided  in  the  State  one  year. 

Governor. — Is  elected  for  two  years.     Senators  and 


XXIII.]  CITIZENSHIP  IN  THE   STATES.  421 

Representatives  are  elected  for  two  years ;  must  have 
resided  in  their  counties  or  districts  one  year. 

Being  a  citizen  and  a  voter  is  the  only  qualification 
necessary  to  be  eligible  to  any  office  in  the  State. 

LOUISIANA. — Adopted  State  Constitution  in  1812; 
admitted  •  into  the  Union  April  8th,  1812;  adopted 
another  State  Constitution  in  1845,  and  another  July 
31st,  1852. 

Electors. — Free  white  male  citizens  twenty-one  years 
of  age,  who  have  resided  in  the  State  one  year. 

Governor. — Is  elected  for  four  years,  must  be  twenty- 
eight  years  of  age,  and  a  citizen  and  resident  of  the 
State  for  four  years. 

Senators  and  Representatives  are  elected  for  two  years ; 
all  legal  voters  are  eligible  as  Senators  and  Represen 
tatives. 

INDIANA. — Adopted  a  Constitution  in  1816;  admitted 
into  the  Union  December  llth,  1816;  adopted  her 
present  Constitution  February  10th,  1851. 

Electors. — White  male  citizens  twenty-one  years  of 
age,  having  resided  in  the  State  six  months.  Also 
aliens,  being  males  and  twenty-one  years  of  age,  who 
have  made  their  declaration  to  become  citizens  of  the 
United  States,  having  resided  in  the  United  States  one 
year,  and  in  the  State  six  months. 

Governor. — Is  elected  for  four  years;  must  have  been 
for  five  years  a  citizen  of  the  United  States,  and  resi 
dent  of  the  State  five  years,  and  be  thirty  years  of  age. 

Senators. — Are  elected  for  four  years;  must  be  twen 
ty-five  years  of  age ;  citizens  of  the  United  States ;  resi 
dents  of  the  State  for  two  years,  and  inhabitants  of 
the  county  or  district  for  one  year. 

Representatives. — Are  elected  for  two  years;  must  be 


422  REPUBLICANISM  IN  AMERICA.  [Chap. 

twenty-one  years  of  age,  and  citizens  of  the  United 
States. 

MISSISSIPPI. — Adopted  a  Constitution  in  1817;  was 
admitted  into  the  Union  December  16th,  1817. 

Electors. — Free  white  male  citizens  twenty-one  years 
of  age,  who  have  resided  in  the  State  one  year,  and  the 
county  for  four  months. 

Governor. — Holds  his  office  for  two  years;  must  be 
thirty  years  of  age ;  a  citizen  of  the  United  States  for 
twenty  years;  a  resident  of  the  State  five  years,  and 
shall  not  be  capable  of  holding  the  office  more  than 
four  years  in  any  term  of  six  years. 

Senators. — Are  elected  for  four  years;  must  be  thirty 
years  of  age ;  citizens  of  the  United  States ;  inhabitants 
of  the  State  four  years,  and  of  the  district  one  year. 

Representatives. — Are  elected  for  two  years;  must  be 
twenty-one  years  of  age ;  citizens  of  the  United  States ; 
residents  of  the  State  two  years,  and  of  the  district  one 
year. 

The  Declaration  of  Rights  of  Mississippi,  Article  I, 
Sec.  3,  says:  "  The  exercise  and  enjoyment  of  religious 
profession  and  worship,  without  discrimination,  shall 
forever  be  free  to  all  persons  in  this  State."  Section 
4 :  "No  preference  shall  ever  be  given  by  law  to  any  re 
ligious  sect  or  mode  of  worship."  Section  5:  "That 
no  person  shall  be  molested  for  his  opinions  on  any 
subject  whatever,  nor  suffer  any  civil  or  political  inca 
pacity."  Article  VII,  Sec.  5,  says:  "No  person  who 
denies  the  being  of  a  God,  or  a  future  state  of  reward 
and  punishment,  shall  hold  any  office  in  the  civil  de 
partment  of  this  State."  How  can  these  sections  be 
harmonized?  And  is  not  this  last  one  in  direct  viola 
tion  of  the  declared  rights  of  conscience,  as  expressed 


XXIII.]  CITIZENSHIP  IN  THE   STATES.  423 

in  Sections  3,  4,  and  5  of  the  Bill  of  Eights?  If  it  is 
not  interfering  with  the  right  of  conscience,  and  de 
priving  a  person  of  civil  rights,  to  disqualify  them  from 
holding  any  civil  office,  and  remove  them  from  office  if 
they  should  be  elected  or  appointed,  because  they 
would  not  make  solemn  oath  that  they  believed  in  a 
"future  state  of  rewards  and  punishments,"  then  I  do 
not  understand  what  the  gracious  people  of  Mississippi 
would  denominate  an  interference  with  the  right  of 
conscience.  The  National  Congress  had  a  right  also 
to  suspend  the  State  Government  of  this  State,  as  be 
ing  in  derogation  of  the  Federal  Constitution,  and 
Anti-Republican  and  despotic. 

ILLINOIS. — Adopted  a  Constitution  in  1818;  was  ad 
mitted  into  the  Union  December  3d,  1818;  adopted 
her  present  Constitution  August  31st,  1847. 

Electors. — White  male  citizens  twenty-one  years  of 
age,  having  resided  in  the  State  one  year. 

Governor. — Is  elected  for  four  years ;  must  be  thirty- 
five  years  of  age ;  a  citizen  of  the  United  States  for 
fourteen  years,  and  resident  of  the  State  ten  years ;  he 
shall  riot  be  eligible  more  than  four  years  in  any  term 
of  eight  years. 

Senators. — Are  elected  for  four  years ;  must  be  thirty 
years  of  age;  citizens  of  the  United  States;  for  five 
years  citizens  of  the  State,  and  one  year  of  the  county 
where  elected. 

Representatives. — Are  elected  for  two  years;  must  be 
twenty-five  years  of  age ;  citizens  of  the  United  States, 
and  of  the  State  for  three  years,  and  one  year  of  the 
county. 

No  person  shall  be  elected  or  appointed  to  any  office 
in  the  State,  civil  or  military,  who  is  not  a  citizen  of 


424  REPUBLICANISM  IN  AMERICA.  [Chap. 

the  United  States,  and  who  shall  not  have  resided  in 
the  State  one  year  immediately  before  such  election  or 
appointment. 

ALABAMA. — Adopted  her  Constitution  the  second  day 
of  August,  1819;  was  admitted  into  the  Union  De 
cember  14th,  1819. 

Electors. — White  male  citizens  twenty-one  years  of 
age,  having  resided  in  the  State  one  year. 

Governor. — Is  elected  for  two  years;  is  ineligible  for 
more  than  four  years  in  any  term  of  six  years;  must 
be  thirty  years  of  age  and  a  native  of  the  United 
States,  and  shall  have  resided  in  the  State  four  years. 

Senators. — Are  elected  for  three  years ;  must  be 
white  male  citizens  twenty-seven  years  of  age,  inhab 
itants  of  the  State  two  years,  and  one  year  of  the  dis 
trict  where  they  are  chosen. 

Representatives. — Must  be  white  male  citizens  twenty- 
one  years  of  age;  inhabitants  of  the  State  two  years, 
and  the  county  in  which  they  are  elected  for  one  year. 

MAINE. — Adopted  a  Constitution  October  29th,  1819  j 
was  admitted  into  the  Union  March  15th,  1820. 

Electors. — Every  male  citizen  of  the  United  States 
twenty-one  years  of  age,  having  resided  in  the  State 
three  months;  also  Indians  when  taxed. 

Governor. — Is  elected  for  one  year ;  must  be  a  native 
born  citizen  of  the  United  States,  thirty  years  of  age, 
and  five  years  a  resident  of  the  State. 

Senators. — Are  elected  for  one  year ;  must  be  twenty- 
five  years  of  age,  citizens  of  the  United  States  five 
years  and  residents  in  the  State  one  year,  and  for 
three  months  in  the  district  they  represent. 

Representatives. — Must  be  twenty-one  years  of  age, 
citizens  of  the  United  States  for  five  years,  residents 


XXIII.]  CITIZENSHIP  IN   THE  STATES,  425 

of  the  State  one  year,  and  three  months  in  the  county 
where  elected. 

MISSOURI. — Adopted  a  Constitution  in  1821;  admit 
ted  into  the  Union  August  10th,  1821. 

Electors. — Free  white  male  citizens  twenty-one  years 
of  age,  having  resided  one  year  in  the  State  and  three 
months  in  the  county  or  district  where  they  vote. 

Governor. — Is  elected  for  four  years;  he  shall  be  in 
eligible  for  the  next  four  years  after  the  term  of  his 
office  ;  shall  be  a  free  white  citizen  of  the  United 
States  for  ten  years,  and  of  the  State  of  Missouri  at 
least  five  years;  he  shall  be  thirty  years  of  age. 

Senators. — Are  elected  for  four  years;  muse  be  thirty 
years  of  age,  free  white  male  citizens  of  the  United 
States,  inhabitants  of  the  State  four  years  and  of  the 
district  for  one  year,  and  have  paid  a  State  or  county 
tax  one  year  before  election. 

Representatives. — Are  elected  for  two  years;  must  be 
twenty-four  years  of  age,  free  white  male  citizens  of 
the  United  States,  inhabitants  of  the  State  for  two 
years,  and  of  the  county  or  district  they  represent 
one  year. 

The  Declaration  of  Rights,  Article  XI,  Sec.  4,  of 
the  State  Constitution,  says:  "that  all  men  have 
a  natural  and  indefeasible  right  to  worship  Almighty 
God  according  to  the  dictates  of  their  own  con 
sciences."  Section  5,  of  the  same  Article,  says:  "  That 
no  person  on  account  of  his  religious  opinions,  can 
be  rendered  ineligible  to  any  office  of  trust  or  profit 
under  this  State."  Article  III,  Section  13,  of  the 
Constitution,  says:  "No  person,  while  he  continues  to 
exercise  the  functions  of  a  bishop,  priest,  or  clergy 
man,  or  teacher  of  any  religious  persuasion,  denomina- 


426  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

tion,  society,  or  sect  whatever,  shall  be  eligible  to  the 
office  of  Governor,  Lieut.-Governor,  or  to  either  House 
of  the  General  Assembly,  nor  to  the  office  of  Judge  in 
any  Court  of  Record."  These  provisions  of  the  Con 
stitution  are  in  direct  conflict  with  each  other.  The 
last  one  quoted  deprives  the  citizen  of  his  rights,  on 
account  of  his  religious  opinions  and  practices,  and  as 
a  religious  test  for  office,  is  in  violation  of  the  solemn 
declaration  of  the  Federal  Constitution.  The  National 
Congress  in  the  case  of  this  State,  had  legal  authority 
to  suspend  the  State  Government  until  a  Constitution 
Republican  in  form  was  adopted. 

ARKANSAS. — Adopted  a  Constitution  in  1836;  admit 
ted  into  the  Union  June  15th,  1836;  adopted  another 
State  Constitution  November  17th,  1846. 

Governor. — Is  elected  for  four  years,  and  shall  not  be 
eligible  for  more  than  eight  years  in  any  term  of  the 
twelve  years ;  shall  be  thirty  years  of  age,  and  a  native 
born  citizen  of  Arkansas,  or  a  native  born  citizen  of 
the  United  States,  or  a  resident  of  Arkansas  ten  years 
previous  to  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution,  if  not  a 
native  of  the  United  States;  and  shall  have  resided  in 
the  State  four  years. 

Electors. — Free  white  male  citizens  of  the  United 
States,  twenty-one  years  of  age,  and  citizens  of  the 
State  six  months. 

Senators. — Are  elected  for  four  years ;  must  be  thirty 
years  of  age,  free  white  male  citizens  of  the  United 
States,  inhabitants  of  the  State  one  year. 

Representatives. — Are  elected  for  two  years,  must  be 
twenty-five  years  of  age,  and  free  white  male  citizens 
of  the  United  States. 

Article  II,  Section  3,  of  the  Declaration  of  Rights, 


XXIII.]  CITIZENSHIP   IN   THE   STATES.  427 

says:  "  That  all  men  have  a  natural  and  indefeasible 
right  to  worship  Almighty  God,  according  to  the  dic 
tates  of  their  own  conscience."  Section  3,  of  Article 
IX,  of  the  Constitution,  says:  "No  person  who  denies 
the  being  of  a  God,  shall  hold  any  office  in  the  civil 
department  of  this  State,  nor  be  allowed  his  oath  in 
any  Court."  Whether  the  belief  in  a  Great  Spirit 
permeating  space,  or  a  belief  in  a  physical  body,  will 
satisfy  the  good  people  of  Arkansas,  is  not  defined. 
This  Constitution  is  Anti-Republican,  in  conflict  with 
the  Federal  Constitution;  and  the  National  Congress 
had  legal  power  to  suspend  the  State  Government, 
because  it  was  not  Republican  in  form. 

MICHIGAN. — Was  admitted  into  the  Union  January 
26th,  1837;  adopted  her  present  Constitution  August 
15th,  1850. 

Electors. — White  male  citizens,  and  white  male  in 
habitants,  residing  in  the  State  on  the  24th  of  June, 
1835,  and  white  male  inhabitants  residing  in  the  State 
on  the  1st  of  January,  1850,  who  have  declared  their 
intention  to  become  citizens  of  the  United  States ;  and 
every  civilized  male  inhabitant  of  Indian  descent,  a 
native  of  the  United  States,  and  not  a  member  of  any 
tribe.  All  voters  must  be  twenty-one  years  of  age, 
and  residents  of  the  State  three  months. 
*  Governor. — Is  elected  for  two  years;  must  be  thirty 
years  of  age ;  a  citizen  of  the  United  States  for  five 
years,  and  a  resident  of  the  State  two  years. 

Senators. — Are  elected  for  two  years. 

Representatives. — Are  also  elected  for  two  years. 
Senators  and  Representatives  shall  be  citizens  of  the 
United  States,  and  qualified  electors. 

FLORIDA. — Adopted  a  Constitution  December  3d, 
1  838;  admitted  into  the  Union  March  3d,  1845. 


428  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

Electors. — Free  white  male  citizens  of  the  United 
States  twenty-one  years  of  age,  who  have  resided  in 
the  State  two  years,  and  six  months  in  the  county 
where  they  vote. 

Governor. — Is  elected  for  four  years;  he  shall  not  be 
eligible  for  the  next  four  years  after  the  expiration  of 
his  term ;  must  be  thirty  years  of  age ;  must  be  a  citizen 
of  the  United  States  for  ten  years,  and  a  resident  of 
the  State  five  years. 

Senators. — Are  elected  for  two  years;  must  be  white 
male  citizens  of  the  United  States;  inhabitants  of  the 
State  two  years,  and  be  twenty-five  years  of  age. 

Representatives. — Must  be  white  male  citizens  of  the 
United  States ;  inhabitants  of  the  State  two  years ;  the 
last  year  in  the  county  from  which  they  are  elected, 
and  shall  be  twenty-one  years  of  age. 

Article  VI,  Sec.  10,  says:  uN"o  minister  of  the  Gos 
pel  shall  be  eligible  to  the  office  of  Governor,  Senator, 
or  member  of  the  House  of  Representatives  of  this 
State."  The  Constitution  of  Florida  in  this  was  Anti- 
Republican,  and  its  State  Government  could  have  been 
suspended  by  the  National  Congress  until  a  Constitu 
tion  Republican  in  form  would  be  adopted. 

TEXAS. — Adopted  a  Constitution  August  27th,  1845; 
admitted  into  the  Union  December  29th,  1845. 

Electors. — Free  male  citizens  of  the  United  States 
twenty-one  years  of  age,  having  resided  in  the  State 
one  year,  and  in  the  county  where  they  vote  six 
months.  Also,  citizens  of  the  Republic  of  Texas,  and 
Indians,  if  taxed.  Africans  and  their  descendants  are 
exclu-ded. 

Governor. — Is  elected  for  two  years ;  must  be  thirty 
years  of  age;  a  citizen  of  the  United  States,  and  resi 
dent  of  the  State  two  years. 


XXIII.]  CITIZENSHIP   IN   THE    STATES.  429 

Senators. — Are  elected  for  four  years;  must  be  thirty 
years  of  age ;  citizens  of  the  United  States,  or  citizens 
of  the  Republic  of  Texas  at  the  adoption  of  the  Con 
stitution,  and  inhabitants  of  the  State  three  years,  and 
one  year  in  the  district. 

Representatives. — Are  elected  for  two  years ;  must  be 
twenty-one  years  of  age ;  citizens  of  the  United  States, 
or  citizens  of  the  Republic  of  Texas  at  the  time  of  the 
adoption  of  the  Constitution,  and  inhabitants  of  the 
State  two  years. 

IOWA. — Adopted  a  Constitution  in  1844;  was  admit 
ted  into  the  Union  December  28th,  1846. 

Electors. — White  male  citizens  of  the  United  States 
twenty-one  years  of  age,  who  have  resided  in  the  State 
six  months  next  preceding  the  election,  and  sixty  days 
in  the  county. 

Governor. — Holds  his  office  for  two  years;  must  be 
thirty  years  of  age1 ;  a  citizen  of  the  United  States  for 
two  years, 'and  a  resident  of  the  State  two  years. 

Senators. — Are  elected  for  four  years ;  must  be  twen 
ty-five  years  of  age ;  white  male  citizens  of  the  United 
States;  inhabitants  of  the  State  one  year,  and  of  the 
county  or  district  sixty  days. 

Representatives. — Are  elected  for  two  years;  must  be 
twenty-one  years  of  age;  free  white  male  citizens  of 
the  United  States;  inhabitants  of  the  State  one  year 
next  preceding  their  election,  and  sixty  days  in  the 
county.  On  the  3d  of  November,  1868,  Iowa  amended 
her  Constitution  by  striking  out  the  word  white  in  the 
qualification  for  electors,  thus  adopting  universal  suf 
frage: 

WISCONSIN.— Adopted  a  Constitution  February  1st, 
1848;  admitted  into  the  Union  May  29th,  1848. 
28 


430  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

Electors. — 1st.  White  citizens  of  the  United  States. 
2d.  White  persons  of  foreign  birth,  who  shall  have  de 
clared  their  intention  to  become  citizens.  3d.  Persons 
of  Indian  blood,  who  have  been  declared  citizens  of 
the  United  States  by  law  of  Congress.  4th.  Civilized 
persons  of  Indian  descent,  not  members  of  any  tribe. 
In  all  cases  must  be  twenty-one  years  of  age,  and  have 
resided  in  the  State  one  year  next  preceding  election. 

Governor. — Is  elected  for  two  years;  one  year's  resi 
dence  in  the  State,  and  being  a  qualified  elector,  is  the 
only  qualification  required. 

Representatives. — Are  elected  for  one  year;  one  year's 
residence  in  the  State,  and  being  qualified  electors,  is 
the  only  qualification  required. 

CALIFORNIA.  —  Adopted  a  Constitution  Nov.  13th, 
1849;  admitted  into  the  Union  September  9th,  1850. 

Electors. — White  male  citizens  of  the  United  States, 
and  white  male  citizens  of  Mexico,  who  have  elected 
to  become  citizens  of  the  United  States,  under  the 
treaty  of  Queretaro,  of  the  thirtieth  of  January,  1848, 
of  the  age  of  twenty-one  years,  who  have  resided  in 
the  State  six  months  next  preceding  any  election,  and 
in  the  county  or  district  wherein  he  votes,  thirty  days. 
The  Legislature  may  admit  Indians  or  the  descendants 
of  Indians  to  the  right  of  suffrage, 

Governor. — Is  elected  for  four  years;  must  have  at 
tained  the  age  of  twenty-five  years,  be  a  citizen  of  the 
United  States,  and  resident  of  the  State  for  two  years 
next  preceding  the  election 

Senators. — Are  elected  for  four  years,  must  be  citi 
zens  and  inhabitants  of  the  State  for  one  year,  and  of 
the  county  or  district  from  which  they  shall  be  chosen, 
six  months  next  preceding  the  election. 

Representatives* — Are  elected  for  two  years ;  must  be 


XXIIL]  CITIZENSHIP   IN   THE   STATES.  431 

citizens  and  inhabitants  of  the  State  for  one  year,  and 
of  the  county  or  district  for  which  they  are  chosen, 
six  months  next  before  their  election. 

MINNESOTA. — Adopted  a  Constitution  in  1857;  was 
admitted  into  the  Union  December,  1857. 

Electors.— Every  male  person  of  the  age  of  twenty- 
one  years  or  upwards,  belonging  to  either  of  the  fol 
lowing  classes,  who  shall  have  resided  in  the  United 
States  one  year,  and  in  the  State  four  months  next 
preceding  any  election. 

1st.  White  citizens  of  the  United  States.  2d. 
White  persons  of  foreign  birth  who  have  made  a  dec 
laration  of  citizenship.  3d.  Persons  of  white,  mixed, 
or  Indian  blood.  4th.  Persons  of  Indian  blood  resid 
ing  in  the  State,  who  have  adopted  the  language, 
customs,  and  habits  of  civilization,  who  after  an  exam 
ination  before  a  District  Court  of  the  State,  shall  be 
pronounced  capable  of  enjoying  the  rights  of  citizen 
ship.  On  the  3d  day  of  November,  1868,  the  Con 
stitution  of  Minnesota  was  amended  by  striking  out 
the  word  white  in  the  qualifications  for  electors,  thus 
adopting  universal  suffrage. 

Governor. — Is  elected  for  two  years ;  must  be  twenty- 
five  years  of  age,  a  citizen  of  the  United  States,  and 
resident  of  the  State  one  year. 

Senators. — Are  elected  for  two  years;  qualifications 
of  a  legal  voter  is  all  that  is  required  to  be  eligible. 

Representatives. — Are  elected  for  two  years,  and  being 
legal  voters  is  the  only  qualification  necessary. 

OREGON. — Adopted  a  Constitution  September  18th, 
1857;  was  admitted  into  the  Union  in  December,  1858. 

Electors. — White  male  citizens  twenty-one  years  of 
age,  who  have  resided  in  the  State  six  months  next 
before  election;  also  white  males  twenty-one  years  of 


432  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

age,  of  foreign  birth,  who  have  made  a  declaration  to 
become  citizens  of  the  United  States;  who  have  re 
sided  in  the  United  States  one  year,  and  in  the  State 
six  months  immediately  preceding  election. 

Governor. — Is  elected  for  four  years,  must  be  a  citi 
zen  of  the  United  States,  thirty  years  of  age,  and  a 
resident  of  the  State  three  years  next  preceding  his 
election;  no  person  is  eligible  for  more  than  eight 
years  in  any  period  of  twelve  years. 

Senators.  —  Are  elected  for  four  years ;  must  be 
twenty-one  years  of  age,  citizens  of  the  United  States, 
residents  of  the  State  one  year,  and  inhabitants  of 
the  county  or  district  where  elected. 

Representatives. — Are  elected  for  two  years;  same 
qualifications  as  Senators. 

KANSAS. — Adopted  a  Constitution  July  29th,  1859; 
admitted  into  the  Union  in  March,  1862. 

Electors. — White  male  citizens  of  the  United  States 
twenty-one  years  of  age ;  also  persons  of  foreign  birth, 
who  have  made  a  declaration  to  become  citizens  of  the 
United  States,  being  white  males  twenty-one  years  of 
age;  a  residence  of  six  months  in  the  State,  and  of 
thirty  days  in  the  township  or  ward,  is  all  that  is  re 
quired  in  either  case. 

Governor. — Is  elected  for  two  years.  The  Constitu 
tion  of  Kansas  does  not  require  any  qualification  for 
the  office  of  Governor;  it,  however,  says:  "  No  mem 
ber  of  Congress  or  officer  of  the  State,  or  of  the  United 
States,  shall  hold  the  office  of  Governor,  except  as 
herein  provided." 

Senators. — Are  elected  for  two  years. 

Representatives. — Are  elected  for  one  year;  the  term 
may  be  changed  by  law.  The  only  qualification  in 
either  case  is  that  of  a  qualified  elector. 


XXIIL]  CITIZENSHIP  IN  THE   STATES.  433 

WEST  VIRGINIA. — Adopted  a  Constitution  February 
18th,  1863;  admitted  into  the  Union  April  20th,  1863. 

Electors. — White  male  citizens  twenty-one  years  of 
age,  who  have  resided  one  year  in  the  State,  and  thirty 
days  in  the  county  where  they  vote. 

Governor. — Is  elected  for  two  years;  must  be  thirty 
years  of  age ;  must  have  the  qualifications  of  an  elector, 
and  have  resided  in  the  State  five  years  preceding  his 
election; 

Senators. — Are  elected  for  two  years;  must  be  twen 
ty-five  years  of  age ;  have  the  qualifications  of  electors, 
and  have  been  residents  of  the  State  five  years. 

Representatives. — Are  elected  for  one  year;  the  quali 
fication  of  an  elector  is  all  that  is  required. 

NEVADA. — Adopted  a  Constitution  July  28th,  1864; 
admitted  into  the  Union  in  1864. 

Electors. — White  male  citizens  twenty-one  years  of 
age,  who  have  resided  six  months  in  the  State, 

Governor. — Is  elected  for  four  years;  must  be  a 
qualified  voter ;  twenty-five  years  of  age,  and  a  resident 
of  the  State  two  years. 

Senators. — Are  elected  for  four  years ;  must  be  quali 
fied  electors. 

Representatives. — Are  elected  for  two  years;  must  be 
qualified  electors. 

NEBRASKA. — Adopted  a  Constitution  February  9th, 
1866;  admitted  into  the  Union  March  1st,  1867. 

Electors. — White  citizens  of  the  United  States. 
Also  white  persons  of  foreign  birth  who  shall  have  de 
clared  their  intention  to  become  citizens,  conformable 
to  the  laws  of  the  United  States. 

Governor. — Is  elected  for  two  years 

Senators  &n(L.JRepresentatives  are  elected  for  two  years. 


434 


REPUBLICANISM   IN  AMERICA. 


[Chap. 


The  qualification  of  an  elector  is  the  only  qualifica 
tion  prescribed  by  the  Constitution  for  any  office 
within  the  State. 

The  following  States  elect  Lieutenant-Governors: 
Massachusetts,  Yermont,  Rhode  Island,  Connecticut, 
New  York,  Virginia,  South  Carolina,  Kentucky,  Ohio, 
Indiana,  Louisiana,  Illinois,  Missouri,  Michigan,  Texas, 
Iowa,  Wisconsin,  California,  Minnesota,  and  Kansas. 

The  following  States  dp  not  elect  Lieutenant-Gov 
ernors:  Alabama,  Arkansas,  Delaware,  Florida,  Geor 
gia,  Maine,  Maryland,  Mississippi,  New  Hampshire, 
New  Jersey,  North  Carolina,  Oregon,  Pennsylvania, 
Tennessee,  "West  Virginia,  Nevada,  and  Nebraska. 

The  following  table  will  show  the  Capital  of  each 
State,  date  of  State  elections,  meeting  of  Legislatures, 
and  salary  of  Governors : 


States. 
(37.) 

Capitals. 

Legislature  Meets. 

State  Election. 

Sal. 
£ 

Alabama  
Arkansas  
California  
Connecticut.  .  . 
Delaware  
Florida  

Montgomery  

*2d  Mon.  in  November 
*lst  Mon.  in  November 
*lst  Mon.  in  December 
1st  Wed.  in  May  
*lst  Tues.  in  January.. 
*lst  Mou.  in  November 
1st  Th.  in  November. 
*2d  Mon.  in  January.  .  . 
*lst  Wed.  in  January.. 
*lst  Mon.  in  January.  . 
2d  Th.  in  January  
*lst  Mon.  in  December 
*3d  Mon.  in  January.  .  . 
1st  Wed.  in  January.  . 
1st  Wed.  in  January  .  . 
1st  Wed.  in  January  .  . 
*lstWed.  in  January.. 
*lst  Tues.  in  January.  . 
*1  st  Mon.  in  January  .  . 
*Last  Mon.in  December 

1st  Mon.  in  August  
1st  Mon.  in  August..  .  . 
1st  Wed.  in  September 
1st  Mon.  'in  April  
1st  Tues.  in  NoVember 
1st  Mon.  in  October.  .  . 
1st  Wed.  in  October.  .. 
1st  Tues.  in  November 
2d  Tues.  in  October.  .  . 
2d  Tues.  in  October.  .  . 
1st  Tues.  in  November 
1st  Mon.  in  August  
1st  Mon.  in  November 
2d  Mon.  in  September 
1st  Tues.  in  November 
1st  Tues.  in  November 
1st  Tues.  in  November 
1st  Tues.  in  November 
1st  Mon.  in  October.  .  . 
1st  Tues.  in  November 
1st  Tues.  in  October.  .  . 
1st  Tues.  in  November 
2d  Tues.  in  March  
1st  Tues.  in  November 
1st  Tues.  in  November 
•2dTh.  in  August  
2d  Tues.  in  October  . 
1st  Mou.  in  Juno.  .  .   . 
•2d  Tues.  in  October  . 
1st  Wed.  in  April...    . 
4th  Mon.  in  November 
IstTh.  in  August.'.    . 
1st  Mon.  in  August.   . 
1st  Tues.  in  September 
4th  Th.  iu  May  

$2,500 
2,500 
7,000 
1,100 
1,330 
1,503 
3,000 
1,500 
3,000 
2,200 
2,500 
2,500 
4,000 
1,500 
3,COO 
5,000 
1,500 
2,500 
3,000 
5,000 

"6,666 
1,000 
3,000 
4,000 
4,000 
1,800 
1,500 
5,000 
1,000 
3,500 
3,000 
•1,000 
1,000 
5,000 
2,000 
1,'_50 

Little  Hock 

Sacramento  

Hartford  &  New  Haven 

Tallahassee  .  .   . 

Georgia  
IHinois  

Milledgeville 

Springfield  

Indiana  

Indianapolis  

Iowa  
Kansas  

Topeka  

Kentucky  
Loui>i:mu  
Maine  
Maryland  
Massachusetts 
Michigan  
Minnesota 

Frankfort 

Baton  Rouge  
Augusta  . 

Annapolis  

Boston.  .   .            .... 

St.  Paul  

Mississippi  .  .  . 
Missouri  
Nebraska  
Nevada  

Jefferson  City  

Omaha 

Carson  City  

1st  Mon.  in  January.  . 
1st  Wed.  in  June  
2d  Tues.  in  January.  . 
1st  Tues.  in  January.. 
*3d  Mon.  in  November 
*lst  Mon.  in  January  .  . 
*2d  Mon.  in  September 
1st  Tues.  in  January.. 
May  and  January  
3d  Wed.  in  October... 
"1st  Mon.  in  October.. 
*lst  Mon.  in  November 
2dTh.in  October.... 
*2d  Mon.  in  January.  .  . 
3d  Tues.  in  January  .  . 
2d  Wed.  iu  January.  .  . 

N.  Hampshire. 
New  Jersey.  .  . 
New  York  
North  Carolina 
Ohio  

Concord  
Trenton  

Albany 

Raleigh  

Columbus  

Oregon  
Pennsylvania  . 
Rhode  Island.  . 
South  Carolina 
Tennessee  
Texas  
Vermont  
"Virginia  
"West  Virginia. 
"Wisconsin  

Salem  
Harrisburg  

Newport  &  Providence 

Nashville  .... 

Austin  
Montpelier  

Richmond      .    . 

Morganstown  

4th  Th.  in  October.  .  .  . 
1st  Tues.  in  November 

Madison  

*Meet  biennially. 


XXIII.]  ELECTION   OF   FEDERAL    OFFICERS,  435 

Those  entitled  to  the  elective  franchise  in  the  sev 
eral  States,  and  the  qualifications  necessary  under  the 
State  Constitutions  for  the  various  State  officers,  where 
qualifications  are  necessary,  have  already  been  given, 
without  going  into  unnecessary  details  of  minor  affairs. 

It  now  remains  to  give  the  qualifications  necessary 
to  hold  office  under  the  Federal  Constitution  in  the 
offices  of  the  United  States  Government  where  qualifi 
cations  are  required.  In  all  cases,  both  State  and 
Federal,  where  there  is  no  qualification  prescribed  by 
the  Constitution  or  laws,  the  presumption  is,  and  the 
practice  has  been,  that  citizens,  using  the  term  in  its 
political  sense,  are  eligible  to  office. 

The  President  of  the  United  States  must  be  a  natural 
born  citizen  of  the  United  States,  and  have  attained 
thirty-five  years  of  age,  and  been  fourteen  years  a  resi 
dent  of  the  United  States ;  he  is  elected  for  four  years, 
and  is  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Army  and  Navy  of 
the  United  States. 

The  Vice- President  of  the  United  States  is  elected  at 
the  same  time  and  in  the  same  manner,  and  for  the 
same  term  as  the  President;  he  must  have  the  same 
qualifications  as  the  President. 

United  States  Senators.  —  Two  Senators  from  each 
State  are  elected  by  the  Legislature  for  the  term  of 
six  years;  must  have  attained  the  age  of  thirty  years, 
and  have  been  nine  years  citizens  of  the  United  States ; 
also  be  inhabitants  of  the  State  for  which  they  are 
chosen. 

Representatives  to  Congress  are  elected  by  the  peo 
ple  for  two  years ;  must  have  attained  twenty-five 
years'  of  age,  have  been  seven  years  citizens  *of  the 
United  States,  and  inhabitants  of  the  State  in  which 
they  are  elected — no  other  qualifications  can  be  im 
posed  by  any  State. 


436  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

Judges  of  the  United  States  Courts  are  appointed  by 
the  President  and  Senate,  and  hold  their  office  "  dur 
ing  good  behavior."  (See  Constitution  of  the  United 
States,  Appendix.) 

The  Constitution  of  the  Federal  Union  is  eminently 
Republican,  and  the  Government  of  the  Union  under 
it  well  adapted  to  promote  and  perpetuate  the  freedom 
of  the  American  people.  But  the  changes  which  have 
been  and  are  still  being  made  in  their  social  and  polit 
ical  affairs,  demand  corresponding  changes  in  the 
fundamental  law  of  the  land.  The  hand  printing 
press  has  given  way  to  the  steam  power;  the  mud 
wagon  to  the  steam  car  ;  the  dull  hulk  that  floated 
lazily  at  the  mercy  of  winds  and  tides  to  the  steam 
ship;  the  post-boy  to  the  electric  current  that  en 
circles  the  globe,  and  places  us  in  immediate  commu 
nication  with  the  extreme  ends  of  the  earth;  the  flint 
lock  musket  to  the  breach-loading  repeating  rifle ;  the 
hand-loom  to  the  mighty  power  loom,  whose  shut 
tles  never  cease;  the  rush  and  tallow  candle  to  the 
brilliant  gas ;  the  dull  rumbling  omnibus  to  the  street 
car;  the  sheep-skin  in  the  window  to  plate  glass;  the 
painter's  pencil  to -the  camera  of  the  photographer; 
religious  bigotry  and  intolerance  to  a  just  appreciation 
of  the  rights  of  conscience;  the  wager  of  battle  and 
the  star  chamber  to  trial  by  jury;  soothsajdng,  proph 
ecy,  miracles,  and  sorcery,  to  a  comprehension  of  na 
ture's  laws;  ignorance,  prejudice,  and  superstition  to  ed 
ucation,  intelligence,  and  scientific  knowledge.  In  the 
march  of  this  great  train  of  progress,  laws  and  consti 
tutions  must  conform  to  the  times;  and  the  Federal 
-Constitution  in  its  improved  condition  keeps  pace  with 
the  age. 

To  the  American  citizen  and  statesman,  the  follow- 


XXIII.]  ELECTION   OF   FEDERAL    OFFICERS.  437 

ing  changes  must  press  their  claims,  that  the  affairs  of 
the  Government  may  still  keep  pace  with  the  progress 
of  the  times,  and  in  harmony  with  the  Republican 
spirit  of  our  Government. 

The  present  mode  of  election  of  the  President  of 
the  United  States  should  be  changed,  making  the 
direct  vote  of  the  people  the  rule,  dispensing  with  the 
unnecessary  machinery  of  the  "  Electoral  College," 
and  the  unrepullican-like  system  now  in  practice — the 
person  receiving  the  greatest  number  of  votes  to  be 
elected;  the  same  system  to  apply  to  the  Vico-Presi- 
dent,  each  being  voted  for  seperately,  and  directly  by 
the  people. 

The  present  mode  of  electing  United  States  Sena 
tors  by  the  State  Legislatures  should  be  abolished,  and 
the  Senators  elected  by  the  direct  vote  of  the  people  of 
their  States.  There  is  no  subject  in  the  whole  range 
of  political  affairs  in  the  United  States,  so  prejudicial 
to  American  liberty,  as  the  system  of  Senatorial  elec 
tions.  Candidates  for  this  position,  through  them 
selves  and  their  accomplices,  corrupt  the  political  foun 
tains  to  their  very  centre,-  and  under  the  practices  of 
caucuses  and  conventions,  manipulate  the  State  Legis 
lative  ticket  to  suit  their  ends,  by  selecting,  under  the 
pressure  of  pecuniary  and  other  interests,  such  tools  as 
will  do  the  bidding  of  their  masters.  By  this  means  it 
too  often  happens,  that  the  one  having  the  most  money, 
the  most  efficient  "  strikers,"  corruptionists,  and  polit 
ical  "  wire- workers,"  will  be  the  successful  man;  while 
the  competent,  modest,  honest,  or  impecunious  aspir 
ant,  remains  at  home.  The  people  are  cheated  out  of 
their  votes  by  this  indirect  method;  the  Legislature 
is  packed  with  hirelings  of  the  aspirant  Senator;  the 
State  is  defeated  out  of  honest  legislation,  because  the 


438  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

members  were  not  elected  with  regard  to  their  fitness 
for  Legislative  business,  but  solely  upon  their  pledges  to 
vote  for  United  States  Senator. 

When  a  Senator  is  thus  elected,  he  is  under  obliga 
tions,  and  they  must  be  fulfilled ;  captains  and  leaders  of 
the  "ring"  that  elected  him  must  be  paid,  so  the  Federal 
patronage  must  liquidate  his  promises.  The  "  slate" 
at  the  Federal  Capital  is  wiped  clean  on  the  arrival  of 
the  new  Senator,  and  a  new  list  is  substituted  for  his 
State;  National  legislation  has  to  be  neglected  by  the 
Senator,  who  finds  himself  besieged  by  his  political  cred 
itors,  so  that,  one  by  one,  incumbents  in  Government 
offices  are  thrust  aside,  and  the  friends  of  the  new  Sen 
ator  step  in.  But  the  corruption  does  not  end  here. 
During  the  six  years  of  his  administration,  he  has  well 
stocked  every  Federal  office  in  his  State  (so  far  as  he 
can)  with  men  pledged  to  his  future  support;  and  as 
another  election  is  to  take  place  in  his  State,  he  leaves 
the  National  Capital  and  opens  his  "  office,"  where  the 
same  process  as  before  is  gone  through  with,  only 
upon  an  enlarged  and  more  scientific  scale.  Thus, 
from  election  of  Governor  to  Constable,  all  is  manipu 
lated,  controlled,  and  moulded,  by  this  greatest  source 
of  political  corruption  in  America. 

The  Federal  Constitution  should  be  amended  also  in 
relation  to  the  period  of  the  office  of  Judges  of  the 
United  States.  By  the  Constitution  as  it  now  is,  Judges 
"  hold  their  office  during  good  behavior."  A  person 
may  exhibit  very  excellent  behavior,  and  yet  be  very 
far  from  being  a  competent  and  honest  Judge.  The 
present  mode  of  appointment  is  the  safest  to  insure 
competent  and  honest  men;  but  the  time  of  holding 
office  is  the  objectionable  feature.  If  the  term  of 
office  was  limited  to,  say  ten  years,  the  public  could 


XXIII.]  ELECTION   OF   FEDERAL   OFFICERS.  439 

once  in  a  while  be  relieved  of  some  superannuated  or 
corrupt  incumbent  without  going  through  the  tedious, 
expensive  and  uncertain  process  of  impeachment; 
besides  the  prospect  of  future  appointment  would  be 
an  incentive  to  good  behavior. 


CHAPTER    XXIV. 


CONSTITUTION  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.— AMENDMENTS  TO.— POWERS  AND 
DUTIES  OF  OFFICERS  UNDER.— CITIZENSHIP.— LAWS  OF  SOUTH  CAROLINA. 
—ATTEMPT  TO  SELL  BRITISH  SUBJECTS. 


THE  Constitution  of  the  United  States  is  to  the 
American  Nation  what  Magna  Charta  is  to  the  British 
Empire.  It  is  the  sheet  anchor  of  American  freedom 
and  nationality.  Upon  it  rest 'the  foundations  of  the 
Republic.  The  laws,  treaties,  and  institutions  of  the 
Nation  are  all  dependent  upon  it.  Each  department 
of  the  various  branches  of  the  Government  held 
submissive  to  it.  It  balances  the  power,  regulates  the 
extent  and  sphere  of  action  of  the  Legislative,  Execu 
tive,  and  Judicial  branches  of  the  Government.  It 
keeps  in  motion  and  regulates  the  action  of  the  several 
States  that  gravitate  around  the  common  centre,  where 
abide  the  life.and  perpetuity  of  the  Republic.  It  pos 
sesses  within  itself  the  elements  of  its  own  preserva 
tion.  It  is  susceptible  of  amendment,  addition,  and 
even  of  repeal  or  abrogation  of  its  own  parts.  But  this 
must  be  accomplished  by  the  methods  prescribed 
within  itself;  and  when  attempted  to  be  done  other 
wise,  is  void.  (The  Constitution,  with  all  its  amend 
ments,  will  be  found  in  the  Appendix  of  this  volume.) 

The  Federal  Constitution  was  adopted  September 
17th,  1787,  by  the  Convention  assembled  pursuant  to 
resolution  of  the  Continental  Congress,  and  was  rati 
fied  by  the  requisite  number  of  States  January  21st, 
1788,  and  by  all  the  States  May  29th,  1790.  The  first 


CHARLES    SUMNER. 


XXIY.]      GOVERNMENT   OF   THE  UNITED   STATES.  441 

Congress  under  it  met  on  the  first  Monday  in  March, 
(4th,)  1789.  At  this  session  the  first  ten  amendments 
to  the  Constitution  were  proposed,  and  duly  ratified 
by  the  States  in  due  course  of  time.  The  eleventh 
amendment  was  proposed  in  1794,  the  twelfth  in  1803, 
and  both,  duly  ratified  by  the  States,  became  a  part  of 
the  Constitution.  From  this  period  down  to  the 
breaking  out  of  the  Rebellion,  in  1861,  no  amendment 
had  been  added.  Since  that  period  the  thirteenth 
and  fourteenth  amendments  have  been  adopted. 

The  Constitution  was  adopted  by  the  people  of  the 
United  States,  and  no  act  of  any  State  can  divest  the 
people  of  the  Union  formed  by  them,  or  of  the  guar 
antees  and  protection  of  it.  Its  adoption  by  the  peo 
ple  bound  the  State  Governments,  and  held  them  re 
sponsible  and  amenable  to  the  laws  and  treaties  made 
in  conformity  with  its  provisions. 

"  The  Constitution  was  ordained  and  established,  not  by  the 
States  in  their  sovereign  capacity,  but  emphatically,  as  the  pre 
amble  declares,  by  the  people  of  the  United  States.  Martin  v. 
Hunter's  Lessee,  1  Wheaton's  Keports,  324."  "  It  required  not 
the  affirmance,  and  could  not  be  negatived  by  the  State  Govern 
ments.  When  adopted  it  was  of  completed  obligation,  and 
bound  the  State  Sovereignties.  McCullough  v.  Maryland,  4 
Wheaton's  Eeports,  404." 

The  Government  of  the  United  States  is  a  body  cor 
porate,  and  cannot  be  dissolved  by  the  act  of  any  less 
number  of  its  people  than  that  that  formed  it.  It  is 
capable  of  attaining  the  objects  for  which  it  was  cre 
ated,  and  has  the  power  to  use  all  necessary  means  to 
maintain  the  supremacy  of  the  laws,  and  the  perpetuity 
of  the  Nation  by  legislative  or  other  measures. 

Section  ten,  of  Article  first,  says:  "No  State  shall 
enter  into  any  treaty,  alliance,  or  confederation."  Yet 


442  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

Southern  statesmen  have  said  that  they  could  constitu 
tionally,  as  "  Sovereign  States,"  peaceably  leave  the 
Union  and  "  confederate "  as  they  saw  fit.  It  is  diffi 
cult  to  conceive  how  language  could  be  framed  more 
effectually  to  prohibit  specific  acts,  than  is  this  lan 
guage  of  the  Constitution. 

A  subject  of  great  National  interest  during  the  Ad 
ministration  of  President  Johnson  was  as  to  the  pow 
ers  guaranteed  to  the  Executive  by  the  Constitution; 
and  the  latitude  assumed  by  him  (Johnson)  at  one 
time  seriously  threatened  the  .safety  of  the  country, 
and  induced  Congress  to  more  fully  define,  and  to  some 
extent,  prescribe  Executive  authority. 

Article  second,  of  the  Constitution,  relating  to  the 
office  of  President,  his  duties  and  powers,  would  seem 
to  be  sufficiently  specific,  and  was  all-sufficient  to  guide 
the  actions  of  the  Executive  department*  through  the 
earlier  periods  of  the  Government.  But  the  exigencies 
of  the  times,  since  the  breaking  out  of  the  Rebellion 
in  1861,  and  the  new  issues  and  demands  upon  the  va 
rious  branches  of  the  Government,  have  developed 
new  phases,  upon  which  the  Executive  assumed  author 
ity  totally  at  variance  with  all  precedent,  and  subver 
sive  of  the  laws  and  Constitution  of  the  Republic. 

Indeed,  so  complicated  and  varied  are  his  func 
tions,  so  closely  allied  with  and  almost  inseparable 
from  the  other  branches  of  the  Government,  that  it  is 
difficult  to  conceive  how  legislation  can  confine  the 
Executive  within  any  very  limited  sphere  of  action 
upon  subjects  not  specifically  defined  by  the  Constitu 
tion.  The  present  incumbent,  (1868)  Andrew  John 
son,  has  assumed  so  many  new  positions — Legislative, 
Executive,  and  Judicial — has  gone  so  far  beyond  his 
powers,  as  defined  by  the  Constitution,  that  serious 


XXIY.]  POWERS   OF   THE   PRESIDENT.  443 

alarm  for  the  safety  of  the  country,  from  his  unlimited 
assumption  of  powers,  was  not  without  foundation. 
His  assumption  of  the  Legislative  duties  of  the  Repub 
lic  in  the  matter  of  reconstructing  the  rebel  States, 
was  an  arrogance  unparalleled  in  the  history  of  Republi 
can  Government.  His  positive  refusal  to  execute  laws 
of  Congress,  stating  as  his  reason  his  opinion  that  they 
were  unconstitutional,  was  a  judicial  assumption,  dan 
gerous  to  the  Nation,  and  destructive  of  the  liberties 
of  the  people.  His  wholesale  pardoning  of  the  leaders 
of  the  Rebellion,  thus  fitting  them  to  accomplish  by 
legislation  what  they  failed  to  accomplish  by  arms, 
was  equally  reprehensible  and  dangerous.  The  unlim 
ited  use  of  the  veto  power  against  every  important  leg 
islative  act  of  Congress,  his  assumption  of  the  exclusive 
power  of  appointment  and  removal,  during  the  session 
of  the  Senate,  are  features  new  and  novel  in  the  Ameri 
can  Government. 

Article  II,  Section  2,  of  the  Constitution,  says, 
(speaking  of  the  Executive) : 

"  And  he  shall  nominate,  and  by  and  with  the  advice  and  con 
sent  of  the  Senate,  shall  appoint  Embassadors,  other  public 
Ministers  and  Consuls,  Judges  of  the  Supreme  Court,  and  all 
other  officers  of  the  United  States,  whose  appointment  is  not 
herein  otherwise  provided  for,  and  which,  shall  be  established  by 
law.  *  *  The  President  shall  have  power  to  fill  up  all 
vacancies  that  may  happen  during  the  recess  of  the  Senate,  by 
granting  commissions,  which  shall  expire  at  the  end  of  their 
next  session." 

Citizenship  in  the  Republic  is  a  subject  of  vital  in 
terest,  but  one  which  has  been  grossly  abused  by  State 
Constitutions  and  State  laws,  which  have,  in  many  in 
stances,  ignored  all  the  rights  of  the  American  citizen 
by  proscribing  his  suffrage  to  the  laws  and  limits  of 


444  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

the  State  where  he  might  reside,  and  in  many  cases, 
not  only  depriving  him  of  participating  in  State  elec 
tions,  but  depriving  him  of  voting  for  United  States 
officers,  unless  he  was  of  a  certain  class,  thus  subvert 
ing  the  high  position  of  the  American  citizen  to  the 
narrow  limits  of  State  citizenship. 

In  the  Slave  States,  and  those  also  under  Democratic 
rule  at  the  North,  the  elective  franchise  has  been  re 
served  in  the  hands  of  an  aristocratic  class,  in  direct 
opposition  to  the  spirit  and  philosophy  of  Republican 
Government.  But  the  days  ot  such  usurpations  are 
drawing  to  a  close,  and  like  the  other  heresies  of  State 
Bights,  Sovereign  States,  and  Squatter  Sovereignty, 
practiced  by  the  Democracy,  must  giye  place  to  the 
doctrine  of  Manhood  Suffrage,  as  advocated  by  the 
Republican  party. 

Article  IV,  Section  2,  of  the  Federal  Constitution, 
says:  "The  citizens  of  each  State  shall  be  entitled  to 
all  the  privileges  and  immunities  of  citizens  in  the  sev 
eral  States." 

The  phraseology  of  the  above  clause  would  seem  to 
convey  the  idea  that  citizens  from  one  State  going  into 
another  and  making  their  domicile  and  residence  there, 
would  be  entitled  to  all  the  rights  of  citizens  of  the 
State  which  they  had  entered.  But  if  such  be  the 
intent  of  this  clause,  the  practice  has  been  in  direct  op 
position  to  it  in  many  of  the  States.  The  highest 
Courts  of  the  Republic  have  held  that  the  "  privileges 
and  immunities"  mentioned  in  this  clause,  extend  only 
to  those  general  privileges  enjoyed  by  the  citizens  of 
one  nation  while  traveling  or  domiciled  in  another — 
protection  in  their  business,  the  privilege  of  the  writ 
of  habeas  corpus,  and  of  appearance  in  Courts  of  Justice 
— thus  placing  the  American  citizen  of  any  of  the 


XXIV.]  CITIZENSHIP   IN   THE   STATES.  445 

States  or  Territories,  so  far  as  the  local  privileges  and 
the  rights  of  a  citizen  are  concerned,  should  he  move 
into  another  State,  on  about  the  same  basis  as  that  of 
an  alien;  indeed,  in  many  of  the  States  where,  under 
the  local  and  liberal  State  laws  the  adopted  citizen  has 
enjoyed  all  the  privileges  of  the  native  born,  he  is 
surprised  to  find  himself  completely  disfranchised  and 
a  foreigner  still,  when  he  moves  into  States  which  by 
their  laws  proscribe  the  adopted  citizen  from  the  rights 
of  citizenship.  So,  too,  with  the  native  born,  who, 
moving  across  the  line  of  his  State  into  another  State 
of  the  Union,  finds  that  ten,  twelve,  or  twenty  years 
residence  in  the  State  is  necessary  to  enable  him  to  hold 
offices  of  profit  or  trust,  and  that  the  profession  of 
some  particular  religious  faith,  or  belief  in  hell,  or  some 
other  institution,  must  be  sworn  to  before  he  can  enjoy 
the  rights  of  a  citizen. 

Notwithstanding  the  construction  of  Courts  upon 
the  clause  above  alluded  to,  the  depriving  a  citizen 
of  his  political  rights  by  State  laws,  on  account  of 
his  having  been  a  resident  of  another  State  of  the 
Union,  or  on  account  of  his  religious  opinions,  or 
the  place  of  his  birth,  is  Anti-Republican;  and  it 
is  competent,  under  the  Federal  Constitution,  for  the 
National  Congress  to  legislate  such  contracted  and 
illiberal  doctrines  out  of  existence;  and  to  assert  and 
maintain  that  the  rights,  privileges  and  immunities  of 
the  citizen  shall  comprehend  all  the  political  privileges  of 
the  citizen  in  any  State,  without  regard  to  former 
place  of  birth,  residence,  or  religion,  thus  equaliz 
ing  citizenship  in  the  whole  Republic.  Taking  the 
most  liberal  State  as  the  standard  of  what  Congress 
will  acknowledge  to  be  Republican  in  form,  (Massa 
chusetts  would  be  a  good  model,)  and  conforming  all 
29 


446  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

others  to  that,  a  death-blow  would  be  struck  at  the 
petty  despotisms  now  existing  under  the  name  of  State 
Governments,  and  the  citizen  of  the  State  would  be  a 
citizen  of  the  Republic,  and  would  be  entitled  to  all 
the  rights,  privileges  and  immunities,  equally,  in  all  of 
the  States. 

The  hardships  formerly  endured  from  the  species  of 
State  authority  over  the  citizen  was  most  intolerable. 
The  citizens  of  the  Free  States,  on  going  into  the  Slave 
States,  were  completely  disfranchised.  In  some  cases, 
twenty  years  residence  was  necessary  to  enable  them  to 
discharge  the  office  of  a  citizen;  in  others,  large  prop 
erty  in  land  or  negroes  was  necessary,  in  other  cases 
religious  tests.  And  these  Democratic  privileges  only 
began  to  disappear  as  the  Federal  Congress  began  to 
reconstruct  the  Sovereign  States  of  the  South.  Such 
evils,  however,  still  exist  in  some  of  those  States  under 
Democratic  rule.  (See  Constitutions.) 

This  subject  will  be  illustrated  by  the  Act  of  the  Leg 
islature  of  South  Carolina,  passed  on  the  20th  day  of 
December,  1820,  which  applied,  to  lt  colored  citizens." 
The  Act  is  entitled  "  An  Act  for  the  better  regulation 
of  Free  Negroes  and  Persons  of  Color,  and  for  other 
purposes."  Section  third  is  in  these  words: 

"  That  if  any  vessel  shall  come  into  any  port  or  harbor  of  this 
State  from  any  other  State,  or  foreign  port,  having  on  board  any 
free  negroes,  or  persons  of  color,  as  cooks,  stewards,  or  mariners, 
or  in  any  other  employment  on  board  of  said  vessel,  such  free  negroes 
or  persons  of  color,  shall  be  liable  to  be  seized  and  confined  in 
jail,  until  such  vessel  shall  clear  out,  and  depart  from  tiiis  State. 
And  that  when  said  vessel  is  ready  to  sail,  the  captain  of  said 
vessel  shall  be  bound  te  carry  away  the  said  free  negro  or  free 
person  of  color,  and  to  pay  the  expense  of  his  detention;  and 
in  case  of  his  neglect  or  refusal  so  to  do,  he  shall  be  liable  to 
be  indicted,  and  on  conviction  thereof,  shall  be  fined  in  a  sum 
not  less  tha.n  one  thousand  dollars,  and  be  imprisoned  not  less 


XXIY.]  CITIZENSHIP   IN   THE   STATES.  447 

than  two  months.  And  such  free  negroes  or  persons  of  color 
shall  be  deemed  and  treated  as  absolute  slaves,  and  sold  in  con 
formity  to  the  provisions  of  the  Act,  passed  on  the  20th  of  De 
cember,  1820,  aforesaid." 

The  reader  will  observe  some  of  the  features  of  this 
law.  "  If  any  vessel " — this  does  not  even  except  the 
naval  ships  of  the  United  States,  or  of  any  Foreign 
Nation — "  shall  come  into  any  port  or  harbor  of  this 
State,  *  *  bringing  in  free  colored  persons,"  such 
persons  are  to  become  "  absolute  slaves."  And  all  this 
to  be  done  without  the  form  of  a  trial,  or  allowing  the 
unfortunate  "person  of  color"  to  be  heard  in  his  own 
behalf.  By  the  Act,  too,  "  they  are  to  be  sold,"  and 
by  the  next  clause,  the  Sheriff  is  vested  with  absolute 
power  to  carry  this  law  into  effect ;  and  he  is  to  receive 
one-half  of  the  proceeds  of  the  sale. 

The  "  Sovereign  State  "  of  South  Carolina  had  freely 
indulged  in  capturing  and  selling  the  citizens  of  the 
United  States  and  other  countries;  but  was  brought 
to  grief  in  1823,  by  attempting  to  put  through  the 
process  of  capture,  imprisonment  and  sale,  a  British 
subject,  Henry  Elkinson,  of  Liverpool,  England.  He 
was  taken  from  on  board  the  British  ship  Homer,  lying 
in  Charleston  harbor,  and  put  in  prison  and  held  by 
the  Sheriff  of  the  city.  He  was  a  native  subject  of 
Great  Britain,  and  was  in  addition  a  "  colored  person." 
But  as  Great  Britain  never  classified  her  subjects  by 
color,  and  her  colonies  had  long  since  abandoned  the 
microscope,  in  determining  the  status  of  her  subjects, 
color  did  not  enter  into  the  consideration  of  this  affair 
so  far  as  England  was  concerned ;  and  to  the  honor  of 
the  British  Empire,  with  that  characteristic  energy 
which  she  htts'  always  exhibited,  and  that  determina 
tion  that  has  ever  been  the  rule  of  her  action  in  pro- 


448  REPUBLICANISM   IN    AMERICA.  [Chap. 

tecting  the  rights  of  the  humblest  of  her  subjects,  she 
demanded,  through  her  Consul,  the  delivery  of  Mr. 
Elkinson,  who  was  surrendered  after  the  interfer 
ence  of  the  United  States  Government.  The  subject 
came  nigh  leading  to  a  war  between  England  and 
America. 

Some  remarkable  cases  are  to  be  found  under  this 
statute,  where  whole  ships'  crews  were  placed  in  prison 
even  in  the  absence  of  the  Captain,  and  the  ships  left 
to  the  mercy  of  circumstances,  without  a  man  on  board. 

The  case  of  the  British  subject  alluded  to  is  reported 
in  the  second  volume  of  "Wheeler's  Criminal  Cases," 
edition  of  1851,  page  56,  as  it  came  before  Justice 
Johnson,  of  the  United  States  Circuit  Court,  on  habeas 
corpus,  August,  1823.  Henry  Elkinson  v.  Francis  G. 
Deli. 

Citizenship  in  the  Republic,  under  the  wholesome 
legislation  of  the  Republican  party,  has,  within  a  few 
years,  been  so  defined  and  regulated  that  the  imprison 
ment  and  sale  of  men  on  account  of  color  no  longer 
exists.  The  measures  adopted  by  the  Congress  of  the 
Nation,  in  reference  to  the  admission  of  States  into  the 
Union,  and  defining  their  Republican  status,  together 
with  the  thirteenth  and  fourteenth  amendments  to  the 
Constitution,have  at  last  placed  the  rights  of  the  citizen 
and  the  powers  of  the  Federal  Union  in  their  true  po 
sition. 

The  admission  of  States  into  the  Union  is  purely  a 
constitutional  power  vested  in  the  Federal  Congress. 
In  the  palmy  days  of  the  Pro-Slavery  and  Squatter 
Sovereignty  doctrines  of  the  Democracy,  the  admission 
of  a  State  was  a  great  event,  sometimes  occupying  the 
whole  Democratic  party  for  years  in  active  service,  as 
will  be  seen  by  reference  to  the  debates  upon  the  ad 
mission  of  Missouri,  Texas,  and  California. 


XXIV.]  CITIZENSHIP   IN   THE   STATES.  449 

Section  3,  of  Article  IV,  of  the  Constitution,  says: 
"New  States  may  be  admitted  by  the  Congress  into 
this  Union."  And  again:  "The  Congress  shall  have 
power  to  dispose  of  and  make  all  needful  rules  and 
regulations  respecting  the  Territory  or  other  property 
belonging  to  the  United  States."  Section  4  says: 
"The  United  States  shall  guarantee  to  every  State  in 
this  Union  a  Republican  form  of  Government,  and  shall 
protect  each  of  them  against  invasion." 

In  noticing  the  first  of  these  sections  of  the  Consti 
tution,  it  is  evident  that  the  sole  power  of  admitting 
States  is  exclusively  in  the  National  Congress,  and  any 
attempt  to  admit  States  by  any  other  process,  so  long 
as  that  clause  of  the  Constitution  is  in  force  which 
says,  "New  States  may  be  admitted  by  the  Congress 
into  this  Union,"  is  a  direct  violation  of  its  provisions. 

"The  United  States  shall  guarantee  to  every  State 
in  this  Union  a  Republican  form  of  Government." 
This  Section  does  not  define,  nor  indeed  does  any  part 
of  the  Constitution  even  mention,  what  is  necessary  to 
constitute  a  Republican  form  of  Government.  If  the 
existing  Governments  of  the  several  States  at  the  adop 
tion  of  the  Federal  Constitution,  be  regarded  as  a  rule, 
the  great  inequality  and  almost  Anti-Republican  con 
dition  of  some  of  them  at  that  period,  would  but  ill 
suit  the  progressive  notions  of  what  should  be  Repub 
lican  at  this  time,  and  what  standard  of  Republicanism 
should  be  guaranteed  and  enforced,  should  any  of 
the  original  States,  in  the  lapse  of  time,  become  di 
vested  of  their  Republican  qualities,  or  remain.  sta 
tionary  while  other  States  in  the  march  of  Freedom 
left  them  behind,  as  stumbling  blocks,  obstructing  and 
retarding  Republican  progress.  (See  Reconstruction.) 

Article  1,  of  the  first  amendment  to  the  Constitu- 


450  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

tion,  establishing  religious  freedom  and  religious  equal 
ity,  exhibits  the  wisdom  of  its  authors.  It  is  the 
safety-valve  of  Republican  Freedom.  Any  encroach 
ment  upon  it  would  endanger  the  very  existence  of  the 
Nation.  In  obedience  to  the  law  of  God,  it  leaves  all 
men  free  to  worship  as  to  them  may  seem  best;  and 
wherever  this  sacred  right  of  man  is  invaded,  liberty 
cannot  exist.  The  enlightened  and  truly  religious  al 
ways  accord  to  others  what  they  themselves  demand; 
but  the  ignorant,  superstitious,  and  selfish  prescribe 
limits  for  their  fellow  beings,  but  demand  the  right  of 
conscience  for  themselves.  No  nation  or  people  can 
be  free  where  the  laws  establish  and  maintain  forms  of 
worship.  Religion  is  divine  in  its  origin,  and  operates 
through  the  conscience  and  sympathies  of  our  nature, 
and  is  not  dependent  upon  force  for  its  quantity  or 
quality. 

The  Thirteenth  Amendment  to  the  Federal  Constitu 
tion  is  a  master-piece  in  the  history  of  American  leg 
islation.  By  this  the  last  relic  of  barbarism  was  anni 
hilated,  and  an  end  forever  put  to  the  traffic  in  men, 
and  its  attendant  evils,  that  had  so  long  and  so  sorely 
afflicted  the  country.  By  it  four  millions  of  human 
beings  were  guaranteed  continued  liberty  to  them 
selves  and  their  posterity  forever,  and  the  American 
Nation  became  a  Republic  in/act  as  well  as  in  name. 

This  amendment  was  proposed  in  the  United  States 
Senate  on  the  1st  day  of  February,  1864.  It  came  to 
a  vote  on  April  8th,  1864 — 38  for  it,  all  Republicans, 
6  against  it,  all  Democrats;  so  it  was  carried  in  the 
Senate.  It  went  before  the  House  for  action  on  the 
31st  day  of  January,  1865.  The  vote  was,  for  the 
amendment,  103  Republicans,  also  16  Democrats,  mak 
ing  in  all  119;  against  it,  56  all  Democrats;  not  vot- 


XXIV.]  CITIZENSHIP   IN   THE   STATES.  451 

ing  8,  all  Democrats;  so  it  passed  the  House,  and  was 
in  due  time  ratified  by  27  States,  the  necesssry  legal 
majority,  and  took  effect  as  a  part  of  the  Constitution 
on  the  18th  day  of  December,  1865,  The  amendment 
is  as  follows: 

"  SECTION  1.  Neither  Slavery  nor  involuntary  servitude,  ex 
cept  as  a  punishment  for  crime,  whereof  the  party  shall  have 
been  duly  convicted,  shall  exist  within  the  United  States,  or  any 
place  subject  to  their  jurisdiction." 

The  Fourteenth  Amendment  to  the  Constitution  was 
proposed  in  the  House  on  the  30th  day  of  April,  1867. 
It  went  before  the  Senate  for  action  on  the  8th  day 
of  June,  1867.  The  vote  for  it  was  33  Republicans; 
against  it  11 — all  Democrats.  It  went  before  the 
House  for  action,  January  13th,  1867.  The  vote  was 
as  follows:  for  it  138 — all  Republicans;  against  it  36 
— all  Democrats.  So  it  was  carried  in  the  Congress. 
Andrew  Johnson  did  not  veto  either  of  these  amend 
ments,  solely  because  the  veto  does  not  extend  to 
Constitutional  amendments.  But  on  the  22d  of  June, 

1867,  he  sent  a  communication  to  Congress  expressing 
his  displeasure  with  the  proposed  Fourteenth  Amend 
ment. 

This  amendment  went  to  the  States  for  action,  as  is 
provided  by  the  Federal  Constitution,  and  in  July, 

1868,  the  Secretary  of  State  made  official  announce 
ment  of  the  necessary  number  of  States  having  rati 
fied  it,  and  that  it  was  a  part  of  the  Constitution  of 
the  United  States,  and  of  the  laws  of  the  land. 

The  amendment  is  another  step  up  the  ladder  of 
National  greatness;  it  defines  who  are  citizens  of  the 
United  States.  It  declares  that  "  all  persons  born  or 
naturalized  in  the  United  States,  and  subject  to  the 
jurisdiction  thereof,  are  citizens  of  the  United  States 


452  REPUBLICANISM   IN  AMERICA.  [Chap. 

and  of  the  State  wherein  they  reside."  By  the  2d 
Section,  any  State  may  deny  the  right  to  vote  to  any 
class  of  its  inhabitants.  But  if  they  do  so,  then  their 
representation  shall  be  reduced  in  the  National  Con 
gress,  in  the  proportion  that  such  persons  so  disfran 
chised  shall  bear  to  the  whole  male  population  in  such 
State  21  years  of  age  and  upwards. 

Doubtless  the  American  people  will  soon  see  the  evils 
of  thus  tampering  with  the  sacred  rights  of  the  citizen, 
in  leaving  to  the  States  the  power  to  disfranchise  Ameri 
can  citizens,  and  will  by  further  amendment  to  the  Fed 
eral  Constitution  place  citizenship  where  it  belongs, 
under  the  exclusive  control  of  the  National  Congress 
and  the  Federal  Constitution,  and  no  longer  leave  the 
highest  privileges  and  liberties  of  the  American  citizen 
to  be  frittered  away  by  dominant  factions  in  the  commu 
nities  called  States.  Had  the  Fourteenth  Amendment 
gone  to  the  extent  of  guaranteeing  to  every  citizen  in 
the  Republic  the  right  to  vote  at  all  elections,  it  would 
have  dispelled  the  hope  now  entertained  by  the  sub 
jects  of  the  late  Confederacy,  of  some  day  disfran 
chising  large  classes  of  the  citizens  of  the  Southern 
States,  and  have  saved  the  Republic  the  political,  and 
it  may  be  the  physical,  struggle  that  must  eventually 
take  from  the  people  of  the  States  a  power  which  they 
never  should  have  held — which  belongs,  and  must  at 
no  distant  day  be  controlled  by  the  National  Govern 
ment — that  of  guaranteeing  to  every  citizen  of  the 
Republic  the  exercise  of  the  franchise  in  every  elec 
tion,  State  and  Federal,  within  the  Union. 


CHAPTER    XXY. 

TOTAL  AREA  AND  POPULATION  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.— FOREIGNERS  IN 
AMERICA.— THEIR  NUMBERS,  INFLUENCE,  POLITICS,  PECULIARITIES,  CON 
DITIONS.— ARCHBISHOP  HUGHES  AS  A  CITIZEN.— HIS  LETTER. 

No  nation  on  the  globe  possesses  so  cosmopolitan  a 
population  as  does  the  Republic  of  America.  The 
enumeration  of  the  population  made  by  Federal  au 
thority  every  ten  years,  presents  many  interesting  facts 
connected  with  the  composition  of  our  population. 

The  total  area  of  the  States  and  Territories  in  1860 
was  3,002,013  square  miles.  By  the  acquisition  of 
Russian  America  (Alaska)  in  1867,  and  the  purchase, 
also,  of  the  Danish  West  India  Islands  of  St.  Thomas 
and  St.  Johns,  in  1868,  ($7,200,000  gold  coin  having 
been  paid  for  Alaska,  and  about  the  same  sum  agreed 
to  be  paid  for  St.  Thomas  and  St.  Johns,)  a  material 
increase  has  been  added  to  the  territorial  boundaries 
of  the  Republic,  which  now  extend  from  New  Eng 
land,  on  the  Atlantic  side,  to  Behring  Straits  and  the 
Arctic  Ocean.  The  area  of  Alaska  is  estimated  at 
578,000  square  miles,  and  its  population  about  62,000, 
sixty  thousand  of  whom  are  Indians  and  half  breecls, 
and  two  thousand  Russians  and  Americans,  settled  at 
Sitka  and  other  sea-ports.  The  area  of  St.  Thomas  is 
27  square  miles;  its  population  about  14,000,  It  is 
prolific  in  earthquakes  and  yellow  fever.  The  area  of 
St.  Johns  is  22  square  miles,  and  its  population  2,500. 
The  products  of  this  island  are  similar  to  that  of  St. 
Thomas.  Thus  the  total  area  of  the  27  American 


454  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

States,  and  all  the  Territories,  is  3,580,062  square  miles, 
and  the  population  about  36,000,000  at  the  end  of  the 
year  1868. 

Of  the  total  area  of  the  United  States  and  Territo 
ries  in  1860,  the  States  had  162,649,848,  and  the  Ter 
ritories  460,872,  acres  of  improved  land,  making  163,- 
110,720  acres  of  cultivated  land  in  farms ;  and  the  States 
had  241,943,671,  and  the  Territories  2,158,147  acres 
of  land  in  farms  unimproved,  making  244,101,818  acres 
of  unimproved  land  in  farms.  In  the  States  there 
were  17  inhabitants  to  each  square  mile,  and  in  the  Ter 
ritories  there  were  more  than  four  square  miles  to  each 
inhabitant.  The  total  population  of  native  born  in  all 
the  States  and  Territories  of  the  Union  in  1860,  was 
27,306,187  of  all  classes,  black  and  white,  free  and 
slave;  and  the  total  foreign  population  at  the  same 
time,  of  all  classes,  was  4,136,175.  (See  Appendix.) 

A  most  interesting  feature  of  the  American  Nation 
is  the  influence  of  the  foreign  element  upon  the  social, 
industrial,  and  political  affairs  of  the  country.  For 
centuries  the  Kingdoms  of  Europe  have  had  but  lim 
ited  contributions  to  their  numbers  from  foreign  na 
tions.  Their  growth  depends  mainly  upon  the  increase 
of  the  parent  stock.  Russia,  Austria,  Great  Britain, 
France,  and  Spain  are,  as  nations,  as  exclusively  managed 
in*  their  political  affairs  by  the  native  born,  as  if  each 
were  the  only  nation  on  the  globe.  They  receive  con 
tributions  in  population  from  those  countries  immedi 
ately  adjacent;  but  as  the  great  mass  of  the  people  do 
not  have  a  voice  in  political  affairs,  the  immigrant  sel 
dom  becomes  naturalized,  and  rarely  takes  any  part  in 
the  affairs  of  his  adopted  country.  This  rule,  too, 
applies  to  the  smaller  nationalities  of  Europe,  many  of 
which  have  a  less  area  than  some  counties  in  the  States 


XX V.]  FOREIGNERS  IN  THE  REPUBLIC.  455 

of  America.  And  even  in  these,  where  a  few  hours' 
journey  will  take  the  traveler  into  a  foreign  nation, 
they  remain  to  this  day  almost  uninterrupted  by  any 
strange  face  seeking  a  home  among  them.  Year  after 
year,  and  century  after  century,  the  hereditary  Prince 
steps  upon  the  throne  of  his  ancestors,  and  the  great 
mass  of  the  people,  almost  unconscious  of  the  existence 
of  a  Government,  pass  along,  paying  submissive  hom 
age  to  those  whom  they  believe  are  ordained  as  their 
superiors,  and  born  to  rule  them,  paying  taxes  and 
performing  military  service  with  the  submission  of 
slaves. 

Great  Britain,  of  all  the  nations  of  Europe,  is  the 
most  cosmopolitan;  and  while  in  many  districts  in  all 
parts  of  the  Empire,  the  habits  and  customs  of  the 
people  are  local  and  distinct,  yet  in  the  large  cities  a 
mixture  of  every  race  may  be  found.  Still  in  political 
affairs  few  foreigners  gain  admission  to  the  rights  of 
citizens,  or  participate  in  political  affairs. 

In  most  parts  of  Europe  the  native  population  is 
stationary.  It  changes  but  little  from  one  section  of 
the  country  to  another.  The  same  communities  and 
families  have  lived  for  generations  in  the  same  locality, 
and  continue  to  follow  the  same  occupations  as  their 
ancestors.  And  thus  the  masses  live  a  quiet,  unosten 
tatious,  and  even  unambitious  life,  happy  in  the  repose 
in  which  they  find  themselves.  Religious  and  political 
prescriptions  are  looked  upon  as  matters  of  little  con 
cern.  The  military  service  to  which  they  are  sum 
moned  at  the  tap  of  the  drum,  arouses  little  opposition. 
They  are,  as  they  believe,  in  the  discharge  of  a  duty. 
All  they  have  they  account  as  coming  to  them  from 
their  King,  who  cannot  err. 

How  dissimilar  is  the  American  Republic  to  the  Na- 


456  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

tions  of  Europe.  America  may  be  said  to  have  no  local 
population  or  customs;  her  population  roam  over  her 
broad  States  of  the  whole  Union,  and  into  her  remote 
and  expansive  Territories;  always  changing,  building 
up  new  cities  and  new  States,  only  again  themselves 
and  their  children  to  seek  still  other  homes.  The 
people  of  each  State  are  continuously  passing  to  and 
fro  from  one  State  to  another,  intermarrying,  and  in 
terchanging  ideas  and  customs,  until  it  may  well  be 
said,  that  in  costume  and  physical  appearance,  edu 
cation,  manners,  and  accent,  there  is  no  provincial 
ism  in  America.  The  great  cosmopolitan  mass  of 
human  beings  that  form  the  aggregate  of  American 
population,  seem  to  all  appearance  to  be  upon  a  social 
equality,  and  but  one  large  family.  The  constant  con 
tact  in  which  they  are  brought  by  the  affairs  of  busi 
ness,  and  the  discharge  of  their  political  rights,  jostling 
each  other  not  only  at  the  polls,  but  in  the  highest 
offices  in  the  land,  to  which  all  citizens  are  eligible, 
has  completely  shaken  off  the  hide-bound  ideas  of  a 
u Divine  right"  for  man  to  govern  his  fellow  men. 

The  foreigner,  when  he  arrives  in  America,  at  once 
discovers  the  broad  field  open  to  him  for  participa 
tion  in  the  pursuits  and  positions  to  which  he  was  a 
stranger  in  the  land  of  his  birth;  caste  and  conditions 
depending  upon  family,  wealth,  or  position,  are  all 
swept  away,  save  in  a  few  instances  of  State  proscrip 
tions,  and  into  the  busy  scene  of  activity  he  must 
plunge,  and  battle  his  way  to  wealth  and  eminence  if 
he  can.  If  he  be  a  white  man,  twenty-one  years  of  age, 
on  his  becoming  a  citizen  he  will,  according  to  law,  be 
entitled  to  discharge  every  duty,  and  hold  any  office 
in  the  Republic,  save  that  of  President  and  Vice-Presi- 
dent  of  the  Nation.  This  is  the  law  under  the  Federal 


XX V.]  FOREIGNERS  IN  THE  REPUBLIC.  457 

Constitution — State  laws,  however,  render  this  rule 
void  in  many  instances.  (See  State  Constitutions.) 

There  is  no  more  sublime  spectacle  of  the  beauties 
of  the  Republican  Government,  than  the  facility  with 
which  men  from  every  land  enter  upon  the  business 
and  political  affairs  of  life  in  America.  Customs, 
habits,  and  diversified  languages,  are,  as  if  by  magic, 
obliterated;  and  a  few  years  residence  in  their  new 
homes,  in  most  cases,  completely  reconstructs  the  new 
comer  into  a  full-fledged  American.  The  peculiar  phy 
siological  type  and  conditions  may  be  retained,  a  little 
foreign  accent  may  still  remain;  but  one  generation 
will  obliterate  these,  and  the  child  of  the  foreigner 
born  in  America  is,  in  all  things,  as  much  an  American 
as  if  his  ancestors  had  lived  on  the  soil  since  the  days 
of  the  Revolution. 

The  two  leading  foreign  elements  in  America,  are 
German  and  Irish;  the  first  predominates  largely  in 
numbers.  In  1860,  the  census  showed  1,899,518  Ger 
mans;  besides  these,  there  were  227,661  Prussians; 
150, 165  Bavarians;  112,835  subjects  of  Baden;  95,460 
of  Hesse;  81,336  of  Wurtemburg;  53,327  of  Switzer 
land;  43,995  of  Norway;  28,281  of  Holland;  25,061 
of  Austria;  18,625  of  Sweden;  10,000  of  Nassau;  9,962 
of  Denmark;  9,072  of  Belgium;  7,298  of  Poland; 
making  a  total  of  2,772,593 — all  of  whom  are,  by  Amer 
icans,  generally  called  Germans.  There  were  at  the 
same  time  within  the  Union,  1,611,304  Irish;  so  that 
basing  the  German  population  upon  those  popularly 
called  Germans  in  America,  there  were  1,161,289  more 
Germans  than  Irish  in  the  Union,  or  almost  double  as 
many  Germans  as  there  were  Irish;  or,  basing  the  cal 
culation  upon  those  from  Germany  proper,  there  would 
still  be  288,214  more  Germans  than  Irish;  but  the 


458  REPUBLICANISM   IN    AMERICA.  [Cliap. 

computation  showing  the  larger  figures  is  correct,  as 
to  what  Americans  understand  to  be  the  German  pop 
ulation.  The  part  that  these  two  leading  elements  of 
foreign  birth  act  in  American  affairs,  is  important  and 
powerful. 

Germans. — Most  of  these  people  soon  become  natu 
ralized  citizens,  and  enter  upon  the  pursuits  of  busi 
ness  and  pleasure  with  great  alacrity.  In  business, 
they  soon  lead  far  ahead  of  many  of  the  native  born. 
They  carrj-  into  their  affairs  the  frugality  and  industry 
practiced  by  them  at  home,  and  as  they  acquire  the 
language  and  habits  of  the  American  people,  and  sur 
vey  the  vast  field  for  enterprise  before  them,  they  soon 
become  leaders  in  the  mercantile  affairs  of  the  coun 
try — if  in  cities,  and  towns,  or  in  the  farming  regions, 
they  are  models  of  industry  and  prosperity ;  in  either 
case,  always  easy,  unassuming,  courteous,  and  seem 
ingly  happy.  They  love  to  read  the  favorite  authors 
of  their  native  land ;  and  wherever  a  few  Germans  are 
assembled,  the  air  is  redolent  with  festivity,  and  the 
songs  sang  by  their  fathers  upon  the  Rhine  are  echoed 
by  their  children  throughout  the  broad  free  Republic 
of  America.  Their  habits  are  marked  by  sobriety,  in 
dustry,  and  virtue.  Physically,  they  are  perhaps  the 
hardiest  citizens  of  America.  Their  love  of  liberty 
has  been  demonstrated  by  their  patriotism  and  valor, 
as  they  rallied  to  uphold  the  Federal  Constitution  and 
laws  of  their  adopted  country,  during  the  late  Rebel 
lion. 

The  German  mind  is  analytical;  when  they  read, 
they  comprehend;  as  a  people,  they  are  lovers  of 
learning,  and  searchers  after  truth ;  they  are  eminently 
fitted  by  nature  to  be  the  citizens  of  a  Republic ;  they 
are  active  cob'perators  in  the  affairs  of  the  nation,  in 


XX V.]  FOREIGNERS  IN   THE  REPUBLIC.  459 

their  new  homes.  They  are  capable  of  appreciating 
freedom,  are  a  power  in  America,  and  the  keeping  of 
the  liberty  entrusted  to  them  is  in  safe  hands. 

Irish. — Next  in  numbers  and  importance  to  the  Ger 
mans  in  America,  are  the  Irish.  They,  like  the  Ger 
mans,  soon  become  citizens,  and  enter  into  active 
operations  in  business  and  politics ;  few  of  them,  com 
paratively,  make  their  way  into  the  country;  they 
generally  prefer  to  locate  in  the  large  cities,  although 
there  is  scarcely  a  settlement  in  America  in  which  Irish- 
mon  may  not  be  found.  Their  presence  and  influence 
are  felt  throughout  the  land. 

The  mass  of  the  Irish  in  America  are  hard-working 
and  industrious.  They  bring  with  them  from  their 
native  land,  and  long  retain  here,  many  of  the  charac 
teristics  of  their  race — activity  of  body  and  mind.  Their 
genial  warm-heartedness  and  impulsive  natures,  often 
lead  them  into  difficulties,  and  cause  those  who  little 
understand  them,  to  attribute  to  design  that  which  is 
the  result  of  impulse. 

In  mercantile  pursuits,  and  in  the  learned  profes 
sions,  the  Irish  in  America  are  unequaled.  They  accu 
mulate  wealth  with  surprising  rapidity,  and  become 
leading  land  owners  in  the  cities,  and  extensive  busi 
ness  operators;  as  writers  and  speakers  they  are  forci 
ble  and  eloquent,  possessed  of  talents  that  cannot  be 
easily  counterfeited.  The  combative  organs  of  the 
race  have  been  rubbed  up  by  British  oppression  to 
such  an  extent,  that  the  whole  people  have  become 
pugnacious,  carrying  the  elements  of  opposition  into  all 
their  affairs.  They  love  rivalry  and  contact  with  op 
posing  forces.  An  Irishman  anywhere  is  more  likely 
to  wear  out  than  rust  out. 

As  a  people,  they  enter  with  more  zeal  into  political 


460  REPUBLICANISM  IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

affairs  than  do  the  native  born  Americans.  They 
attach  themselves  to  a  party,  and  to  that  they  will 
stick;  although,  to  their  credit  be  it  said,  they  will  not 
stick  to  a  political  party  after  they  know  that  it  is 
wrong.  Republicans,  however,  think  that  it  takes 
them  some  time  to  see  the  error  of  their  way,  in  at 
taching  themselves  to  the  Democratic  party. 

It  has  been  a  source  of  much  speculation  with  the 
party  of  progress  in  America,  how  it  comes  that  the 
great  mass  of  the  Irish  should  be  attached  to  the  Dem 
ocratic  party,  as  that  party  stands  in  the  exact  position 
of  the  party  in  England  who  have  always  trampled 
upon  the  rights  of  Ireland,  and  who  in  America  co 
operated  with  the  rebellious  States  of  the  South  to 
destroy  the  American  Republic  and  the  liberties  that 
Irishmen  as  well  as  others  love  so  well.  This  is  the 
more  astonishing,  too,  when  we  consider  that  in  the 
free  North,  the  great  mass  of  the  Irish  have  found 
homes,  friends,  peace  and  plenty,  and  that  religious 
and  political  freedom  denied  them  in  their  native  land 
and  by  the  Democracy  of  America.  In  the  free  North, 
as  soon  as  they  are  citizens,  they  can  partake  of  all 
the  rights  of  the  native  born  American ;  in  most  of  the 
Southern  States,  as  they  were  before  and  at  the  break 
ing  out  of  the  Rebellion,  they  were  ineligible  to  office, 
on  account  of  the  high  property  qualifications,  and 
the  "  native  born"  clause  in  their  Constitutions. 

That  the  sympathy  df  the  Irish  went  towards  the 
South,  is  strange  indeed;  no  material  aid  had  ever 
gone  from  that  section  to  the  afflicted  of  their  native 
land.  Charleston  and  New  Orleans  did  not  send  ships 
with  provisions,  to  relieve  the  famishing  of  Ireland; 
but  New  York,  Boston  and  Philadelphia  did.  Nor  did 
the  Slave  States  ever  have  any  Government  than  the 


XXYJ  FOREIGNERS   IN   THE   REPUBLIC.  461 

kind  that  Irishmen  had  been  battling  against  in  Britain 
— a  Government  of  caste,  of  property,  of  religious 
proscriptions  and  intolerance — where  the  poor  man, 
and  particularly  the  poor  foreigner,  could  never  aspire 
to  office  or  influence;  nor  had  any  great  number  of 
their  countrymen  found  homes  in  the  Slave  States, 
nor  a  place  in  the  sympathies  of  the  Democracy,  for 
of  the  1,611,304  Irish  in  America  at  the  breaking 
out  of  the  Rebellion,  but  181,845  were  in  the  fifteen 
Slave  States  and  the  District  of  Columbia,  while  there 
were  in  the  State  of  New  York  498,072;  and  in  the 
little  State  of  Massachusetts  185,434,  or  3,589  more 
than  upon  every  foot  of  slave  territory  within  the 
limits  of  the  Republic.  Irish  immigration,  enterprise 
and  industry,  found  no  encouragement  there;  and  of 
all  places  in  the  world,  from  which  the  down-trodden 
of  their  land  could  expect  assistance  or  sympathy,  the 
Slave  States  of  America  were  the  least  likely  to  afford 
it.  There,  labor  was  despised;  the  leaders  of  their 
aristocratic  Government  went  into  the  National  Capitol 
sneering  at  what  they  termed  the  laboring  masses- — 
"mud-sills"  and  " greasy  mechanics" — and  throughout 
the  entire  Slave  States  the  poor  man,  who  had  to 
make  his  living  by  any  of  the  trades,  or  by  labor,  was 
as  completely  disfranchised  as  he  is  to-day  by  the 
aristocracy  of  England. 

Notwithstanding  that  1,429,459  Irish  had  their 
homes  upon  the  free  soil  of  America,  where  they  had 
become  prosperous  and  happy,  their  children  educated 
at  free  schools,  and  their  desolate  homes  in  Ireland 
rendered  happy  by  prosperity  in  their  new  abode,  when 
the  States  of  the  South,  without  cause  or  provocation, 
undertook  to  break  down  the  Government  in  America, 
and  to  establish,  as  they  said,  a  Government  whose 
30 


462  REPUBLICANISM  IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

corner-stone  should  be  laid  upon  men  held  to  service 
and  labor,  and  when  a  large  number  of  the  Democracy 
of  the  Free  States  aided  and  abetted  the  South, 
and  opposed  the  Federal  Administration  by  all  means 
within  their  power,  the  Irish,  fresh  from  the  hated  tyr 
anny  of  the  British  throne,  as  a  people,  retained  their 
position  in  the  ranks  of  the  Democratic  party,  shouted 
lustily  for  their  cause — cooperated,  voted  with,  and 
continue  in  large  numbers  to  vote  with  that  party.  It 
is  not  my  purpose  to  assign  causes  for  this  course  of 
political  action.  All  men  in  this  free  land  have  the 
right  to  exercise  these  privileges  as  to  them  may  seem 
best.  And  no  doubt  these  men  can  see  good  reasons 
for  their  actions  that  others  cannot  see  nor  compre 
hend. 

But  all  the  Irish  in  America  did  not  oppose  the 
Union  party  in  putting  down  the  Rebellion.  Many 
thousands  of  them  entered  the  ranks  of  the  Union 
army,  and  added  new  lustre  to  their  fame  for  bravery 
and  endurance  upon  the  field  of  battle.  Such  have 
built  for  themselves  a  monument  upon  American  soil. 
They  have  hung  upon  the  pillars  that  adorn  the  temple 
of  American  Freedom,  laurels  that  will  be  looked  up 
to  by  their  countrymen  with  pride  for  all  time. 
They  have  shown  themselves  worthy  to  be  called  kins 
men  of  Edmund  Burke,  Charles  James  Fox,  Robert 
Emmett,  Thomas  Francis  Meagher,  Michael  Corcoran, 
and  last,  but  not  least,  of  the  devout  Christian,  scholar, 
humanitarian,  and  good  man,  John  Hughes,  Archbishop 
of  New  York,  who,  neither  ashamed  nor  afraid  to  step 
from  his  exalted  position  as  a  teacher  of  Christianity, 
did  stand  firm  by  the  principles  of  Freedom,  and  pro 
claim  his  determination  to  support  the  laws  and  pro 
tect  the  flag  of  his  adopted  country. 


XXV.]  FOREIGNERS   IN   THE   REPUBLIC.  463 

The  following  letter,  addressed  to  the  President  of 
a  Republican  mass  meeting,  will  show  the  views  of  the 
Rev.  Bishop  Hughes  upon  the  subject  of  his  devotion 
to  his  adopted  country: 

"NEW  YORK,  April  20th,  1861. 

"  Dear  Sir:  Unable  to  attend  the  meeting  at  Union  Square  in 
consequence  of  indisposition,  I  beg  leave  to  state  my  sentiments 
on  the  subject  of  your  coming  together,  in  the  following  words: 

"  Ministers  of  religion  and  ministers  of  peace,  according  to  the 
instructions  of  their  Divine  Master,  have  not  ceased  to  hope  and 
pray  that  peace  and  Union  might  be  preserved  in  this  great  and 
free  country.  At  present,  however,  that  question  has  been  taken 
out  of  the  hands  of  the  peace-makers,  and  it  is  referred  to  the 
arbitrament  of  a  sanguinary  contest.  I  am  not  authorized  to 
speak  in  the  name  of  any  of  my  fellow  citizens.  I  think,  so  far 
as  I  can  judge,  there  is  the  right  principle  among  all  those 
whom  I  know.  It  is  now  fifty  years  since,  a  foreigner  by  birth, 
I  took  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  this  country,  under  its  title  of 
the  United  States  of  America.  (Loud  cheers.)  As  regards  con 
science,  patriotism,  or  judgment,  I  have  no  misgiving.  Still  de 
sirous  of  peace,  when  the  Providence  of  God  shall  have  brought 
it,  I  may  say  that  since  the  period  of  my  naturalization  I  have 
known  but  one  country.  In  reference  to  my  duties  as  a  citizen, 
no  change  has  come  over  my  mind  since  then.  The  Government 
of  the  United  States  was  then,  as  it  is  now,  symbolized  by  a 
National  flag,  popularly  called  the  '  Stars  and  Stripes.'  (Loud 
applause.)  This  has  been  my  flag,  and  shall  be  to  the  end. 
(Cheers.)  I  trust  it  is  still  destined  to  display  in  the  gales  that 
sweep  every  ocean,  and  amid  the  gentle  breezes  of  many  a  dis 
tant  shore,  as  I  have  seen  it  in  foreign  lands,  its  own  peculiar 
waving  lines  of  beauty.  May  it  live  and  continue  to  display 
these  same  waving  lines  of  beauty,  whether  at  home  or  abroad, 
for  a  thousand  years,  and  afterwards  as  long  as  Heaven  permits, 
without  limit  of  duration. 

"JOHN  HUGHES, 
"  Archbishop  of  New  York." 

'English. — Next  in  numbers,  after  the  Germans  and 
Irish,  come  the  English.  At  the  breaking  out  of  the 
Rebellion  431,692  English  had  their  homes  in  the 


464  REPUBLICANISM   IN  AMERICA.  [Chap. 

United  States;  and  they,  like  the  great  mass  of  the 
Irish,  were  opposed  to  the  Republican  party ,  and  did 
all  they  could  to  aid  the  South,  the  only  difference 
being  that  but  few  of  them  become  naturalized,  and 
therefore  can  not  turn  elections  in  favor  of  either 
political  party. 

An  Englishman  in  America  is  as  much  an  English 
man  as  if  he  were  in  London.  The  power  of  his  native 
land,  and  the  glory  of  being  a  British  subject,  are  con 
stant  themes  of  conversation  with  him.  To  him  the 
British  Empire  is  the  world;  and  unlike  the  Irishman 
and  German,  he  looks  upon  Republican  Government 
as  a  farce,  declares  that  the  masses  of  the  people  are 
not  fit  to  govern  themselves,  and  that  sooner  or  later 
a  King  must  rule  America.  He  lives  in  America  be 
cause  he  can  do  better;  embarks  in  trade  or  a  profes 
sion  with  strict  conformity  to  the  requirements  of 
whatever  he  follows;  is  just,  and  no  man  is  more  hon 
orable  in  business  or  word  than  an  Englishman.  Their 
success  in  whatever  they  undertake  is  equal  to  any 
people  in  the  Nation.  Like  all  other  people,  there  are 
exceptions  among  them  politically.  Many  of  them 
have,  during  the  late  Rebellion;  been  strong  Republi 
cans,  and  have  entered  the  arrny  and  navy  of  the 
United  States,  where  they  exhibited  skill  and  gallantry 
and  love  of  freedom.  But  as  a  people,  one  generation 
must  pass  away  after  they  arrive  in  the  United  States 
before  they  can  be  called  American,  even  in  name. 

British  Americans. — The  colonies  of  British  America 
supply  the  United  States  with  the  next  largest  num 
ber  of  foreign  population.  There  were  249,970  from 
these  provinces  in  the  Republic  at  the  beginning  of 
ihe  Rebellion,  in  1861.  These  people,  owing  to  their 
proximity  to  the  United  States,  and  the  extensive  com- 


XXV.]  FOREIGNERS  IN  THE   REPUBLIC.  465 

mercial  relations  and  constant  communication  between 
them,  are  soon  prepared  to  participate  in  the  affairs 
of  their  adopted  country.  The  mass  of  them  are  the 
descendants  of  English,  Irish,  and  Scotch,  who  have 
settled  in  these  provinces.  Thej  are  no  more  English 
than  if  they  had  never  heard  of  the  British  Empire. 
They  soon  become  naturalized  citizens,  and  enter  into 
the  politics  and  the  general  interest  of  the  country. 
They  are  soon  absorbed  in  the  American  element,  and 
after  a  few  years'  residence,  cannot  be  distinguished 
from  the  native  born.  They  are  generally  active,  ener 
getic,  and  industrious,  and  in  business  pursuits  are  not 
behind  any  class  of  people  in  the  Republic. 

French. — Next  in  numbers  to  the  British  Americans 
come  the  French.  In  1860  they  numbered  109,870. 
What  has  been,  said  politically  of  the  English  in 
America,  can  be  said  of  the  French.  They  carry  with 
them  their  vivacity  and  sparkling  champagne  ;  they 
long  retain  their  native  language,  and  in  many  instan 
ces  utterly  refuse  to  adulterate  it  with  the  smallest 
particle  of  English.  They  rarely  become  naturalized, 
and  take  but  little  interest  in  politics ;  seldom  engage 
in  agriculture,  but  confine  themselves  chiefly  to  the 
cities  and  towns,  where  they  engage  in  mercantile  or 
other  pursuits,  always  keeping  within  the  line  of  goods 
manufactured  in  their  own  country,  if  possible,  if  in 
trade.  They  have  their  own  hotels  and  places  of 
amusement  and  resort;  have  their  " French  dinners," 
at  which  they  smoke  choice  cigars  and  drink  cham 
pagne  alternately,  amid  a  continuous  clatter  of  tongues 
and  physical  gesticulations  peculiar  to  the  French  lan 
guage.  They  rarely  intermarry  with  Americans  or 
other  foreigners,  and  pfofess  to  know  but  little  of  the 
political  affairs  of  their  adopted  country.  Frenchmen 


466  REPUBLICANISM   IN    AMERICA.  [Chap. 

may  glory  in  the  name  of  Republicanism — the  names  of 
Washington  and  other  American  patriots  may  have 
charms  for  them — but  as  the  memory  of  the  King  of 
Conquerors  looms  up  before  them,  all  else  gives  way 
to  the  inspiring  thought,  which  breaks  forth  at  regular 
intervals,  vive  Napoleon!  They  are  active  and  shrewd 
in  business,  quiet  and  inoffensive,  and  make  good 
American  inhabitants ,  for  the  great  mass  of  them  never 
become  Americanized.  Indeed,  it  requires  two  or 
three  generations  before  a  sufficient  amount  of  the 
physical  and  mental  type  disappears  to  entitle  them  to 
the  name  of  Americans. 

Scotch. — Next  in  numbers  after  the  French,  come  the 
Scotch.  At  the  beginning  of  the  Rebellion  in  1861, 
108,518  of  them  had  their  homes  in  the  United  States. 
They  differ  materially  from  the  English,  although  born 
under  the  same  flag  and  upon  the  same  soil;  their 
interests  are  but  feebly  enlisted  in  the  glory  of  the 
British  Empire.  The  compromise  through  which  their 
country  became  a  portion  of  Her  Britannic  Majesty's 
dominions,  is  to  this  day  looked  upon  as  a  cheat,  by 
which  they  were  robbed  of  the  lustre  of  their  ancient 
prowess,  and  is  considered  a  stain  upon  the  heraldry 
of  their  chiefs,  of  whose  chivalry  they  are  so  justly 
proud;  particularly  so  is  this  the  case  with  the  High 
land  Scotch,  who  can  no  more  be  made  British  sub 
jects  than  a  North  American  Indian  can  be  made  a 
slave. 

On  their  arrival  in  America,  they  generally  enter 
quietly  into  business;  few  of  them  engage  in  manual 
labor,  some  in  trades;  or  learned  or  scientific  profes 
sions  engage  their  attention.  They  disperse  broadcast, 
and  in  a  short  time  become  citizens,  and  affiliate  in  all 
things  with  the  native  born.  In  commerce  and  finance, 


XX V.]  FOREIGNERS   IN  THE   REPUBLIC.  467 

they  are  unequaled ;  sober,  industrious,  and  peaceable ; 
and  throughout  the  manufacturing  districts  of  the  Re 
public  they  take  the  lead.  It  is  astonishing  to  know 
how  many  important  manufacturing  establishments  are 
either  owned  or  managed  by  Scotchmen  and  their  de 
scendants  in  the  United  States.  In  literary  pursuits, 
as  editors  and  writers,  more  than  five  to  one  of  them 
are  engaged,  to  either  the  native  born  or  any  other 
foreigners.  In  politics,  the  majority  of  them  have 
been  identified  with  the  Republican  party.  They  are 
eminently  progressive ;  are  slow  to  act  until  they  have 
fully  investigated.  Scotchmen  in  America  do  not  seem 
to  have  lost  any  of  the  analytical  powers  of  their  an 
cestors,  nor  do  they  soon  forget  Auld  Scotland ;  its  war 
riors,  statesmen,  orators,  bards,  poets,  and  scholars, 
afford  them  just  pride.  At  the  breaking  out  of  the 
Rebellion,  the  majority  of  them,  in  the  large  cities, 
were  with  the  Union  party.  They  raised  regiments  ex 
clusively  Scotch,  and  at  the  sound  of  the  Slogan  they 
marched  to  the  rescue  of  Republican  freedom. 

Chinese. — Of  the  35,565  Chinese  in  America  in  1860, 
nearly  the  whole  number  were  in  California.  Their 
advent  into  the  country  dates  from  the  discovery  of 
gold  on  the  Pacific  coast.  Politics  they  have  none. 
It  is  doubtful  if  one  of  them  has  ever  been  naturalized 
in  the  Republic.  There  is  no  amalgamation  between 
them  and  any  other  people;  few  of  them  become 
Christians;  and  in  all  the  towns  where  they  congre 
gate,  they  erect  and  worship  their  Joss,  and  believe  in 
Buddha  as  the  Divinity.  Their  business  men  are  shrewd, 
and  succeed  in  making  money ;  the  laboring  class  are 
good  domestic  servants.  The  number  of  Chinese  has 
greatly  increased  on  the  Pacific  side  of  the  Republic 
since  1860.  They  can  no  more  become  Americanized 
than  a  leopard  can  change  his  spots, 


468  REPUBLICANISM  IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

Mexicans. — Few  of  the  Mexicans  in  the  United  States 
become  naturalized;  generally,  they  live  exclusively 
among  themselves.  Their  tendencies  are  towards  Re 
publicanism;  and  most  of  them  who  can  vote,  are  with 
the  Republican  party.  They  numbered  •  27,446  in 
1860. 

Italians. — The  Italians  in  the  United  States  soon  learn 
to  appreciate  the  institutions  of  the  country.  They 
become  naturalized,  and  generally  act  with  the  party 
of  freedom.  The  educated  of  them  have  shown  them 
selves  zealous  students  of  American  politics.  In  1860 
they  numbered  10,518  in  the  Republic. 

For  the  other  component  parts  of  the  foreign  resi 
dents  in  America,  at  the  breaking  out  of  the  Rebel 
lion,  the  reader  is  referred  to  the  tables  in  the  Ap 
pendix  of  this  volume,  where  a  full  list  of  the  foreign 
ers  in  the  Republic,  from  every  part  of  the  world,  is 
fully  set  forth. 


[Commissioned Major  General  after  his  death] 


CHAPTER    XXYI. 

NATURALIZATION  LAWS  OP  THE  UNITED  STATES.— DECISIONS  OP  UNITED 
STATES  AND  STATE  COUETS  UPON.— PEE-EMPTION  LAWS  OF  THE  UNITED 
STATES.— EIGHTS  OF  ALIENS  TO  SETTLE  UPON  AND  HOLD  LANDS.— UNITED 
STATES  AND  STATE  COURT  DECISIONS  ON. 

THE  steady  and  increasing  immigration  of  foreigners 
from  all  parts  of  the  world  into  the  United  States,  and 
the  facility  with  which  they  acquire  American  customs 
and  fraternize  with  the  native  population  in  the  gen 
eral  affairs  of  the  country,  is  strong  evidence  in  favor 
of  the  influence  of  Republican  Government  to  harmon 
ize  the  families  of  men  into  one  great  political  Union. 

It  has  been  the  policy  of  the  American  Government 
from  its  origin  to  the  present  day,  to  encourage  and 
aid  the  inhabitants  of  all  nations  to  seek  homes  and 
protection  within  the  Republic.  To  this  end  provis 
ion  has  been  made  in  the  Federal  Constitution  and  the 
Federal  laws  extending  to  the  adopted  citizen  every 
political  and  civil  privilege  enjoyed  by  the  native  born, 
with  the  exception  of  eligibility  to  the  offices  of  Presi 
dent  and  Vice-President. 

The  achievement  of  the  independence  of  America 
was  the  result  of  a  cooperation  of  all  of  the  people  of 
the  Colonies,  regardless  of  birthplace,  and  their  subse 
quent  formation  into  a  body  politic  upon  the  broad 
principles  of  equality,  at  once  broke  down  the  ancient 
barriers  that  had  defined  the  unnatural  limits  between 
King  and  subject,  and  opened  up  a  new  field  for  the 
enjoyment  of  those  fundamental  rights  of  man,  the  ex 
ercise  of  which  is  attainable  only  in  a  Republican  Gov- 


470  REPUBLICANISM  IN  AMERICA.  [Chap. 

eminent,  and  to  the  end  that  in  all  future  time  all 
citizens  might  participate  in  the  affairs  of  the  Nation, 
the  most  liberal  laws  have  been  enacted  to  aid  the 
adopted  citizen  in  enjoying  the  greatest  freedom. 

Nowhere  in  the  Constitution  or  laws  of  the  Ameri 
can  Nation  is  the  slightest  proscription  interposed  be 
tween  the  naturalized  and  the  native  born  citizen,  save 
in  the  single  exception  in  the  Constitution,  which  pro 
vides  that  none  but  natural  born  citizens  shall  be 
President  or  Vice-President  of  the  United  States.  To 
this  wise  provision  no  objection  can  be  offered  by  the 
adopted  citizen,  who  if  he  loves  the  institutions  of  free 
government  must  see  greater  safety  to  the  Nation  in 
this  than  would  result  from  placing  the  Executive 
power  of  the  Republic  in  hands  that  might,  in  time  of 
foreign  wars  or  other  National  difficulties,  be  influenced 
favorably  towards  the  land  of  his  birth  rather  than 
towards  the  land  of  his  adoption. 

That  the  reader  may  the  better  understand  the 
modus  operandi  by  which  a  foreigner  may  become  a  citi 
zen  in  America,  the  laws  upon  the  subject  of  natural 
ization  are  here  given,  together  with  decisions  upon 
important  points;  also  the  laws  relating  to  the  pre 
emption  of  public  lands,  the  right  of  aliens,  and  the 
law  of  expatriation. 

Act  of  April  14th,  1B02: 

"  SECTION  1.  That  any  alien,  being  a  free  white  person,  may 
be  admitted  to  become  a  citizen  of  the  United  States,  or  any  of 
them,  on  the  following  conditions,  and  not  otherwise: 

"First.  That  he  shall  have  declared,  on  oath  or  affirmation, 
before  the  Supreme,  Superior,  District  or  Circuit  Court  of  some 
one  of  the  States^  or  of  the  Territorial  Districts  of  the  United 
States,  or  a  Circuit  or  District  Court  of  the  United  States,  three 
years  at  least  before  his  admission  that  it  was  bonafide  his  inten 
tion  to  become  a  citizen  of  the  United  States,  and  to  renounce 


XXVL]  NATURALIZATION   LAWS.  471 

forever  all  allegiance  and  fidelity  to  any  foreign  prince,  poten 
tate,  state  or  sovereignty  whatever,  and  particularly, -by  name, 
the  prince,  potentate,  state  or  sovereignty  whereof  such  alien 
may,  at  the  time,  be  a  citizen  or  subject. 

"Secondly.  That  he  shall  at  the  time  of  his  application,  to  be 
admitted,  declare  on  oath,  or  affirmation,  before  some  one  of 
the  Courts  aforesaid,  that  he  will  support  the  Constitution  of 
the  United  States,  and  that  he  doth  absolutely  and  entirely  re 
nounce  and  abjure  all  allegiance  and  fidelity  to  every  foreign 
prince,  potentate,  state  or  sovereignty  whatever,  and  particularly, 
by  name,  the  prince,  potentate,  state  or  sovereignty  whereof  he 
was  before  a  citizen  or  subject;  which  proceeding  shall  be  re 
corded  by  the  Clerk  of  the  Court. 

"Thirdly.  That  the  Court  admitting  such  alien  shall  be  satis 
fied  that  he  has  resided  within  the  United  States  five  years,  at 
least,  and  within  the  State  or  Territory  where  such  Court  is  at 
the  time  held,  one  year  at  least;  and  it  shall  further  appear 
to  their  satisfaction  that,  during  that  time,  he  has  behaved  as  a 
man  of  good  moral  character,  attached  to  the  principles  of  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States,  and  well  disposed  to  the  good 
order  and  happiness  of  the  same;  provided,  that  the  oath  of  the 
applicant  shall,  in  no  case,  be  allowed  to  prove  his  residence. 

"Fourthly.  That  in  case  the  alien,  applying  to  be  admitted  to 
citizenship,  shall  have  borne  any  hereditary  title,  or  been  of  any 
of  the  orders  of  nobility  in  the  kingdom  or  state  from  which  he 
came,  he  shall,  in  addition  to  the  above  requisites,  make  an  ex 
press  renunciation  of  his  title  or  order  of  nobility  in  the  Court 
to  which  his  application  shall  be  made,  which  renunciation  shall 
be  recorded  in  the  said  Court;  provided,  that  no  alien  who  shall 
be  a  native  citizen,  denizen  or  subject  of  any  country,  state  or 
sovereign  with  whom  the  United  States  shall  be  at  War  at  the 
time  of  his  application,  shall  then  be  admitted  to  be  a  citizen  of 
the  United  States;  provided  also,  that  any  alien  who  was  residing 
within  the  limits,  and  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  United 
States,  before  the  29th  day  of  January,  1795,  may  be  admitted 
to  become  a  citizen  on  due  proof  made  to  some  one  of  the  Courts 
aforesaid,  that  he  has  resided  two  years,  at  least,  within  and 
under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  United  States,  and  one  year,  at 
least  immediately  preceding  his  application,  within  the  State  or 
Territory  where  such  Court  is  at  the  time  held;  and  on  his  de 
claring  on  oath  or  affirmation,  that  he  will  support  the  Constitu- 


472  REPUBLICANISM   IN  AMERICA.  [Chap. 

tion  of  the  United  States,  and  that  he  doth  absolutely  and 
entirely  renounce  and  abjure  all  allegiance  and  fidelity  to  any 
foreign  prince,  potentate,  state  or  sovereignty  whatever,  and 
particularly,  by  name,  the  prince,  potentate,  state  or  sovereignty, 
whereof  he  was  before  a  citizen  or  subject;  and,  moreover,  on 
its  appearing  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  Court  that,  during  the 
said  term  of  two  years,  he  has  behaved  as  a  man  of  good  moral 
character,  attached  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  and 
well  disposed  to  the  good  order  and  happiness  of  the  same;  and 
where  the  alien,  applying  for  admission  to  citizenship,  shall  have 
borne  any  hereditary  title,  or  been  of  any  of  the  orders  of  nobil 
ity  in  the  Kingdom  or  State  from  which  he  came,  on  his  more 
over  making  in  the  Court  an  express  renunciation  of  his  title  or 
order  of  nobility,  before  he  shall  be  entitled  to  such  admission; 
all  of  which  such  proceedings,  required  in  this  proviso  to  be  per 
formed  in  the  Court,  shall  be  recorded  by  the  Clerk  thereof  ;  and 
provided  also,  that  any  alien  who  was  residing  within  the  limits, 
and  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  United  States  at  any  time  be 
tween  the  said  29th  day  of  January,  1795,  and  the  18th  day  of 
June,  1798,  may,  within  two  years  after  the  passing  of  this  Act, 
be  admitted  to  become  a  .citizen,  without  a  compliance  with  the 
first  condition  above  specified. 

"  SEC.  2.  And  whereas,  doubts  have  arisen  whether  certain 
Courts  of  Eecord  in  some  of  the  States,  are  included  within  the 
description  of  District  or  Circuit  Courts;  be  it  further  enacted , 
that  every  Court  of  Record  in  any  individual  State,  having  com 
mon  law  jurisdiction,  and  a  seal  and  Clerk  or  Prothonotary,  shall 
be  considered  as  a  District  Court  within  the  meaning  of  this  Act; 
and  every  alien  who  may  have  been  naturalized  in  any  such 
Court,  shall  enjoy,  from  and  after  the  passing  of  this  Act,  the 
same  rigTits  and  privileges,  as  if  he  had  been  naturalized  in  a 
District  or  Circuit  Court  of  the  United  States. 

"  SEC.  3.  The  children  of  persons  duly  naturalized,  under  any 
of  the  laws  of  the  United  States,  or  who,  previous  to  the  passing 
of  any  law  on  that  subject,  by  the  Government  of  the  United 
States,  may  have  become  citizens  of  any  one  of  the  said  States, 
under  the  laws  thereof,  being  under  the  age  of  twenty-one  years, 
at  the  time  of  their  parents  being  so  naturalized  or  admitted  to 
the  rights  of  citizenship,  shall,  if  dwelling  in  the  United  States, 
be  considered  as  citizens  of  the  United  States,  and  the  children 
of  persons  who  now  are,  or  have  been  citizens  of  the  United 


XXVL]  NATURALIZATION,  LAWS.  473 

States,  shall,  though  born  out  of  the  limits  and  jurisdiction  of 
the  United  States,  be  considered  as  citizens  of  the  United  States; 
provided,  that  the  right  of  citizenship  shall  not  descend  to  per 
sons  whose  fathers  have  never  resided  within  the  United  States; 
provided  also,  that  no  person  heretofore  proscribed  by  any  State, 
or  who  has  been  legally  convicted  of  having  joined  the  army  of 
Great  Britain,  during  the  late  war,  shall  be  admitted  as  a  citi 
zen,  as  aforesaid,  without  the  consent  of  the  Legislature  of  the 
State  in  which  such  person  was  proscribed. 

"  SEC.  4.  All  acts  heretofore  passed  respecting  naturaliza 
tion,  be  and  the  same  are  hereby  repealed." 

Act  of  March  26th,  1804: 

"  SEC.  5.  That  any  alien,  being  a  free  white  person,  who  was 
residing  within  the  limits  and  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
United  States,  at  any  time  between  the  18th  day  of  June,  1798, 
and  the  14th  day  of  April,  1802,  and  who  has  continued  to  re 
side  within  the  same,  may  be  admitted  to  become  a  citizen  of 
the  United  States  without  a  compliance  with  the  first  condition 
specified  in  the  first  Section  of  the  Act  entitled,  '  An  Act  to  es 
tablish  a  uniform  rule  of  naturalization,  and  to  repeal  the  Acts 
heretofore  passed  on  that  subject/ 

'*  SEC.  6.  When  any  alien  who  shall  have  complied  with  the 
first  condition  specified  in  the  first  Section  of  the  said  original 
Act,  and  who  shall  have  pursued  the  directions  prescribed  in  the 
second  Section  of  the  said  Act,  may  die  before  he  is  actually 
naturalized,  the  widow  and  the  children  of  such  alien  shall  be 
considered  as  citizens  of  the  United  States,  and  shall  be  entitled 
to  all  rights  and  privileges  as  such,  upon  taking  the  oaths  pre 
scribed  by  law." 

Act  of  March  13th,  1813: 

"  SEC.  7.  That  no  person  who  shall  arrive  in  the  United  States 
from  and  after  the  time  when  this  Act  shall  take  effect,  shall  be 
admitted  to  become  a  citizen  of  the  United  States,  who  shall  not 
for  the  continued  next  term  of  five  years  preceding  his  admis 
sion  as  aforesaid,  have  resided  in  the  United  States. 

"  SEC.  8.  That  if  any  person  shall  falsely  make,  forge,  or 
counterfeit,  or  cause  or  procure  to  be  falsely  made,  forged,  or 
counterfeited  any  certificate  or  evidence  of  citizenship  referred 


474  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

to  in  this  Act,  or  shall  pass,  utter,  or  use  as  true  any  false, 
forged,  or  counterfeited  certificate  of  citizenship,  or  shall  make 
sale  or  dispose  of  any  certificate  of  citizenship  to  any  person 
other  than  the  person  for  whom  it  was  originally  issued,  and  to 
whom  it  may  of  right  belong,  every  such  person  shall  be  deemed 
and  adjudged  guilty  of  felony;  and  on  being  thereof  convicted 
by  due  course  of  law,  shall  be  sentenced  to  be  imprisoned  and 
kept  to  hard  labor  for  a  period  not  less  than  three,  or  more  than 
five  years,  or  be  fined  in  a  sum  not  less  than  five  hundred  dol 
lars,  nor  more  than  one  thousand  dollars,  at  the  discretion  of 
the  Court  taking  cognizance  thereof." 


Act  of  Harch  22d,  1816: 


"  SEC.  9.  Nothing  herein  contained  shall  be  construed  to  ex 
clude  from  admission  to  citizenship  any  free  white  person  who 
was  residing  within  the  limits  and  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
United  States  at  any  time  between  the  18th  day  of  June,  1798, 
and  the  14th  day  of  April,  1802,  and  who,  having  continued  to 
reside  therein  without  having  made  any  declaration  of  intention 
before  a  Court  of  Record  as  aforesaid,  may  be  entitled  to  be 
come  a  citizen  of  the  United  States,  according  to  the  Act  of  the 
26th  of  March,  1804,  entitled,  '  An  Act  in  addition  to  an  Act  en 
titled  an  Act  to  establish  a  uniform  rule  of  naturalization,  and 
to  repeal  the  Act  heretofore  passed  on  that  subject.'  "Whenever 
any  person  without  a  certificate  of  such  declaration  of  intention 
as  aforesaid,  shall  make  application  to  be  admitted  a  citizen  of 
the  United  States,  it  shall  be  proved  to  the  satisfaction  of  the 
Court  that  the  applicant  was  residing  within  the  limits  and  under 
the  jurisdiction  of  the  United  States  before  the  14th  day  of  April, 
1802,  and  has  continued  to  reside  within  the  same,  or  he  shall 
not  be  so  admitted.  And  the  residence  of  the  applicant  within 
the  limits  and  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  United  States  for  at 
least  five  years  immediately  preceding  the  time  of  such  applica 
tion,  shall  be  proved  by  the  oath  or  affirmation  of  citizens  of  the 
United  States,  which  citizens  shall  be  named  in  the  record  as 
witnesses.  And  such  continued  residence  within  the  limits  and 
under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  United  States,  when  satisfactorily 
proved,  and  the  place  or  places  where  the  applicant  has  resided 
for  at  least  five  years,  as  aforesaid,  shall  be  stated  and  set  forth, 
together  with  the  names  of  such  citizens,  in  the  record  of  the 
Court  admitting  the  applicant;  otherwise  the  same  shall  not  en- 


XXVI.J  NATURALIZATION   LAWS.  475 

title  him  to  be-considered  and  deemed  a  citizen  of  the- United 
States/' 

Act  or  May  26th,  1824: 

"SEC.  10.  That  any  alien,  being  a  free  white  person  and  a 
minor,  under  the  age  of  twenty-one  years,  who  shall  have  resided 
in  the  United  States  three  years  next  preceding  his  arriving  at 
the  age  of  twenty-one  years,  and  who  shall  have  continued  to 
reside  therein  to  the  time  he  may  make  application  to  be  admit 
ted  a  citizen  thereof,  may,  after  he  arrives  at  the  age  of  twenty- 
one  years,  and  after  he  shall  have  resided  five  years  within  the 
United  States,  including  the  three  years  of  his  minority,  be  ad 
mitted  a  citizen  of  the  United  States  without  having  made  the 
declaration  required  in  the  first  condition  of  the  first  Section  of 
the  Act  to  which  this  is  an  addition,  three  years  previous  to  his 
admission;  provided,  such  alien  shall  make  the  declaration  t-herein 
at  the  time  of  his  or  her  admission,  and  shall  further  declare,  on 
oath,  and  prove  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  Court,  that  for  three 
years  next  preceding,  it  has  been  the  bonafide  intention  of  such 
alien  to  become  a  citizen  of  the  United  States,  and  shall,  in  all 
other  respects,  comply  with  the  laws  in  regard  to  naturalization. 

"  SEC.  11.  That  the  declaration  required  by  the  first  condi 
tion  specified  in  the  first  Section  of  the  Act  to  which  this  is  in 
addition,  shall,  if  the  same  has  been  bona  fide  made  before  the 
Clerks  of  either  of  the  Courts  in  the  said  condition  named,  be 
valid  as  if  it  had  been  made  before  the  said  Courts  respectively. 

"  SEC.  12.  That  a  declaration  by  any  alien,  being  a  free  white 
person,  of  his  intended  applieation  to  be  admitted  a  citizen  of 
the  United  States,  made  in  the  manner  and  form  prescribed  in 
the  first  condition  specified  in  the  first  Section  of  the  Act  to 
which  this  is  in  addition,  two  years  before  his  admission,  shall 
be  a  sufficient  compliance  with  said  condition;  anything  in  the 
said  Act,  or  in  any  subsequent  Act,  to  the  contrary  notwith 
standing." 

Act  of  May  28th?  1828: 

"  SEC.  13.  That  any  alien,  being  a  free  white  person,  who  was 
residing  within  the  limits  and  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
United  States  between  the  14th  day  of  April,  1802,  and  the  18th 
day  of  June,  1812,  and  who  has  continued  to  reside  within  the 


476  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

same,  may  be  admitted  to  become  a-citizen  of  the  United  States 
without  having  made  any  previous  declaration  of  his  intention 
to  become  a  citizen;  provided,  that  whenever  any  person,  with 
out  a  certificate  of  such  declaration  of  intention,  shall  make  ap 
plication  to  be  admitted  a  citizen  of  the  United  States,  it  shall 
be  proved  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  Court  that  the  applicant  was 
residing  within  the  limits  and  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
United  States,  before  the  18th  day  of  June,  1812,  and  has  con 
tinued  to  reside  within  the  same,  or  he  shall  not  be  so  admitted; 
and  the  residence  of  the  applicant  within  the  limits  and  under 
the  jurisdiction  of  the  United  States  for  at  least  five  years  imme 
diately  preceding  the  time  of  such  application,  shall  be  proved 
by  the  oath  or  affirmation  of  citizens  of  the  United  States,  which 
citizens  shall  be  named  in  the  record  as  witnesses;  and  such  con 
tinued  residence  within  the  limits  and  under  the  jurisdiction  of 
the  United  States,  when  satisfactorily  proved,  and  the  place  or 
places  where  the  applicant  has  resided  for  at  least  five  years,  as 
aforesaid,  shall  be  stated  and  set  forth,  together  with  the  names 
of  such  citizens,  in  the  record  of  the  Court  admitting  the  appli 
cant;  otherwise  the  same  shall  not  entitle  them  to  be  considered 
and  deemed  a  citizen  of  the  United  States." 

Act  of  June  26th,  1848: 

"  SEC.  14.  That  the  last  clause  of  the  12th  Section  of  the 
Act  hereby  amended,  consisting  of  the  following  words,  to  wit: 
'  without  being  at  any  time,  during  the  said  five  years  out  of 
the  territory  of  the  United  States/  be,  and  the  same  is  hereby 
repealed." 

Act  of  February  10th,  1855: 

"  SEC.  15.  That  persons  heretofore  born,  or  hereafter  to  be 
born,  out  of  the  limits  and  jurisdiction  of  the  United  States, 
whose  fathers  were  or  shall  be  at  the  time  of  their  birth,  citizens 
of  the  United  States,  shall  be  deemed  and  considered  and  are 
hereby  declared  to  be  citizens  of  the  United  States;  provided, 
however,  that  the  rights  of  citizenship  shall  not  descend  to  per 
sons  whose  fathers  never  resided  in  the  United  States. 

"  SEC.  16.  That  any  woman  who  might  lawfully  be  naturalized 
under  existing  laws,  married,  or  who  shall  be  married  to  a 
citizen  of  the  United  States,  shall  be  deemed  and  taken  to  be  a 
citizen." 


XXVL]  LAW   OF   EXPATRIATION.  477 

Act  of  July  17th,  1862: 

"  SEC.  17.  That  any  alien,  of  the  age  of  twenty-one  years 
and  upwards,  who  has  enlisted  or  shall  enlist  in  the  armies  of 
the  United  States,  either  the  regular  or  the  volunteer  forces,  and 
has  been  or  shall  be  hereafter  honorably  discharged,  may  be 
admitted  to  become  a  citizen  of  the  United  States,  upon  his  peti 
tion,  without  any  previous  declaration  of  his  intention  to  become 
a  citizen  of  the  United  States,  and  that  he  shall  not  be  required 
to  prove  more  than  one  year's  residence  within  the  United  States 
previous  to  his  application  to  become  such  citizen;  and  that  the 
Court  admitting  such  alien  shall,  in  addition  to  such  proof  of 
residence  and  good  moral  character  as  is  now  provided  by  law, 
be  satisfied  by  competent  proof  of  such  person  having  been 
honorably  discharged  from  the  service  of  the  United  States,  as 
aforesaid." 

The  law  of  expatriation  (so  called)  is  one  of  interest 
to  the  citizens  of  all  nations.  How  far,  and  in  what, 
can  the  subject  or  citizen  of  a  country,  being  natural 
ized  in  another  country,  throw  off  his  allegiance  to  the 
country  of  his  birth,  or  the  country  in  which  he  has 
been  once  or  last  naturalized,  has  formed  a  subject  of 
great  national  agitation.  The  doctrine  of  England  is, 
that  the  natural  born  subject  owes  an  allegiance  to  the 
place  of  his  birth  that  is  perpetual,  and  which  cannot 
be  released  or  divested  by  any  act  of  his  own.  No 
judicial  decision  in  the  United  States  has  altered  this 
common  law  rule,  which  seems  to  be  the  law  in  the 
United  States  and  all  European  countries.  The  hard 
ships  experienced  by  naturalized  citizens  of  America, 
when  returning  to  their  birthplace  in  Europe,  and 
being  there  conscripted  and  forced  into  military  service, 
has  aroused  a  strong  prejudice  in  America  against  this 
doctrine.  A  better  rule,  undoubtedly,  upon  this  very 
important  subject,  would  be,  that  the  citizen  or  subject 
of  any  nation,  native  born  or  naturalized,  should  be 
31 


478  REPUBLICANISM:  IN  AMERICA.  [Chap. 

at  liberty  to  renounce  all  allegiance  to  the  land  of  his 
birth  or  the  country  of  his  adoption,  and  become  a 
citizen  to  the  fullest  extent,  of  any  country  in  which 
he  might  reside  and  of  which  he  became  a  citizen. 
In  America,  under  the  Federal  Constitution  and  Fed 
eral  laws,  the  greatest  liberty  and  protection  is  ex 
tended  to  all  citizens,  regardless  of  birthplace  or  former 
condition;  and  the  practice  of  European  nations  in 
ignoring  the  rights  acquired  by  naturalization,  and 
enforcing  the  common  law  rule  of  perpetual  allegiance 
to  the  country  of  nativity,  if  not  harmonized  in  con 
formity  with  the  spirit  of  the  progressive  liberty  of 
the  age,  will  be  a  most  fruitful  source  of  international 
discord ;  and  sooner  or  later  must  be  settled  either  by 
treaty  or  by  physical  force.  Neither  the  philosophy 
of  Republicanism,  nor  the  temper  of  the  American 
people,  can  submit  to  see  citizens,  who  have  by  solemn 
oath  renounced  all  allegiance  to  all  foreign  Govern 
ments,  States  and  rulers,  and  who  have  sworn  to  obey 
the  laws  and  protect  the  Government  of  their  adop 
tion,  look  in  vain  towards  America  while  they  sigh 
within  prison  walls,  or  march  as  conscripts  under  the 
banner  of  a  nation  whose  laws  they  despise,  and  from 
whose  Government  they  have  relinquished  all  allegi 
ance  by  adopting  another.  The  best  rule  upon  this 
subject  is,  as  well  for  the  safety  and  peace  of  nations 
as  for  the  liberty  of  the  citizen,  that  the  naturalized 
citizen  at  home  or  abroad  owes  allegiance  only  to  the 
country  of  which  he  is  a  citizen  or  subject,  amenable 
only  to  the  local  laws  where  he  may  reside;  and  while 
he  is  in  the  land  of  his  birth  or  elsewhere,  if  he  be  a 
citizen  of  another  country  by  adoption,  is  entitled  to 
all  the  protection  of  a  native  born  citizen  of  the  coun 
try  of  which  he  is  a  citizen,  and  wherever  he  can  see 


XXVI.]  NATURALIZATION    LAWS.  479 

the  flag  of  the  country  of  which  he  is  then  a  citizen,  he 
shall  claim  and  receive  its  protection  regardless  of 
place  of  birth  or  former  allegiance. 

The  American  Government  has  always  leaned  towards 
this  doctrine,  which  has  found  zealous  advocates  in  the 
progressive  Republican  party;  and  an  acquiescence  in 
it,  recently,  by  some  of  the  European  powers,  encour 
ages  the  hope  that  ere  long  all  civilized  nations  will 
see  the  justice  of  adopting  this  rule,  and  that  it  will 
become  the  acknowledged  law  of  all  nations. 

In  further  illustration  of  the  features  of  the  natu 
ralization  laws  of  the  United  States,  and  the  rights  of 
citizens,  a  few  of  the  judicial  decisions  upon  certain 
points  of  practical  interest  are  here  given: 

"A  married  woman  may  be  naturalized.  Ex  parte  Mareanne 
Pic,  1  Cranch's  Circuit  Court  Keports,  372;  and  that  without 
the  concurrence  of  her  husband.  Priest  v.  Cummings,  16  Wen 
dell's  Reports,  617." 

The  oath  of  allegiance,  without  waiting  for  the  five 
years  to  elapse  to  take  out  final  papers  of  citizenship, 
entitles  the  person  to  the  protection  of  a  citizen  before 
the  law.  "  The  oath  when  taken,  confers  the  rights  of 
a  citizen.  Campbell  v.  Gordon,  6  Cranch's  Reports, 
page  176." 

This  does  not  mean  that  a  person  on  taking  the  oath 
is  entitled  to  all  the  rights  and  immunities  of  a  citizen. 
It  only  places  him  under  the  protection  of  the  Govern 
ment  which  he  has  sworn  to  support,  and  entitles  him 
to  the  rights  of  a  citizen  before  the  law,  without  extend 
ing  to  him  any  of  the  political  rights  of  a  citizen. 

The  residence  of  five  years  need  not  be  continuous 
and  uninterrupted.  The  Act  of  June  26th,  1848,  makes 
this  so.  See  Section  14  of  the  Act  alluded  to.  Also 
Ex  parte  Pasquett,  1  Cranch's  Circuit  Court  Reports, 
page  243. 


480  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

•  "  An  individual,  whose  father  appears  to  have  been  a  resident 
in  this  country,  and  to  have  been  married  and  had  children  born 
here,  is  presumed  to  be  a  citizen,  although  he  himself  was  born 
subsequently  to  his  fathers  removal  to  a  foreign  country,  there 
being  nothing  else  to  show  his  father  to  have  been  an  alien." 
Campbell  v.  Wallace,  12  New  Hampshire  Reports,  page  362. 

"  The  naturalization  of  a  father,  ipso  facto,  makes  his  son  then 
residing  in  the  United  States,  and  under  twenty-one  years  of 
age,  a  citizen."  State  v.  Pennery,  English's  Beports,  page  621. 

"An  American  citizen  who  goes  into  a  foreign  country,  al 
though  he  owes  local  and  temporary  allegiance  to  that  country, 
yet  if  he  performs  no  other  act,  changing  his  condition,  is  enti 
tled  to  the  protection  of  his  own  Government;  and  if  without  the 
violation  of  any  municipal  law,  he  should  be  oppressed,  he  would 
have  a  right  to  claim  that  protection  and  the  interposition  of  his 
Government  in  his  favor."  Murray  v.  The  Charming  Betsy,  2 
Cranch's  Beports,  page  64;  1  Cond.  Beports,  358. 

"  A  native  citizen  of  the  United  States  cannot  throw  off  his  al 
legiance  to  that  Government  without  a  law  authorizing  the  same." 
United  States  v.  Gillis,  Peters'  Circuit  Beports,  page  159. 

"  In  this  country  expatriation  is  conceived  to  be  a  fundamen 
tal  right.  As  far  as  the  principles  maintained  and  the  practice 
adopted  by  the  Government  of  the  United  States  are  evidence  of 
its  existence,  it  is  fully  recognized.  It  is  constantly  exercised, 
and  has  never  been  in  any  way  restrained.  The  general  evi 
dence  of  expatriation  is  actual  immigration,  with  other  concur 
rent  acts,  showing  a  determination  and  intention  to  transfer 
allegiance."  Stoughton  v.  Taylor,  2  Paine's  Circuit  Court  Be 
ports,  page  655. 

"  The  Act  of  Congress  of  1802,  enacted  that  every  Court  of 
Becord  in  any  individual  State,  having  common  law  jurisdiction, 
a  seal,  and  Clerk  or  Prothonotary,  shall  be  considered  as  a  Dis 
trict  Court,  within  the  meaning  of  this  Act,  and  such  Courts 
have  power  to  naturalize."  Ex  parte  Knowles,  5  California  Be 
ports,  page  300. 

The  right  of  aliens  to  possess  and  hold  real  estate 
in  the  several  States  is  a  matter  of  State  law,  which 
can  be  ascertained  by  reference  to  the  statutes  of  the 
several  States. 


XXVI.]  RIGHTS   OF   ALIENS.  481 

The  public  lands  of  the  United  States  in  all  the 
States  and  Territories  are  open  to  pre-emption  and 
settlement  by  foreigners  or  native  born  citizens  alike ; 
and  aliens  may  inherit  lands  in  any  of  the  States  in 
the  absence  of  any  legislation  upon  the  subject  to  the 
contrary. 

"  An  alien  may  hold  real  estate  against  every  one,  and  even 
against  the  Government,  until  office  found."  3  Black,  259;  13 
Wendell,  546;  3  Wheaton,  563;  5  California,  373. 

' '  Aliens  may  be  entitled  to  pre-empt  under  this  act,  (Pre 
emption  Act  of  the  United  States  of  May  29th,  1830,)  especially 
where  the  local  law  authorizes  them  to  hold  real  estate."  3  Opin 
ions  of  the  Chief  Justice,  page  90. 

"By  the  terms  settlers  and  occupants  used  in  the  Pre-emp 
tion  Acts,  is  meant  those  who  personally  cultivate  and  reside  on, 
or  who  personally  cultivate,  manage,  and  use  the  public  lands. 
Actual  residence  on  the  land  is  not  indispensable;  yet  with  cul 
tivation,  it  is  the  highest  evidence  of  the  personal  connection 
which  is  indispensable."  3  Opinions  of  the  Chief  Justice,  pages 
182,  309,  313. 

By  a  statute  of  the  United  States  of  September  4th, 
1841,  aliens  must  make  a  declaration  of  citizenship 
before  they  can  enter  or  hold  certain  described  sur 
veyed  lands  of  the  United  States.  This  Act  is  ex 
pressly  confined  to  the  surveyed  lands.  3  California, 
page  370. 

Among  the  many  advantages  that  foreigners  enjoy 
in  America  is  that  of  settling  upon  the  public  domain. 
The  millions  of  acres  of  rich  agricultural  and  timbered 
lands  of  the  United  States  are  thrown  open  to  them 
alike  with  the  native  born.  These  lands  generally  cost 
one  dollar  and  a  quarter  per  acre,  and  the  terms  of 
payment  are  easy.  Since  the  issuing  of  paper  money 
("Greenbacks")  by  the  Government,  in  1861,  up  to 
the  present  time,  and  so  long  as  paper  money  of  the 


482  REPUBLICANISM   IN    AMERICA.  [Chap. 

Government  is  in  circulation,  it  will  be  taken  at 
par  in  payment  for  these  lands.  It  will  thus  be  seen 
that  as  this  species  of  money  could  be  bought  ranging 
from  38  to  75  cents  on  the  dollar  in  gold,  these  lands 
would  only  cost  ninety  cents  in  gold  per  acre,  calculating 
" greenbacks"  at  72  cents  on  the  dollar. 

In  many  parts  of  the  Union  mechanics  receive  from 
four  to  dght,  dollars  per  day  in  currency  ("greenbacks"). 
At  these  rates  an  industrious  mechanic  may  land  in  an 
American  port  without  a  dollar,  go  to  work,  support 
himself,  and  at  the  end  of  two  months  have  paid  for 
and  own,  in  fee  simple,  a  farm  of  one  hundred  and  sixty 
acres  of  the  best  agricultural  land  in  the  world.  He 
could  not  purchase  one  acre  in  most  parts  of  Europe 
for  the  same  amount  of  labor. 


CHAPTER    XXVII. 

ARRAIGNMENT  OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON,  PRESIDENT  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES,  ON 
CHARGES   OF  HIGH   CRIMES  AND   MISDEMEANORS.     FINAL  VOTE. 

THE  arraignment  of  Andrew  Johnson,  President  of 
the  United  States,  before  a  Court  of  Impeachment  for 
high  crimes  and  misdemeanors,  forms  an  epoch  in  the 
history  of  the  Government  of  America.  Judges  and 
other  high  functionaries  had  been  held  to  appear  upon 
charges  of  high  crimes  and  misdemeanors ;  but  the  Ex 
ecutive  head  of  the  Nation  had  now,  for  the  first  time, 
been  cited  before  his  peers,  for  the  solemn  announce 
ment  of  "guilty"  or  "not  guilty." 

The  history  of  America  has  never  presented  so  fla 
grant  a  case  of  abandonment  of  party  and  party  prin 
ciples,  as  does  the  career  of  Mr.  Johnson.  He  was 
elected  in  1864  as  Yice-President,  at  the  same  time 
that  Abraham  Lincoln  was  elected  President  for  the 
second,  time.  Mr.  Johnson,  who  is  a  native  of  North 
Carolina,  and  a  citizen  of  Tennessee,  has  been  a  u  life 
long  Democrat;"  his  only  claim  upon  the  Republican 
party  was  the  firm  stand  which  he  took  in  favor  of  the 
Union  in  1860—1.  At  that  time  he  was  a  Senator  in  the 
United  States  Senate  from  the  State  of  Tennessee; 
and  when  the  Senators  and  Representatives  of  the 
Slave  States  abandoned  their  posts,  and  in  the  councils 
of  the  Nation  proclaimed  their  adhesion  to  a  foreign 
Nation,  and  bade  farewell  to  the  Republic  of  America, 
Mr.  Johnson  took  a  firm  stand  in  favor  of  the  Union. 
Soon  he  was  appointed  military  Governor  of  Tennes- 


484  REPUBLICANISM    IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

see,  where  he  underwent  persecution  at  the  hands  of 
the  Democratic  leaders.  His  nomination  to  the  Vice- 
Presidency  was  brought  about  in  the  hope  that  as 
he  was  a  Southern  man  and  a  Democrat,  he  would 
bring  strength  to  the  Republican  party;  and  upon  the 
spur  of  the  excitement  incident  to  the  war  then  raging, 
and  the  fact  that  he  had  stood  firm  to  the  principles 
of  the  Republican  party  for  four  years,  made  him  an 
available  candidate.  But  Mr.  Johnson  did  not  bring 
any  strength  to  the  party  in  which  he  found  himself ; 
at  the  South  he  had  but  little  influence,  the  leaders 
there  were  all  for  rebellion;  and  besides,  they  had 
always  looked  upon  and  proclaimed  Mr.  Johnson  a 
man  who  in  politics  could  not  be  relied  upon ;  that  he 
was  a  self-willed,  stubborn,  stiff-necked  demagogue 
and  political  trickster — all  of  which,  the  party  who 
had  the  misfortune  to  make  him  Vice-President,  feel 
fully  prepared  to  indorse. 

Mr.  Lincoln  had  served  but  one  month  of  his  second 
term  as  President,  when  he  was  assassinated;  and, 
under  the  law,  Andrew  Johnson  became  President  of 
the  United  *  States.  The  Republican  party,  then  in 
power  in  every  branch  of  the  Administration  .of  the 
Government,  fresh  from  the  bloody  field  of  a  long  war 
now  crowned  with  victory,  found  themselves  deprived 
of  the  able  and  faithful  services  of  the  man  who  had 
guided  the  ship  of  State  over  the  turbid  sea  of  carnage, 
and  safely  into  the  haven  of  national  security  and  re 
pose,  and  his  place  occupied  by  an  untried  man,  at 
least  in  the  school  of  Republicanism  as  understood  by 
Mr.  Lincoln  and  the  Republican  party. 

The  war  being  at  an  end,  uew  and  important  sub 
jects  presented  themselves,  demanding  firmness,  wis 
dom  and  patriotism  upon  the  part  of  the  Executive 


XXVIL]    JOHNSON'S  RECONSTRUCTION  POLICY.  485 

and  Legislative  branches  of  the  Government.  Many 
Republicans  doubted  Johnson's  ability,  fidelity,  and 
patriotism,  for  the  discharge  of  these  high  offices;  but1 
his  first  acts  gave  promise  of  his  sincerity  to  carry  out 
the  doctrines  of  the  party  that  elected  him.  His  dec 
laration  that  he  would  "  make  treason  odious,"  and  his 
ludicrous  pledge  to  the  freedmen,  that  he  would  be 
their  Moses,  gave  hope  that  he,  at  least,  would  en 
deavor  to  follow  in  the  steps  of  his  illustrious  prede 
cessor;  but  in  this,  the  country  has  been  sadly  disap 
pointed. 

Mr.  Johnson  had,  early  in  his  Administration,  ap 
pointed  provisional  Governors  in  the  States  lately  in 
rebellion,  under  whose  directions  elections  were  held, 
resulting  in  the  return  to  State  and  Federal  offices  of 
the  leaders  of  the  Rebellion.  (See  this  subject  under 
the  head  of  Reconstruction.)  Congress  objected  to 
the  admission  of  these  persons  to  the  National  Coun 
cils,  and  declared  that  the  legislative  branch  of  the 
Government  was  the  proper  department  to  adjust  and 
regulate  the  re-admission  of  these  States,  and  to  judge 
of  the  qualifications  of  members  of  Congress.-  John 
son  held  that  all  that  was  necessary  was  for  the  people  of 
the  States  lately  in  rebellion  to  take  an  oath  of  allegiance, 
and  proceed  at  once  to  enter  upon  the  duties  and  offices 
of  State  and  National  legislation.  Congress  reasoned 
that  those  who  so  deliberately  violated  their  oaths  and 
entered  into  rebellion,  would  take  the  oath  with  im 
punity;  and  that  some  guarantees  for  the  protection 
of  the  rights  of  those  lately  held  as  slaves,  and  loyalty 
to  the  Federal  Union,  were  necessary.  Against  all  this, 
Johnson  protested.  The  rebels  now  seeing  a  new  cham 
pion  in  their  cause,  entered  upon  a  crusade  against  all 
loyal  men  in  the  Slave  States ;  enacted  State  laws  again 


486  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

returning  the  negroes  to  service  and  labor,  and  became 
turbulent  and  defiant  of  Federal  authority.  At  this 
point,  Johnson  ceased  to  indorse  the  views  of  the  Na 
tional  Congress,  abandoned  the  party  that  elected  him, 
gravitated  back  to  his  native  element,  the  Democratic 
party,  where  he  remained  as  the  chief  barrier  to  the 
restoration  of  peace  and  good  order  in  the  South,  and 
a  vexatious  stumbling-block  in  the  way  of  national 
legislation. 

The  Executive  prerogative  of  the  veto  power  had, 
during  three-quarters  of  a  century  of  National  Execu 
tive  authority,  existed  only  in  name,  until  Mr.  John 
son  introduced  it  as  the  leading  feature  of  his  Admin 
istration,  wherein,  with  the  reckless  hand  of  a  bigot 
and  despot,  in  which  he  has  exhibited  the  ill-natured 
and  dogged  traits  accorded  to  him  by  those  who  claim 
to  have  had  a  personal  acquaintance  with  him  from  his 
boyhood,  he  has  brought  that  wholesome  Executive 
power  into  disrepute. 

The  whole  history  of  the  Administration  of  this  man 
has  been  marked  by  a  reckless  disregard  of  public  in 
terests,  and  the  gratification  of  his  own  self-will.  No 
man  in  America,  professing  to  be  a  Union  man,  of 
whatever  school  of  political  faith,  has  been  so  persist 
ent  an  enemy  to  the  progressive  spirit  of  Republican 
Government  and  the  constitutional  liberties  guaranteed 
to  the  people,  as  has  been  Andrew  Johnson  during  the 
period  of  his  Administration  as  President  of  the  United 
States.  Undoubtedly  James  Buchanan  was  a  greater 
public  enemy,  but  he  did  not  profess  to  be  a  Union 
man;  on  the  contrary,  a  disunionist,  as  is  fully  evi 
dent  by  the  enunciation  in  his  last  message,  that  Con 
gress  had  no  constitutional  power  to  hold  the  States 
together — that  each  State  was  a  sovereign  and  inde- 


XXYIL]  IMPEACHMENT   OF   JOHNSON.  487 

pendent  nation.  Johnson's  term  of  office  once  ended, 
and  he  will  pass  into  political  obscurity,  which  will 
increase  with  each  succeeding  year,  until  no  hand  will 
be  found  to  write  his  epitaph. 

The  people  and  the  National  Congress,  goaded  on  to 
desperation  by  the  persistent  opposition  of  Johnson  to 
the  principles  of  the  Republican  party  and  the  inter 
ests  of  the  country,  had  instituted  measures  to  inquire 
into  his  official  conduct,  with  a  view  to  impeachment. 
As  early  as  the  17th  of  December,  1866,  a  resolution 
to  this  effect  was  introduced  in  the  Congress  by  James 
M.  Ashley,  of  Ohio.  It  required  a  two-thirds  majority 
to  carry  the  resolution — it  was  not  agreed  to.  This 
was  followed,  on  the  7th  of  January,  1867,  by  resolu 
tions  on  the  same  subject,  introduced  by  Representa 
tives  Benjamin  F.  Loan  and  John  R.  Kelso,  of  Mis 
souri.  On  the  same  day  Benjamin  M.  Ashley  presented 
written  charges  of  the  commission  of  high  crimes  and 
misdemeanors  against  President  Johnson.  The  charges 
of  Mr.  Ashley,  and  the  resolutions  of  Messrs.  Loan 
and  Kelso,  were  referred  to  the  Judiciary  Committee. 
The  Committee,  on  the  28th  of  February  following, 
reported  that  the  evidence  developed  would  justify  a 
further  investigation,  and  they  recommended  to  their 
successors,  the  members  of  the  Fortieth  Congress,  an 
investigation  of  the  charges. 

The  first  session  of  the  Fortieth  Congress  met  on  the 
4th  day  of  March,  1867.  The  Senate  was  composed 
of  53  members — forty- two  Republicans  and  eleven 
Democrats.  The  lower  branch  was  composed  of  one 
hundred  and  ninety-two  members — one  hundred  and 
forty-three  Republicans  and  forty-nine  Democrats. 
The  Republicans  having  a  clear  working  majority  in 
both  branches,  were  able  to  carry  every  measure 


488  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

against  all  Democratic  opposition,  and  over  the  veto 
of  the  President;  and  nothing  but  this  fortunate  state 
of  affairs  saved  the  country  from  a  second  conflict  of 
arms,  and  led  to  a  reconstruction  of  the  States  lately 
in  rebellion,  upon  the  principles  of  constitutional  and 
Federal  authority. 

Soon  after  the  meeting  of  the  Fortieth  Congress  the 
Judiciary  Committee  took  up  the  subject  of  the  inves 
tigation  of  the  charges  alleged  against  the  President 
by  the  Thirty-ninth  Congress.  On  the  25th  day  of 
November,  1867,  the  report  of  the  Committee  of  In 
vestigation  was  presented  to  Congress.  Two  reports 
were  made — a  majority  in  favor  of  dismissing  the 
charges,  and  a  minority  for  impeachment.  This  latter 
was  lost,  however,  on  a  vote  being  taken. 

The  next  step  towards  impeachment  was  made  on 
the  4th  of  February,  1868.  On  that  day  the  letters 
passing  between  the  President  and  Gren.  Grant,  in  ref 
erence  to  the  removal  of  Mr*  Stanton  from  the  Secre 
taryship  of  the  War  Office,  were  read,  and  referred  to 
the  Committee  on  Reconstruction.  The  object  of  the 
investigation  was  to  ascertain  whether  Johnson's  ob 
structions  to  the  Acts  of  Congress  were  impeachable 
offenses.  The  Committee  decided  adversely  to  im 
peachment.  Subsequently  the  following  letter  from 
the  President  to  Mr.  Stanton  was  presented  to  Con 
gress,  upon  which  immediate  action  was  taken.  It 
was  referred  to  the  Committee  on  Reconstruction: 

"  EXECUTIVE  MANSION,  WASHINGTON,  Feb.  21st,  1868. 
"  Sir :  By  virtue  of  the  power  and  authority  vested  in  me  as 
President,  by  the  Constitution  and  laws  of  the  United  States, 
you  are  hereby  removed  from  office,  as  Secretary  of  the  Depart 
ment  of  War,  and  your  functions  as  such  will  terminate  upon 
receipt  of  this  communication. 


XXVIL]  IMPEACHMENT   OF   JOHNSON.  489 

"  You  will  transfer  to  Brevet  Major-General  Lorenzo  Thomas, 
Adjutant-General  of  the  Army,  who  has  this  day  been  authorized 
and  empowered  to  act  as  Secretary  of  War  ad  interim,  all  records, 
papers,  and  other  public  property  now  in  your  custody  and 
charge. 

"  Respectfully  yours, 

"ANDREW  JOHNSON, 
"  President  of  the  United  States. 
"  To  the  Hon.  Edwin  M.  Stanton,  Washington,  D.  C." 

On  the  following  Saturday,  February  24th,  Hon. 
John  Covode,  member  of  the  Lower  House,  offered  the 
following  resolution : 

"Resolved,  That  Andrew  Johnson,  President  of  the  United 
States,  be  impeached  of  high  crimes  and  misdemeanors." 

This  resolution  was  also  sent  to  the  Committee  on 
Reconstruction. 

On  the  news  of  the  President7 s  letter  to  Mr.  Stan- 
ton,  the  Senate  met  in  Executive  session,  and  adopted 
the  following  resolution: 

"  WHEREAS,  The  Senate  has  received  and  considered  the  com 
munication  of  the  President,  stating  that  he  had  removed  Edwin 
M.  Stanton,  Secretary  of  War,  and  had  designated  the  Adjutant- 
General  of  the  Army  to  act  as  Secretary  of  War  ad  interim, 
therefore, 

"  Besolved,  By  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  that  under  the 
Constitution  and  laws  of  the  United  States,  the  President  has 
no  power  to  remove  the  Secretary  of  War,  and  to  designate  any 
other  officer  to  perform  the  duty  of  that  office  ad  interim." 

The  excitement  now  throughout  the  country  was 
intense.  The  Republicans  looked  upon  this  act  of  the 
President  as  defiant  and  illegal,  while  the  Democracy, 
North  and  South,  rallied  to  the  support  of  Johnson, 
offering  him  aid  in  men  and  arms  if  he  would  hold 
firm  to  his  position ;  and  threats  of  open  physical  re 
sistance  were  made  by  the  Democracy,  should  the 
President  be  impeached. 


490  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

The  Committee  on  Reconstruction,  consisting  of 
Thaddeus  Stevens,  George  S.  Boutwell,  John  A.  Bing- 
ham,  C.  S.  Hubbard,  J.  F.  Farnsworth,  F.  C.  Beaman, 
and  H.  E.  Paine,  presented  a  report  in  favor  of  im 
peachment  with  the  following  resolution: 

<e  Resolved,  That  Andrew  Johnson,  President  of  the  United 
States,  be  impeached  of  high  crimes  and  misdemeanors." 

Upon  this  a  vote  was  taken  in  the  House,  resulting 
in  one  hundred  and  twenty-six  for  the  resolution,  (all 
Republicans,)  and  forty-seven  against  it.  The  Senate 
was  at  once  informed  of  the  action  of  the  House,  (Feb 
ruary  25th,  1868).  The  House  Committee  appointed 
for  that  purpose,  at  once  proceeded  to  draw  up  articles 
of  impeachment,  which  they  presented  on  the  29th 
day  of  February.  These  articles  consisted  of  eleven 
separate  charges.  The  two  most  relied  upon  for  con 
viction  were  the  one  relating  to  the  declarations  of  the 
President,  that  the  Congress  was  an  illegal  body,  and 
the  other,  the  one  relating  to  Stan  ton's  removal.  On 
the  4th  day  of  March,  1868,  the  articles  were  read  in 
the  Senate  by  Mr.  Bingham,  Chairman  of  the  Managers 
on  the  part  of  the  House  of  Representatives.  On  the 
following  day,  March  5th,  the  Senate,  with  the  Chief 
Justice  of  the  United  States  presiding,  convened  as  a 
High  Court  of  Impeachment.  Judge  Nelson  admin 
istered  the  legal  oath  to  the  Chief  Justice,  who  took 
his  seat.  The  oath  to  the  Senators  was  next  adminis 
tered.  A  summons  was  issued  to  Andrew  Johnson, 
commanding  him  to  appear  at  the  bar  of  the  Senate  on 
Friday,  the  13th  day  of  March,  at  one  o'clock  P.  M. 

On  the  day  appointed  for  trial,  Mr.  Johnson  ap 
peared,  by  counsel,  and  asked  forty  days'  further  time 
to  answer.  The  Court  extended  the  time  to  appear  to 


XXVIL]  IMPEACHMENT    OF   JOHNSON.  491 

Monday,  the  23d  day  of  March,  upon  which  day  the 
President  appeared,  by  counsel,  and  put  in  his  answer 
of  denial  and  justification.  On  May  16th,  1868,  the 
vote  was  taken,  first  on  the  eleventh  article,  the  one 
charging  Mr.  Johnson  with  declaring  Congress  an  ille 
gal  body  and  in  attempting  to  keep  Stanton  out  of  the 
office  of  Secretary  of  War,  after  the  Senate  had  refused 
to  concur  in  his  removal,  and  also  in  obstructing  the 
execution  of  the  laws  of  Congress;  upon  this  article 
the  Senate  failed  to  convict,  and  adjourned  the  trial  to 
May  26th,  when  that  body  voted  on  the  second  and 
third  articles  with  a  similar  result,  after  which  the 
Senate — sitting  as  a  Court  of  Impeachment — adjourned 
sine  die. 

The  Chief  Justice,  on  putting  the  question  to  vote, 
said:  "  Senators,  in  conformity  to  the  order  of  the 
Senate,  the  Chief  Justice  will  now  proceed  to  take  the 
vote  on  the  eleventh  article,  as  directed  by  the  rule." 

The  eleventh  article  being  read  by  the  Clerk,  the 
Chief  Justice  standing.  On  the  roll  being  called,  Sen 
ator  Anthony's  name  being  the  first,  he  rose  in  his 
place;  the  Chief  Justice  addressed  him:  "Mr.  Senator 
Anthony,  how  say  you,  is  the  respondent,  Andrew 
Johnson,  President  of  the  United*  States,  guilty  or 
not  guilty  of  a  high  misdemeanor,  as  charged  in  this 
article?"  Senator  Anthony  responded,  "Guilty." 
The  roll  continued  to  be  called,  until  all  the  Senators 
had  responded,  which  stood  on  the  summing  up, 
yeas  35,  nays  19,  lacking  but  one  vote  to  convict. 

The  vote  stood: 

For  Conviction — Anthony,  Cameron,  Cattell,  Chand 
ler,  Cole,  Conklin,  Conness,  Corbett,  Cragin,  Drake, 
Edmunds,  Ferry,  Frelinghuysen,  Harlan,  Howard, 
Howe.  Morgan,  Merrill,  (Me.,)  Merrill,  (Vt.,)  Morton, 


492  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

Nye,  Patterson,  Pomeroy,  Ramsey,  Sherman,  Sprague, 
Stewart,  Sumner,  Thayer,  Tipton,  Wade,  Willey,  Wil 
liams,  Wilson,  Yates — 35. 

For  Acquittal — Bayard,  Buckalew,  Davis,  Dixon,  Doo- 
little,  Fessenden,  Fowler,  Grimes,  Henderson,  Hendricks; 
Johnson,  McCreery,  Horton,  Patterson,  Ross,  Sauls- 
bury,  Trunibull,  Van  Winkle,  Tickers — 19. 

For  conviction,  35  Republicans — no  Democrats;  for 
acquittal,  7  Republicans,  and  12  Democrats. 

The  names  of  the  Republicans  voting  for  acquittal 
are  printed  in  italics.  The  fact  that  not  a  Democratic 
vote  was  cast  for  impeachment  will  show  the  animus  of 
that  party.  Democrats  have  long  had  the  reputation 
of  casting  votes  for  their  party,  regardless  of  men 
or  principle.  The  vote,  as  above  recorded,  will  not 
tend  to  impair  that  belief. 


.UAJ.  GES.  GEOP.GE  H.  TH 


CHAPTER    XXYIII. 

CITIZENSHIP  IN  THE  SOUTHERN  CONFEDERACY.— CONFEDERATE  CONSTITU 
TION.— NO  CITIZENS  OF  THE  CONFEDERACY.  —  CONSCRIPTING  THE  SOV 
EREIGN  PEOPLE.— THE  SOUTH  TIRED  OF  FEEDING  FOREIGNERS;  THEY 
MUST  LEAVE  THE  CONFEDERACY.  —  ALL  THE  PEOPLE  MUST  LABOR.— 
SOUTHERN  CONGRESS  ON  LINCOLN'S  EMANCIPATION  PROCLAMATION.— 
THE  "BLACK  FLAG"  TO  BE  HOISTED. 

CONSIDERABLE  difference  of  opinion  had  agitated  the 
minds  of  the  people  of  the  Confederacy  during  its  ex 
istence,  as  to  who  they  were.  They  had  left  the  old 
Union,  proclaiming  that  they  were  not  citizens  of  the 
United  States;  that  their  allegiance  was  first  due  to 
their  States,  then  to  the  Union. 

They  were  ardent  believers  in  sovereignty,  but  it 
extended  only  to  the  "  Sovereign  States."  They  could 
not  be  the  subjects  or  citizens  of  two  Sovereign  Gov 
ernments  at  the  same  time;  hence,  when  they  placed 
themselves  under  the  sovereignty  of  the  Southern 
Confederacy,  they  found  themselves  about  as  uncom 
fortably  situated  as  they  were  under  the  "  hated 
Union."  They  had  adopted  a  Constitution  binding  all 
the  States  together,  and  prohibiting  them  from  "  en 
tering  into  any  treaty,  alliance,  or  confederation;"  nor 
could  they  grant  letters  of  marque,  and  reprisals; 
coin  money;  lay  imposts  on  duties,  keep  troops,  nor 
ships  of  war  in  time  of  peace;  enter  into  any  agree 
ment  or  compact  with  another  State,nor  with  a  foreign 
power.  This,  of  course,  could  not  suit  those  who  so 
lately  pronounced  that  they  could  not  commit  treason 
against  the  United  States,  as  they  owed  allegiance  only 
to  the  Sovereign  States;  hence  an  association  with  the 
32 


494  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

Confederacy  became  oppressive,  and  little  doubt  re 
mains  that,  had  the  Southern  Confederacy  existed  until 
to-day,  some  of  the  Sovereign  States  would  have 
sought  separation  from  the  Confederacy,  and  the  States 
and  people  separately  declared  their  sovereignty  accord 
ing  to  the  philosophy  of  Buchanan,  Stephens,  Wood, 
and  others. 

Section  2,  of  Article  I,  of  the  Confederate  Consti 
tution,  said,  that  members  of  Congress  should  be  citi 
zens  of  the  Confederate  States ;  Senators,  and  the 
President  and  Yice-President,  should  also  be  citizens 
of  the  Confederate  States. 

Sec.  3,  of  Article  III,  of  the  Constitution,  said,  that 
the  citizens  of  these  Sovereign  States  could  commit 
treason  against  the  Confederacy.  "  Treason  against 
the  Confederate  States  shall  consist  only  in  levying 
war  against  them,  or  in  adhering  to  their  enemies,  giv 
ing  them  aid  and  comfort."  This  meant  the  Confed 
erate  States  in  the  aggregate  as  a  Sovereign  Nation. 

In  the  Confederate  Senate,  on  the  7th  day  of  Octo 
ber,  1862,  on  the  debate  arising  as  to  who  were  citi 
zens  of  the  Confederacy,  declarations  were  made  that 
no  citizen  of  the  "  Sovereign  States"  owed  allegiance 
to  the  Confederacy ;  that  there  was  no  such  thing  as  a 
citizen  of  the  Confederate  States.  In  this  debate, 
Senator  Hill,  of  Georgia,  said: 

"  If  a  citizen  has  once  elected  to  be  a  citizen  of  one  of  the 
Confederate  States,  that  act  makes  him  a  citizen  of  the  Confed 
eracy,  and  he  cannot  throw  off  his  allegiance." 

Senator  Wigfall,  of  Texas,  said: 

"  There  is  no  such  thing  as  a  citizen  of  the  Confederate  States. 
No  citizen  owes  allegiance  to  the  Confederate  States." 

Mr.  Hill  held  that  the  citizen  did  owe  allegiance  to 


XXVIIL]     CITIZENSHIP   IN   THE   CONFEDERACY.  495 

the  Confederate  States.     "  The  citizen's  first  allegiance 
is  due  to  his  State,  but  through  the  State  becomes  al 
legiance  to  the  Confederate  Government." 
The  Confederate  Constitution  said: 

"  The  electors  in  each  State  shall  be  citizens  of  the  Confeder 
ate  States.  No  person  shall  be  a  Representative  who  has  not 
attained  the  age  of  twenty-five  years,  and  been  a  citizen  of  the 
Confederate  States." 

1 '  No  person  shall  be  a  Senator  who  shall  not  have  attained 
the  age  of  thirty  years,  and  been  a  citizen  of  the  Confederate 
States." 

' c  No  person  except  a  natural  born  citizen  of  the  Confederate 
States  or  a  citizen  thereof  at  the  time  of  the  adoption  of  this 
Constitution,  or  a  citizen  thereof  born  in  the  United  States  prior 
to  the  20th  December,  1860,  shall  be  eligible  to  the  office  of 
President." 

Mr.  Hill  further  said: 

"I  grant  that  no  person  can  be  a  citizen  of  the  Confederate 
States,  who  is  not  a  citizen  of  some  one  of  the  States;  but  it 
does  not  follow  that  a  citizen  of  a  State  is  necessarily  a  citizen  of 
the  Confederate  States." 

It  will  be  plainly  seen  from  the  preceding,  that  the 
status  of  the  people  of  the  Confederacy  was,  to  say  the 
least,  very  uncertain;  and  that  between  the  idea  of 
State  Rights,  Sovereign  States,  and  Confederate  States, 
even  the  learned  Senators  of  the  Confederacy  were 
unable  to  define  their  own  political  position — it  was 
uncertain  that,  being  citizens  of  a  Sovereign  State, 
made  them  per  se  citizens  of  the  Confederacy.  All 
seemed  to  agree,  however,  that  their  primary  alle 
giance  was  due  to  the  State  wherein  they  resided.  But 
the  Confederate  Constitution  said  the  opposite.  How 
long  it  would  be  before  the  citizens  of  these  Sovereign 
States  would  be  cursing  the  hated  Confederacy,  cutting 
each  others'  throats,  and  each  State  proclaiming  itself 


496  REPUBLICANISM    IN    AMERICA.  [Chap. 

a  foreign  nation,  is  easy  to  conjecture.  Citizenship 
has  always  been  a  source  of  perplexity  to  Southern 
Democrats;  they  claimed  that  the  States  were  sover 
eign,  and  still  could  not  well  deny  but  that  there  was 
some  sovereignty  in  the  United  States;  so  accord 
ing  to  their  own  positions  and  belief,  their  citizen 
ship  was  divided  between  their  States, .  the  United 
States  and  the  Southern  Confederacy.  Their  great 
lawgiver,  Alexander  H.  Stephens,  had  said,  that  their 
first  allegiance  was  due  to  their  State ;  and  imbued  with 
this  idea,  they  entered  into  war  with  the  United  States, 
but  soon  found  themselves  again  entangled  in  the 
meshes  of  a  Sovereign  Confederacy,  demanding  from 
them  that  allegiance  which  they  refused  to  surrender 
to  the  United  States. 

The  Sovereign  States  of  the  Confederacy  found  a 
very  unpleasant  application  of  Confederate  sovereignty 
when  men  and  money  were  wanting  for  the  army. 
When  the  Confederate  Congress,  conducting  all  its  im 
portant  business  in  secret  session,  levied  oppressive 
taxes,  conscripted  old  and  young,  negroes  included, 
into  the  army,  appropriating  hay,  grain,  bacon,  and  all 
other  provisions,  and  paying  for  them  in  Confederate 
"graybacks,"  at  prices  regulated  not  by  the  farmer  and 
merchant,  but  by  Government  agents,  acting  under 
Confederate  laws,  who  had  the  absolute  disposal  of  the 
goods,  chattels,  and  persons  of  the  citizens  of  the 
"  Sovereign  States,"  many  of  the  people  rebelled 
against  this  tyranny,  denying  the  power  of  the  Con 
federate  Government  to  thus  ruthlessly  disturb  the 
composure  of  the  citizens  of  Sovereign  States.  But  at 
each  step  they  became  more  confounded,  and  much 
confused  and  alarmed  as  to  the  extent  and  location  of 
their  sovereignty.  Alexander  H.  Stephens  and  others 


XXVIII.]     CITIZENSHIP   IN   THE   CONFEDERACY.  497 

had  told  them  that  France  and  England  had,  at  the 
close  of  the  war  of  1776,  recognized  each  State  as  a 
sovereign,  and  all  good  Democrats  had  learned  that. 
But  ivho  was  a  citizen  of  a  Sovereign  State?  No  law 
had  been  passed  by  any  State  respecting  the  naturali 
zation  of  aliens.  And  besides,  how  would  a  person 
become  a  citizen  of  a  State?  Citizens  of  each  of  the 
States  were  not  citizens  of  each  of  the  other  States,  for 
in  many  instances  they  were  held  as  aliens,  and  not 
eligible  to  offices  of  profit  or  trust. 

In-  the  Confederate  Congress  in  1863-4,  Senator 
Brown,  of  Mississippi,  upon  the  subject  of  conscripting 
the  sovereign  people  of  the  States,  said  he  proposed  to 
take  all,  without  reference  to  age  or  occupation,  and 
make  but  one  inquiry: 

"  Is  he  capable  of  bearing  arms  ?  Whether  he  be  Jew  or  Gen 
tile,  Christian  or  Infidel,  if  he  is  capable  of  bearing  arms,  he 
should  be  put  in  the  army.  '  If  you  are  capable 

of  bearing  arms,  you  must  do  it.'  Talk  not  of  '  invading  the 
rights  of  the  States.'  Better  invade  the  rights  of 

the  States  by  calling  out  all  arm-bearing  citizens,  than  dispute 
over  constitutional  quibbles  while  the  Yankee  army  wrests  the 
whole  State  from  your  possession/' 

At  this  session  it  was  urged  that  President  Davis  is 
sue  another  proclamation,  requiring  all  foreigners  to 
take  up  arms  or  leave  the  Confederacy  within  sixty 
days.  Upon  this  subject  Senator  Brown  said: 

"  We  are  tired  feeding  drones.  They  are  of  no  earthly  use  to 
us.  They  are  eating  out  our  substance,  and  by  their  speculative 
proclivities  are  depreciating  our  currency.  The  time  has  ar 
rived  when  we  can  entertain  you  no  longer."  He  would  "  rather 
this  day  have  a  regiment  of  Yankees  turned  loose  on  the  city 
than  longer  tolerate  the  presence  of  such  people." 

The  Confederate  Congress,  in  utter  disregard  of  the 


498  REPUBLICANISM   IN    AMEKICA.  [Chap. 

sovereignty  of  the  States  and  of  the  good  people  of  the 
South,  soon  reduced  the  whole  population  to  a  condi 
tion  of  vassalage.  An  Act  of  Congress  of  1864,  after 
providing  that  all  able  to  bear  arms  should  be  con 
scripted,  declared  that — 

"  Each  person  exempted  shall  devote  himself,  and  the  labor 
he  controls,  to  the  production  of  provisions  and  family  supplies. 
That  there  shall  be  contributed,  for  the  use  of  the  army,  from 
every  farm,  besides  the  tithes  required  by  tax,  an  additional 
tenth  of  all  the  pork  or  bacon  produced.  And  if  required,  the 
persons  exempted  shall  sell  all  their  surplus  provisions  for  the 
use  of  the  soldiers'  families,  or  the  army,  at  prices  fixed  by  Com 
missioners." 

The  Southern  Democracy  could  endure  this  species 
of  liberty  under  the  Administration  of  Jefferson  Davis, 
but  the  tyranny  of  the  Radical  Administration,  when 
submission  to  just  and  beneficent  laws  was  demanded, 
could  not  be  tolerated.  Under  Davis,  although  slaves 
themselves,  they  could  still  ply  the  whip  upon  the 
back  of  the  negro.  Under  "  Radical  Reconstruction" 
the  lash  emitted  no  music  for  Democratic  ears,  hence 
the  uneasiness  of  the  people  of  the  Sovereign  States 
South. 

During  the  year  1864,  the  people  of  the  South  were 
much  agitated  in  regard  to  the  assumptions  of  the  Con 
federate  Congress  in  proposing  to  send  Commissioners, 
appointed  by  the  Executive,  to  treat  with  the  "  Lincoln 
Government"  upon  terms  of  peace.  Such  Commis 
sioners,  they  thought,  ought  to  be  appointed  by  the 
Sovereign  States.  This  subject  brought  up  a  lively 
discussion  in  the  Confederate  Congress  and  in  the  State 
Legislatures,  as  to  who  these  good  people  were,  and 
where  they  belonged ;  whether  they  were  not  all  sov 
ereign  in  person,  owing  allegiance  only  to  themselves, 


XXYIIL]     CITIZENSHIP   IN   THE   CONFEDERACY.  499 

the  township,  county,  or  State  wherein  they  resided. 
When  the  Confederacy  collapsed,  they  were  found  in 
this  sad  uncertainty.  Many  of  them  are  to  this  day 
undecided  as  to  the  extent  and  location  of  their  sover 
eignty,  and  still  proclaim  for  the  right  of  self-govern 
ment. 

As  to  their  committing  treason  against  the  United 
States,  that  they  hold  to  have  been  impossible,  as  they 
were  not  citizens  of  the  United  States,  but  of  the  Sov 
ereign  States. 

The  delusion  of  State  Sovereignty  has  been  some 
what  damaged  by  the  Reconstruction  Acts  of  the  Fed 
eral  Congress  and  the  operations  of  the  late  war;  but 
the  constant  demands  made  by  leading  Democrats, 
North  and  South,  for  restoration  of  the  Southern  peo 
ple  to  all  their  rights  under  the  Constitution  as  they 
were  before  the  recent  "  unpleasantness,"  and  their 
persistent  opposition  to  Federal  authority,  plainly 
show  that  the  present  generation  of  the  Democracy 
must  pass  away  before  the  philosophy  of  Republican 
government,  as  understood  and  practiced  by  the  Repub 
lican  party,  will  be  comprehended  by  them.  Not  only 
must  the  present  crop  of  them  die  out,  and  the  young 
ones  be  taught  in  the  school  of  modern  Republicanism 
before  they  are  Americanized,  but  the  home  mission 
ary  must  meet  the  immigrant  upon  our  shores  with 
the  National  Constitution  in  his  hands — lead  the  new 
comer  into  the  free  school  from  which  he  may  be  in 
ducted  into  the  pure  light  of  Republican  philosophy, 
and  his  feet  turned  from  the  slough  of  Democratic 
despond,  where  so  many  of  them  have  trod  in  the  past. 

The  death  struggle  made  by  the  Southern  Democ 
racy  to  hold  fast  to  the  negro  was  intensified  by  the 
announcement  "of  President  Lincoln's  Emancipation 


500  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

Proclamation.  In  this,  the  rebels  saw  their  doom. 
They  well  knew  that  if  once  the  negro  had  his  liberty, 
no  power  on  earth  could  enslave  him  again;  and  also 
felt  assured  the  freedman  would  be  placed  in  the  army. 

On  the  29th  of  September,  1862,  the  proposed  proc 
lamation  was  before  the  Rebel  Congress,  when  a  warm 
discussion  followed  as  to  the  best  mode  of  retaliation. 
Many  plans  were  suggested,  all  exhibiting  the  most 
brutal  and  murderous  propensities.  A  few  samples  of 
the  spirit  of  Southern  Congressmen  will  suffice  to 
show  how  completely  the  traffic  in  men  had  brutalized 
the  subjects  of  the  Sovereign  States. 

The  following  resolution  was  introduced  by  Mr. 
Semmes,  of  Louisiana: 

"Resolved,  By  the  Congress  of  the  Confederate  States,  that 
the  proclamation  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  President  of  the  United 
States  of  America,  issued  in  the  City  of  Washington,  in  the 
year  1862,  wherein  he  declares  'that  on  the  first  day  of  January, 
in  the  year  of  our  .Lord  1863,  all  persons  held  as  slaves  within 
any  State,  or  designated  parts  of  States,  whereof  the  people 
shall  be  in  rebellion  against  the  United  States,,  shall  be  hence 
forth  and  forever  free,'  is  leveled  against  the  citizens  of  the 
Confederate  States,  and  as  such  is  a  gross  violation  of  the  usages 
of  civilized  warfare,  an  outrage  on  the  rights  of  private  prop 
erty,  and  an  invitation  to  an  atrocious  servile  war,  and  therefore 
should  be  held  up  to  the  execration  of  mankind,  and  counter 
acted  by  such  retaliatory  measures  as  in  the  judgment  of  the 
President  may  be  most  calculated  to  secure  its  withdrawal  or 
arrest  its  execution." 

Mr.  Clark,  of  Missouri,  was  u  in  favor  of  declaring 
every  citizen  of  the  Southern  Confederacy  a  soldier, 
authorized  to  put  to  death  every  man  caught  on  our 
soil  in  arms  against  the  Government." 

Mr.  Henry,  of  Tennessee,  said:  "The  resolution  did 
not  go  far  enough."  He  a  favored  the  passage  of  a 
law  providing  that,  upon  any  attempt  "being  made  to 


XXVIIL]       THE   BLACK   FLAG   TO   BE   RAISED.  501 

execute  the  proclamation  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  we  im 
mediately  hoist  the  black  flag,  and  proclaim  a  war  of 
extermination  against  all  invaders  of  our  soil." 

Mr.  Phelan,  of  Mississippi,  said  that  he  "was  always 
in  favor  of  conducting  the  war  under  the  black  flag; 
if  that  flag  had  been  raised  a  year  ago,  the  war  would 
be  ended  now." 

October  1st,  1862,  the  Judiciary  Committee  of  the 
Confederate  Congress,  made  a  report  and  offered  a  set 
of  resolutions  upon  the  subject  of  President  Lincoln's 
proclamation,  from  which  the  following  are  extracts: 

"  2.  Every  white  person  who  shall  act  as  a  commissioned  or 
non-commissioned  officer,  commanding  negroes  or  mulattoes 
against  the  Confederate  States,  or  who  shall  arm,  organize,  train, 
or  prepare  negroes  or  mulattoes  for  military  service,  or  aid  them 
in  any  military  enterprise  against  the  Confederate  States,  shall, 
if  captured,  suffer  death. 

"3.  Every  commissioned  or  non-commissioned  officer  of  the 
enemy  who  shall  incite  slaves  to  rebellion,  or  pretend  to  give 
them  freedom,  under  the  aforementioned  Act  of  Congress  and 
Proclamation,  by  abducting,  or  causing  them  to  be  abducted,  or 
inducing  them  to  abscond,  shall,  if  captured,  suffer  death." 

Senator  Hill,  of  Georgia,  introduced  the  following 
resolution  in  the  Confederate  Congress: 

"  That  every  person  pretending  to  be  a  soldier  or  officer  of  the 
United  States,  who  shall  be  captured  on  the  soil  of  the  Confed 
erate  States,  after  the  1st  day  of  January,  1863,  shall  be  pre 
sumed  to  have  entered  the  territory  of  the  Confederate  States 
with  intent  to  incite  insurrection  and  abet  murder;  and  unless 
satisfactory  proof  be  adduced  to  the  contrary,  before  the  military 
court  before  which  the  trial  shall  be  had,  shall  suffer  death.  This 
section  shall  continue  in  force  until  the  proclamation  issued  by 
Abraham  Lincoln,  dated  at  Washington  on  the  22d  day  of 
September,  1862,  shall  be  rescinded,  and  the  policy  therein 
announced  shall  be  abandoned,  and  no  longer." 

The  Confederate  Congress  finally  left  the  subject  to 


502  REPUBLICANISM  IN  AMERICA.  [Chap. 

President  Davis.  A  general  exchange  of  prisoners 
under  the  recognized  rules  of  war  was  soon  after 
affected,  and  the  war  progressed  without  the  black  flag 
of  the  Democracy  of  the  South,  save  at  Fort  Pillow 
and  a  few  other  places. 


CHAPTER    XXIX. 

POLITICAL  PAETIES.— WASHINGTON'S  ADMINISTRATION.— FEDERAL  AND  ANTI- 
FEDERAL  PARTIES.— FIRST  "DEMOCRATIC  CLUBS."— FRIENDS  OF  ROBES 
PIERRE.— WASHINGTON  CONDEMNS  THE  JACOBIN  CLUBS.— FIRST  NATIONAL 
CONVENTION  IN  AMERICA.— ORIGIN  OF  THE  DEMOCRATIC  PARTY.— FIRST 
CALLED  REPUBLICAN.— NATIONAL  REPUBLICANS.— ORIGIN  OF  THE  WHIO 
PARTY.— REPUBLICANS  AND  DEMOCRATS.— THEIR  PRINCIPLES  AND  PRAC 
TICES. 

THE  first  few  years  of  American  nationality  was  not 
characterized  by  any  well-defined  opposite  political 
organizations.  The  battle  between  the  British  troops 
at  Lexington,  the  subsequent  battle  of  Bunker  Hill, 
and  the  war  that  followed,  brought  forth  the  energies 
of  the  colonists  in  an  offensive  and  defensive  struggle, 
which  left  but  little  time  for  the  organization  of  polit 
ical  parties.  The  Declaration  of  Independence,  issued 
July  4th,  1776,  served  to  unite  the  people  for  two 
years,  until  the  9th  day  of  July,  1778,  at  which  time 
the  Articles  of  Confederation  were  adopted,  uniting  the 
thirteen  Colonies  in  a  Confederation  for  mutual  protec 
tion,  under  which  the  civil  and  military  affairs  of  the 
Colonies  were  conducted  for  a  period  of  nine  years — 
until  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States, 
September  17th,  1787.  Up  to  this  period,  but  little 
division  of  political  sentiment  had  been  manifested 
among  the  people ;  but  in  the  Convention  that  framed 
the  Constitution,  a  marked  political  feeling  developed 
itself. 

Under  the  Articles  of  Confederatian  the  union  of 
the  Colonies  was  as  binding  as  it  is  to-day  by  any 
clause  of  the  Federal  Constitution, 


504  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

It  was  upon  the  discussion  of  the  sovereignty  of  the 
States,  and  in  what,  and  how  far,  they  would  relinquish 
their  character  as  such  to  the  Federal  Union,  that  the 
first  political  division  was  developed  among  the  Amer 
ican  people,  and  the  first  political  names — Federalists 
and  Anti- Federalists — had  their  origin  in  the  proceed 
ings  and  debates  of  this  Convention,  the  proceedings 
of  which  will  be  found  in  another  chapter  of  this  vol 
ume,  and  will  serve  to  illustrate  the  positions  of  lead 
ing  men  of  that  period,  upon  the  subject  of  State  Sov 
ereignty  and  the  Sovereignty  of  the  Federal  Union,  as 
understood  and  advocated  by  the  respective  parties  of 
the  Nation. 

Republicans  and  Democrats — the .  names  by  which 
the  two  great  political  parties  of  America  are  known 
to-day — had  their  origin  and  received  their  vitality 
in  the  heated  debates  in  the  Convention  which  framed 
the  Federal  Constitution.  The  former  party  advocating 
(as  its  name — Federalists — indicates)  a  Federal  Union, 
possessing  all  the  sovereign  powers  of  nationality ;  the 
other  (as  its  name  indicated) — Anti-Federalists — was 
opposed  to  a  National  Confederation,  save  in  a  limited 
and  subordinate  position,  and  advocated  the  retention 
of  the  sovereign  character  of  the  several  States  within 
themselves. 

At  the  head  of  the  Federal  party  stood  George 
Washington,  John  Adams,  and  Benjamin  Franklin  •  and 
at  the  head  of  the  Anti-Federal  party,  Thomas  Jeffer 
son  and  Charles  Pinckney.  From  that  early  period 
up  to  the  present  time — through  all  the  checkered 
phases  that  these  two  parties  have  passed,  and  under 
the  many  party  names  that  they  have  hoisted  their 
banners — they  have  stood  strictly  and  unflinchingly 
to  their  original  party  ideas,  and  have  held  continu- 


XXIX.]        ORIGIN   OF   THE   DEMOCRATIC   PARTY.  505 

ously  from  that  period  to  the  present,  the  position  of 
the  two  great  leading  political  parties  of  the  Nation. 
All  State  or  National  political  bodies  outside  of  these 
two,  were  but  off-shoots  of  one  or  the  other  of  these 
parties;  and  although,  at  times,  a  seeming  vitality  was 
exhibited  by  them  under  some  local  influence  or  spe 
cial  agitation,  each,  at  successive  periods,  as  if  by  a 
law  of  gravitation,  returned  to  the  parental  roof,  where 
in  the  trying  hour  of  .political  disaster,  they  always 
found  a  hearty  welcome  and  assured  protection. 

George  Washington,  the  first  President  of  the  Re 
public  under  the  Federal  Constitution,  was  elected  by 
the  unanimous  vote  of  the  people,  having  received  all 
the  votes  cast  in  the  Electoral  College ;  and  John 
Adams,  having  received  the  next  highest  number,  was 
elected  Vice-President.  The  second  election  of  Wash 
ington,  to  the  Presidency,  in  1793,  was  also  unanimous 
by  the  whole  people,  John  Adams  being  again  elected 
Vice-President.  Upon  both  occasions  the  vote  for 
Yice-President  was  divided  among  several  persons.  It 
will-  be  remembered  that  from  the  first  election  of 
Washington  up  to  the  election  of  Jefferson,  in  1801, 
the  person  receiving  the  highest  number  of  votes  was 
declared  President,  and  the  person  receiving  the  next 
highest  number  Yice-President,  which  caused  the 
electoral  vote  to  be  divided  between  many  persons. 
Before  the  election  in  1801,  the  Federal  Constitution 
was  so  amended  that  the  President  and  Yice-President 
were  elected  separately.  (See  Presidents,  Appendix.) 

During  the  second  Administration  of  Washington, 
while  Alexander  Hamilton  was  the  acknowledged 
leader  of  the  Federal  party,  and  Thomas  Jefferson  of 
the  Anti-Federal  party,  the  latter  party  changed  its 
name  to  the  Republican  party — a  name  given  to  the 


506  REPUBLICANISM    IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

Anti-Federal  party  by  Jefferson  himself.  From  this 
period  up  to  the  first  election  of  Andrew  Jackson,  in 
1828,  what  is  now  known  as  the  Democratic  party,  con 
tinued  under  the  name  of  the  Republican  party.  The 
first  National  Convention  under  this  name  met  at  Bal 
timore,  in  May,  1832,  for  the  purpose  of  nominating 
Andrew  Jackson  for  the  Presidency  for  a  second  term. 
Thus  the  old  party  name  of  Anti-Federalist,  and  the 
more  recent  name  of  Republican,  were  abandoned, 
and  the  party  launched  upon  the  turbid  sea  of  political 
affairs  with  the  name  of  Democrat,  which  it  retained, 
as  it  floated  upon  the  placid  waters  of  peaceful  victory, 
until  the  year  1859-60,  when  its  ranks  were  sadly  de 
pleted  by  being  divided  into  four  parts,  three  of  which, 
in  separate  organizations,  nominated  candidates  for  the 
Presidency,  as  did  the  remnant  of  the  Democracy, 
thus  demoralizing  the  original  Democratic  party,  and 
opening  a  broad  gap  in  its  ranks,  through  which  the 
Republican  party,  with  Abraham  Lincoln,  the  cham 
pion  of  human  freedom,  at  its  head,  his  eye  fixed  upon 
the  star  of  hope,  moored  the  Ship  of  State  in  the  haven 
of  National  security,  where  with  a  faithful  and  gallant 
crew,  the  National  symbol  of  Freedom  has  floated  at 
her  mast-head,  while  the  disjointed  and  crazy  old 
Democratic  hulk  has  drifted  before  the  pitiless  storm, 
the  first  shock  of  which  wrenched  the  helm  from  the 
liliputian  fingers  of  James  Buchanan,  and  consigned  it 
to  the  grasp  of  the  nervous  hand  of  Jefferson  Davis, 
who  for  four  years,  with  his  mutinous  crew,  tossed 
amidst  the  conflicting  elements  of  nature,  and  the  more 
destructive  broadsides  poured  upon  him  from  the  old 
Federal  Ship  of  State,  before  which,  with  a  black  cloud 
above  and  a  raging  sea  beneath,  the  Democratic  hulk 
sank  in  the  gloom  of  night  beyond  the  hope  of  resur 
rection. 


XXIX.]         ORIGIN   OF   THE   DEMOCRATIC   PARTY.  507 

The  adoption  of  the  name  of  Democrat  by  the  old 
Anti-Federal  and  old  Republican  party,  was  not  the 
first  appearance  of  the  name  in  America.  Early  in  the 
second  Administration  of  Washington,  (1793,)  it  was 
apparent  that  a  strong  party  opposition  was  forming 
against  himself  and  his  Administration,  at  the  head  of 
which  Thomas  Jefferson  was  supposed  to  be.  This 
party  had  drawn  to  its  support  the  whole  Southern 
wing  of  the  Anti-Federalists,  who  had  so  violently  op 
posed  the  formation  of  a  Federal  Union,  and  who 
claimed  that  each  State  was  a  sovereign  power. 

At  this  period  the  threatening  aspect  of  affairs  be 
tween  France  and  England,  led  the  friends  of  the 
former  to  expect  support  from  the  United  States  in 
return  for  the  friendly  relations  existing  between 
France  and  the  Colonies  during  the  Revolutionary 
War.  But  the  United  States  had  but  just  passed 
through  a  seven  years'  struggle,  that  had  almost  pros 
trated  her  financial  affairs ;  and  to  avoid  any  complicity 
in  a  foreign  war  was  most  desirable,  as  a  single  stroke 
of  ill  luck  at  that  critical  juncture,  might  again  place 
America  under  European  rule.  All  this  was  fully  un 
derstood  by  the  Anti-Federal  party,  who  now  seeing 
that  the  Northern  States  were  freeing  their  slaves  and 
making  vigorous  strides  in  the  arts  and  trade,  began, 
even  at  this  early  period,  to  regret  their  connection 
with  the  Union,  and  to  desire  separation.  To  accom 
plish  this  they  set  vigorously  to  work  to  cast  oppro 
brium  upon  the  Administration,  and  to  accuse  Wash 
ington  of  imbecility  and  cowardice,  hoping  by  this 
means  either  to  divide  the  American  people,  inaugurate 
a  civil  war,  and  the  South  separate  from  the  Union,  or 
to  entangle  the  country  in  foreign  difficulties,  and  haz 
ard  the  chances  of  having  the  States  placed  upon  their 


508  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

original  footing  by  some  means.  To  accomplish  this, 
they  (Anti-Federalists)  allied  themselves  with  M.  Ed 
mund  C.  Genet,  the  French  Minister,  who  had  arrived 
in  the  United  States  in  that  year,  courting  his  favor, 
and  poisoning  his  mind  against  Washington  and  his 
Administration,  the  more  effectually  to  cause  either  a 
war  between  England  and  America,  or  to  create  a  civil 
war  between  the  Federalists  and  Anti-Federalists  in 
America.  To  effect  their  schemes,  the  Anti-Federal 
ists  formed  clubs,  upon  the  style  of  the  supporters  of 
Robespierre,  and  after  the  "Jacobin  Clubs"  of  Paris. 
These  they  called  Democratic  Clubs.  Thus  we  have  the 
origin  of  the  present  Democratic  party  and  Democratic 
clubs  throughout  the  Republic,  which  were  moulded 
after  the  style  of  the  Paris  Jacobin  Clubs,  headed  by 
a  foreign  demagogue,  (Genet,)  anxious  to  engender 
discord  and  war  at  home  or  abroad. 

These  clubs  and  this  party  found  zealous  support 
from  those  who  had  during  the  Revolutionary  War,  lent 
but  feeble  and  unwilling  aid  in  the  revolutionary  strug 
gle  ;  and  who.  in  the  Convention  that  framed  the  Fed 
eral  Constitution,  exerted  every  energy  to  thwart  the 
plans  of  Washington,  Adams,  and  others,  in  the  for 
mation  of  a  National  Union. 

At  this  early  period,  the  members  of  the  Robes 
pierre  Democratic  Clubs  in  America,  were  as  bitter 
enemies  of  human  liberty,  as  bigotted,  subtle,  malig 
nant,  ignorant,  and  rebellious,  as  are  many  of  the 
Democratic  Clubs  of  the  United  States  at  this  day. 
The  Democratic  Clubs  of  1793  were,  however,  doomed 
to  disappointment  and  decay.  The  poisoned  fork  of 
their  tongues,  leveled  against  the  pure  character  of 
Washington,  was  ineffectual.  The  great  mass  of  the 
American  people  knew  too  well  the  pure  motives  and 


XXIX.]  FIRST   NATIONAL   CONVENTION.  509 

wisdom  of  the  father  of  their  country,  to  be  led  into 
civil  war,  or  foreign  difficulties  against  his  counsels. 
"Washington  early  perceived  the  evil  tendencies  of  these 
treasonable  organizations,  and  beneath  his  frown  they 
slunk  away  "  like  a  guilty  thing  under  a  terrible  sum 


mons." 


"Washington,  in  his  address  to  Congress,  dated  No 
vember  4th,  1794,  made  these  clubs  a  special  object 
of  his  displeasure.  How  fully  his  remarks,  then,  would 
apply  to  the  clubs  of  the  same  name,  which  have 
afflicted  the  country  for  the  past  eight  years,  let  the 
reader  judge.  He  said: 

"  Having  been  fermented  by  combinations  of  men,  who,  care 
less  of  consequences,  and  disregarding  the  unerring  truth,  that 
those  who  rouse  cannot  always  appease  civil  convulsions,  have 
disseminated,  from  an  ignorance  or  perversion  of  facts,  sus 
picions,  jealousies  and  accusations  of  the  whole  Government." 

At  the  earlier  period  of  national  politics,  no  such 
thing  was  known  as  National  Conventions.  Presidential 
nominations  were  generally  made  by  the  State  Legis 
latures  or  Congressional  Caucuses.  It  was  not  until 
1830  that  the  first  National  Convention  for  the  nomi 
nation  of  President  and  Yice-President  was  held;  this 
was  the  Convention  of  the  Anti-Masonic  party,  which 
met  at  Philadelphia  .in  September  of  that  year. 

The  Democratic  or  Jackson  National  Convention, 
which  convened  at  Baltimore,  May,  1832,  was  the  first 
formal  renunciation  of  the  name  of  Republican  by  that 
party.  Jackson  had  been  nominated  for  the  Presi 
dency  as  early  as  1822,  for  the  Presidential  election 
of  1824,  by  the  State  Legislature  of  Tennessee,  and 
other  bodies  of  the  people.  Up  to  1830,  what  is  now 
known  as  the  Democratic  party,  was  called  Republican 
Democrats. 
33 


510  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

National  Republicans  in  1831. — At  this  period,  when 
great  divisions,  change  of  names,  and  change  of  princi 
ples,  were  going  on  in  the  various  wings  of  the  political 
parties  of  the  country,  a  new  organization,  calling  them 
selves  National  Republicans,  met  at  Baltimore.  They 
convened  on  December  12th,  1831,  and  nominated 
Henry  Clay  for  the  Presidency,  and  John  Sargent  for 
the  Vice-Presidency.  This  party  was  made  up  in  a 
large  measure  of  the  opponents  of  Jackson,  and  of 
members  of  the  Federal  party;  their  candidates  were 
defeated,  and  with  them  went  down  the  name  of  the 
party. 

Federal  Party. — The  Federal  party,  composed  of  the 
leading  men  of  the  Revolutionary  period,  who  favored 
a  vigorous  prosecution  of  the  war,  and  who  labored 
zealously  for  the  formation  of  a  Federal  Union  and 
the  dedicating  of  the  Territories  to  Freedom,  and  had 
supported  Washington  against  the  malignant  and  trai 
torous  schemes  and  attacks  of  the  "  Democratic  Clubs" 
and  Anti-Federalists,  held  its  organization  under  its 
ancient  name  of  Federal  party  until  1831,  when  the 
great  body  of  the  party,  with  other  political  organiza 
tions,  formed  under  the  name  of  the  National  Republican 
party.  But  this  new  name  they  did  not  long  retain. 
They  liked  the  word  Republican;  but  as  the  party  which 
at  that  period,  (1831)  known  as  the  Democratic  party, 
had  been  known  by  the  name  of  Republican  party  from 
1793  up  to  1828,  and  as  all  their  acts  had  been  opposed 
to  what  the  Federalists  conceived  to  be  Republican, 
they  (the  Federalists)  soon  abandoned  the  name  of 
National  Republicans,  and  in  1835  met  in  National 
Convention  at  Harrisburg,  Pennsylvania,  for  the  first 
time,  under  the  title  of  Whigs.  [The  word  Whig,  Ash, 
in  his  dictionary,  informs  us,  is  from  Whiggam — a  term 


XXIX.]  ORIGIN   OF   THE   WHIG   PARTY.  511 

used  in  Scotland  in  driving  horses.  In  1648  a  party 
of  horse  drivers —  Whiggamores — marched  to  Edinburgh 
to  oppose  the  King  and  the  Duke  of  Hamilton ;  at  this 
time  the  name  of  Whig  was  given  to  the  party  oppos 
ing  the  Court.  The  difference  between  the  old  Scot 
tish  Whigs  and  American  Whigs  was,  that  the  former 
drove  horses,  while  the  latter  drove  refractory  and  re 
bellious  Democrats.] 

This  new  party  (Whig)  nominated  William  H.  Har 
rison  for  the  Presidency,  and  John  Tyler  for  the  Vice- 
Presidency.  Martin  Yan  Buren  and  Richard  M.  John 
son,  the  Democratic  candidates,  were  elected. 

With  the  formation  of  the  Republican  party  in 
1856,  the  Whig  party  expired.  In  Chapters  XII  and 
XIV  will  be  found  a  full  account  of  the  origin  of  all 
the  political  parties  in  America  from  the  earliest  period 
to  the  year  1869. 

Republicans  and  Democrats. — As  the  two  political  or 
ganizations,  Republican  and  Democratic,  stand  before 
the  American  people  at  this  time,  they  present  a  forci 
ble  illustration  of  the  principles  which,  at  the  very 
earliest  period  of  the  Government,  placed  the  sup 
porters  of  the  one  upon  the  side  of  constitutional 
freedom,  and  of  the  other  upon  the  narrow  confines 
of  " State  Rights"  and  local  proscriptions. 

Impartial  history  and  the  records  of  the  country 
fully  demonstrate  that  whatever  is  of  freedom  and 
greatness  connected  with  our  Government,  belongs  to 
the  one;  and  whatever  has  been  oppressive,  cruel,  and 
rebellious,  is  the  offspring  of  the  doctrines  and  princi 
ples  of  the  other. 

The  history  of  civil  government  teaches  us  that 
there  is  nothing  in  the  whole  affairs  of  man,  so  difficult 
of  fulfillment  as  the  establishment  and  application  of 


512  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

equal  justice,  and  an  equal  participation  in  the  affairs 
of  Government  by  the  mass  of  the  people.  The  Re 
publics  of  Greece  and  Rome  served  only  to  inspire 
the  people  with  a  hope  of  freedom,  to  be  rendered  the 
more  wretched  when  by  venality  and  treachery  their 
liberties  were  usurped  by  ambitious  leaders. 

Republicanism  in  France,  slowly  fought  its  way 
through  a  sea  of  blood,  only  to  be  grasped  by  the 
hand  of  Napoleon,  and  reduced  to  a  petty  dependence 
upon  his  will.  The  other  Republics  of  the  world, 
ancient  and  modern,  have  always  had  among  their  citi 
zens  those  who  opposed  their  forms  of  government, 
and  were  ready  to  proclaim  in  favor  of  monarchy,  or 
who  would  disrupt  the  ties  of  nationality  and  take  the 
desperate  chances  of  securing  place  and  power  amidst 
the  turmoil  and  wreck  that  would  ensue  from  a  civil  war. 
The  Spanish  American  Republics  of  South  and  Central 
America,  and  the  Republic  of  Mexico,  present  striking 
illustrations  of  this  historic  fact.  In  this,  America 
has  not  been  an  exception;  the  Republic  has  been  as 
prolific  of  petty  tyrants,  as  has  been  any  Government 
of  ancient  or  modern  times,  and  within  their  State 
Governments  have  arrogated  to  themselves  the  com 
plete  disposal  and  control  of  the  lives  and  liberties  of 
large  classes  of  the  citizens.  The  leading  spirits  of 
the  usurping  party  have  been  those  advocating  the 
"  Sovereignty"  of  the  States,  and  denying  to  the  Gen 
eral  Government  any  other  position  than  that  of  an 
agent  appointed  to  supervise  certain  delegated  powers. 
Imbued  with  this  doctrine,  the  local  State  Govern 
ments,  presided  over  by  the  Democracy,  fairly  exhibit 
the  views  of  that  party  upon  the  subject  of  Republi 
can  Government,  and  clearly  exhibit  the  style  of  gov 
ernment  that  they  would  establish  over  the  whole 
Republic,  were  they  in  power. 


XXIX.]         PRINCIPLES   OF   POLITICAL   PARTIES.  513 

When  the  Southern  Democracy  commenced  the  Re 
bellion,  in  1860,  fifteen  of  the  American  States  were 
slaveholding ;  and,  according  to  the  doctrines  and 
practices  of  the  majority  of  their  people,  (Democrats) 
these  were  Sovereign  Nations.  Being  Sovereign  Gov 
ernments,  their  affairs  were  conducted  in  strict  ac 
cordance  with  the  Democratic  views  of  Republican 
Government,  not  only  in  their  holding  no  allegiance 
to  the  Federal  Union,  but  in  the  representative  privi 
leges  of  the  people,  and  from  their  own  stand-point, 
and  by  their  own  laws,  established  by  themselves,  in 
their  own  States,  untrammeled  by  any  officious  inter 
position  of  Whigs,  Abolitionists,  Republicans  or  "Rad 
icals,"  must  we  judge  of  what  would  be  a  Republic,  con 
trolled  and  presided  over  by  the  Democracy. 

The  fifteen  Slave  States,  at  the  breaking  out  of  the 
Rebellion,  were  entirely  destitute  of  any  of  the  quali 
fications  prescribed  by  the  Federal  Constitution  and 
Federal  laws  to  entitle  them  to  the  name  of  Republi 
can  Governments.  Their  Constitutions,  and  the  whole 
range  of  their  State  legislation,  had  been  in  direct 
opposition  tq,  the  Federal  laws  and  the  spirit  of  Repub 
lican  Government.  The  sacred  boon  of  religious  free 
dom,  established  by  the  first  amendment  to  the  National** 
Constitution,  had  been  ruthlessly  violated  and  rendered 
void — depriving  large  classes  of  citizens  of  all  right  to 
participate  in  the  affairs  of  government,  unless  they 
professed  a  certain  religious  faith — thus  as  completely 
establishing  "  Church  and  State  "  as  did  their  natural 
allies,  the  Tories  of  Britain.  In  most  of  these  States, 
also,  property  qualifications  were  imposed,  both  as  a 
requisite  to  casting  a  vote,  or  holding  any  office  of 
profit  or  trust,  thus  completely  retaining  in  the  hands 
of  the  wealthy  classes  the  whole  control  and  patron 
age  of  the  State  Governments. 


514  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

In  most  of  these  States,- Constitutions  were  adopted 
and  laws  enacted  retaining  in  the  hands  of  the  native 
lorn  citizen  all  important  offices,  so  that  by  religious 
proscriptions,  test  oaths,  large  property  qualifications, 
and  stringent  laws  excluding  adopted  citizens  from  office, 
the  States  under  the  control  of  the  Democracy  were 
really  "  Foreign  Nations,"  Anti-Republican,  petty  des 
potisms  established  within  the  territory  of  the  Repub 
lic.  (See  State  Constitutions,  pages  410-34.) 

How  different  the  Constitutions,  laws  and  practices 
of  the  people  and  States  governed  by  the  Republican 
party  were,  must  also  be  gathered  from  their  Constitu 
tions  and  laws.  The  Republican  party,  from  the  earliest 
period  of  the  Government  advocated  and  practiced  the 
doctrine  of  the  supremacy  of  the  Federal  Government ; 
thus  those  imbued  with  these  views,  early  became 
attached  to  the  American  Republic.  In  its  Constitution 
and  laws  they  saw  their  political  and  religious  freedom ; 
in  its  flag  they  saw  the  symbol  of  their  nation's  great 
ness.  The  prosperity  of  each  State  and  Territory  was 
to  them  the  prosperity  of  the  whole  country.  When 
they  traveled  into  foreign  lands  and  were  asked  their 
nationality,  they,  proudly  answered  that  they  were 
*Amerioans — not  with  the  bated  breath  of  the  Southern 
Democrat,  who  never  could  get  his  nationality  beyond 
Georgia  or  Virginia — but  with  an  emotion  and  empha 
sis  indicating  their  love  of  country. 

•The  Constitutions  and  laws  of  those  States  presided 
over  by  Republicans,  were  emiiientty  Republican  in 
spirit  and  practice.  No  religious  proscriptions — no  bur 
densome  property  qualifications — no  laws  depriving 
the  adopted  citizen  of  participating  in  the  affairs  of 
government  existed,  except  in  a  few  unimportant  in 
stances  j  but  full  participation  was  extended  to  every 


XXIX.]         PRINCIPLES   OF   POLITICAL   PARTIES.  .      515 

citizen — those  of  foreign  birth,  as  well  as  the  native 
born — who  was  twenty-one  years  of  age,  regardless  of 
religion  or  property,  to  the  enjoyment  of  equal  rights 
to  the  elective  franchise,  and  to  hold  any  and  all  offices 
in  the  land. 

Of  the  nineteen  Free  States  in  the  Union,  at  the 
breaking  out  of  the  Slaveholders'  Rebellion,  and  wher 
ever  the  Republican  party  was  in  power,  no  property 
qualification,  religious  proscription,  or  distinction  ex 
isted  between  any  of  the  citizens,  with  the  exception  of 
a  clause  in  the  Constitution  of  the  State  of  Maine,  that 
none  but  a  native  citizen  can  hold  the  office  of  Governor 
— and  this  was  enacted  and  adopted  by  the  Democracy 
of  Maine,  while  in  power  in  that  State — and  the  clause 
in  the  Constitution  of  Rhode  Island  requiring  a  small 
property  qualification  in  the  case  of  adopted  citizens  to 
enable  them  to  vote. 

The  two  great  political  organizations  in  America — 
the  Republican  and  Democratic  parties — have  the 
foundation  of  their  principles  in  direct  opposition  to 
each  other.  The  one  resting  its  principles  in  truth 
and  justice;  the  other  based  upon  oppression,  intoler 
ance  and  tyranny.  The  great  moving  principle  of  the 
Republican  party  had  its  origin  and  growth  where  the 
light  of  liberty  first  illuminated  the  dreary  path  of 
man  in  the  New  World.  It  was  born  amidst  the  shouts, 
of  the  conquering  armies  of  New  England,  as  they 
planted  the  flag  of  the  New  Nation  on  Bunker  Hill. 
It  gained  vitality  and  hope  from  the  approving  smile 
of  the  father  of  the  Republic.  With  the  development 
of  religion,  morality,  education,  patriotism  and  true 
chivalry,  it  has  expanded  until  it  stands  forth  the  lib 
erator  of  America — the  hope  of  the  oppressed  of  every 
land. 


516  REPUBLICANISM   IN    AMERICA.  [Chap. 

The  Democratic  party  had  its  origin  in  opposition  to 
the  Federal  Union,  in  denunciation  of  Washington  and 
in  support  of  Robespierre  and  the  "  Democratic  Clubs." 
Its  swaddling  clothes  were  the  bandages  of  human 
slavery.  Its  playing  toys,  chains  and  scourges.  Its 
first  utterances,  commands  and  profanity.  Its  altar, 
the  auction-block.  Its  statesmen  were  rocked  in  in 
fancy  by  the  hand  chained  to  the  cradle,  and  often 
suckled  at  the  breast  of  the  "Old  Mammy"  whose 
price  gave  them  their  first  suit  of  clothes.  Its  vota 
ries  lent  but  sickly  and  unwilling  support  to  the  infant 
Republic.  Its  hosts  entered  into  treason  and  assassi 
nation — draped  the  Nation  in  mourning — converted  the 
land  into  a  vast  burying  ground — incurred  a  burden 
some  debt,  and  well-nigh  obliterated  the  American  Re 
public  from  the  family  of  nations.  And  still  this  party 
lives,  and  seeks  to  control  the  Republic.  It  may  live 
in  name,  but  the  progress  of  the  age  must  soon  destroy 
its  principles — at  war  as  they  are  with  the  first  laws 
of  nature,  and  opposed  to  the  fast-advancing  spirit  of 
liberty.  Under  the  wholesome  administration  of  Re 
publican  Government,  the  refining  influences  of  reli 
gion,  and  the  American  system  of  Free  Schools,  this 
rebellious  element,  which  has  so  many  enemies  of  human 
freedom  within  its  ranks  who  have  so  long  afflicted 
the  American  people,  must  pass  away,  giving  place  to 
an  organization  in  sympathy  with  the  progress  of  the 
age  and  the  natural  rights  of  man.  (For  lists  of  Pres 
idents  and  Presidential  Elections,  see  Appendix;  see 
also  Chapters  XIII  and  XIV.) 


CHAPTER    XXX. 

EDUCATION  IN  AMERICA  BEFORE  THE  REVOLUTION.— FREE  SCHOOLS  FIRST 
ESTABLISHED  IN  NEW  ENGLAND.— WHISKY,  ITS  COST  AND  INFLUENCE.— 
COLLEGES  AND  PROFESSIONAL  SCHOOLS.— NUMBER  OF  COLLEGES  AND 
SCHOOLS  IN  I860.— NUMBER  OF  PUPILS,  FOREIGN  AND  NATIVE.— LIBRARIES 
IN  THE  UNION.— NEWSPAPERS.— HISTORY  OF.— NUMBER  IN  THE  UNION.— 
CALIFORNIA  ISSUES  MOST  PAPERS. 

No  subject  or  interest  connected  with  the  perpetuity 
of  American  Liberty  should  engage  so  much  public 
attention  as  that  of  the  education  of  the  masses  of  the 
people.  Republics,  unlike  Monarchies,  have  their  ex 
istence  in  the  virtue,«patriotism,  and  education  of  the 
masses.  A  striking  illustration  of  this  fact  was  made 
manifest  during  the  Rebellion  of  1861-5.  The  Free 
States  of  America  had  encouraged  the  general  educa 
tion  of  all  classes  from  the  earliest  period  of  the  Gov 
ernment,  while  the  Slave  States  had  discouraged  it. 

As  early  as  1634,  Thomas  Prence,  Governor  of  the 
Colony  of  New  Plymouth,  took  deep  interest  in  agitat 
ing  a  system  of  free  schools  in  the  Colony,  and  an  es 
tablishment  was  effected.  But  no  practicable  public 
interest  was  taken  in  the -subject  until  1672,  when, 
through  the  exertions  of  Thomas  Hinckly,  Governor 
of  New  Plymouth,  in  1680,  free  schools  were  estab 
lished  by  law  in  that  Colony.  Soon  the  system  spread 
through  the  whole  New  England  Colonies,  where  to 
this  day  it  has  gained  popularity  and  strength,  until  it 
is  the  leading  feature  of  American  education. 

The  lack  of  such  establishments  at  the  South,  and 
the  stringent  laws  prohibiting  the  teaching  of  col 
ored  persons  in  the  Slave  States,  is  supposed  to  have 


518  REPUBLICANISM   IN  AMERICA.  [Chap. 

been  a  source  of  strength  to  the  tenets  of  Democracy, 
as  promulgated  in  that  section  of  country.  The  his 
tory  of  the  past  plainly  demonstrates  that  with  the 
appearance  of  free  schools  Democracy,  (as  understood 
by  the  Secession  party,)  languishes,  and  either  dies  out, 
like  the  Aborigines  of  the  country,  or  becomes  con 
verted  to  the  philosophy  of  Republicanism.  The  de 
pletion  of  the  ranks  of  this  class  by  the  armies  of  the 
Republic  during  the  late  Rebellion,  is  but  a  prelude  to 
the  wholesale  havoc  made  upon  them  by  the  free 
school  system  of  the  country  now  inaugurated  at  the 
South. 

The  establishment  of  a  National  Bureau  of  Educa 
tion,  extending  the  free  school  system  to  all  the  States 
and  Territories  in  the  Union,  and  making  it  compulsory 
upon  all  persons,  of  whatever  age,  color,  or  sex,  who 
were  unable  to  read  or  write,  to  attend  such  institu 
tions,  would  be  the  surest  method  of  perpetuating  the 
liberties  of  America,  and  would,  in  a  single  generation, 
extinguish  the  doctrines  as  now  advocated  and  prac 
ticed  by  the  Democratic  party,  and  prepare  its  mem 
bers  for  a  life  of  usefulness  and  a  comprehension  and 
appreciation  of  Republican  Government.  The  Fortieth 
Congress  (1868)  looking  to  this  object,  appointed  a 
commission  to  report  the  most  practicable  method  of 
such  a  system,  and  have  made  appropriation  for  that 
purpose.  Doubtless  this  measure,  if  ever  presented  to 
Congress  for  final  action,  would  meet  with  violent  op 
position  from  the  Democracy,  who  well  know  that  the 
existence  of  their  party  is  better  secured  by  the  "  cor 
ner  grocery"  than  by  the  school  house.  Throughout 
the  whole  country,  wherever  the  Democracy  have  had 
an  opportunity,  they  have  opposed  the  free  school  sys 
tem,  and  in  portions  of  New  York  and  Pennsylvania, 


XXX.]         DEMOCRATIC   HOSTILITY   TO   PROGRESS.  519 

and  in  all  the  late  Slave  States  to  this  day,  they  dis 
courage  these  schools  by  all  means  at  their  disposal, 
and  refuse  to  patronize  them.  Hence,  with"  the  evi 
dence  before  us  that  the  great  body  of  the  Democracy 
are  opposed  to  free  schools,  that  they  opposed,  and 
their  last  President,  (Buchanan,)  vetoed  the  Home 
stead  bill,  that  they  voted  against  any  public  aid  to 
the  Overland  Railroad,  and  that  they  are,  on  general 
principles,  opposed  to  education,  progress,  and  free 
dom,  it  is  fair  to  conclude  that  if  the  country  ever  has 
a  system  of  schools  that  would  " reconstruct"  the  De 
mocracy,  that  it  must  be  established  by  the  Republican 
party.  Any  system  of  taxation,  or  the  sale  of  the  pub 
lic  domain  to  establish  this  needed  institution,  would 
in  the  end  be  a  saving  to  the  country.  Indeed,  such 
a  plan  of  education  is  indispensable,  particularly  in 
Democratic  districts. 

A  tax  of  one  or  two  dollars  per  gallon  on  whisky 
for  the  maintenance  of  education,  would  afford  a  suf 
ficient  fund  to  extend  free  schools  to  the  entire  coun 
try.  But  doubtless  such  a  proposition  would  meet 
with  even  greater  opposition  from  the  Democracy  than 
did  the  Homestead  bills  or  the  Overland  Railroad;  for 
of  all  the  "  necessaries  of  life,"  whisky  is  the  one  upon 
which  the  Democracy  cannot  endure  taxation.  ' l  Rump 
Congresses"  and  " Radical  rule"  may  tax  the  bread 
that  they  eat,  and  the  shoes  they  wear,  but  let  them 
spare  whisky.  Doubtless  the  "tender  feelings"  of  the 
Fortieth  Congress  were  enlisted  in  this  delicate  sub 
ject  when,  immediately  preceding  the  Presidential 
election  of  1868,  they  reduced  the  tax  on  whisky  from 
$2  to  sixty  cents  per  gallon.  To  this  happy  stroke  of 
policy  the  Democracy  may  in  a  great  measure  attribute 
their  success  in  carrying  seven  States  out  of  the  thirty- 


520 


REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA. 


[Chap. 


four  casting  votes.  The  party  carried  but  three  States 
in  1864,  so  it  will  be  seen  that  they  gained /<rar  States, 
but  two  of  these  were  members  of  the  late  Confederacy 
— Georgia  and  Louisiana — the  others  were  New  York 
and  Oregon. 

According  to  Democratic  views,  the  country  "  groans 
under  oppressive  taxation."  The  great  National  debt, 
"  incurred  by  the  Radicals,"  is  already  more  than  they 
can  endure.  How  could  they,  therefore,  stand  a  tax 
on  whisky  for  educational  purposes  ?  But  let  us  see 
what  rum  and  the  Democracy  are  doing  for  the  inter 
ests  of  the  Republic. 

The  reports  of  Commissioner  Wells  to  Congress, 
from  the  official  and  sworn  returns  of  the  retail  liquor- 
dealers  of  the  United  States,  show  that  the  value  of 
the  liquors  retailed  by  them  annually  is  as  follows: 


New  York $246,617,520 

Pennsylvania 152,663,495 

Illinois 119,933,945 

Ohio ...151,734,875 

Massachusetts 27,979,575 

Maryland 40,561,620 

Missouri 54,627,855 

Indiana 51,418,890 

California 59,924,090 

Kentucky.- 50,223,115 

Wisconsin 43,818,845 

Michigan 52,784,170 

Iowa 35,582,695 

Connecticut 35,001,230 

New  Jersey 42,468,740 

Maine 8,257,015 

Khode  Island 19,234,240 

New  Hampshire...   12,629,175 

Minnesota 14,394,970 

Dist.  Columbia 10,376,450 

Vermont 6,786,065 


Kansas $  8,503,856 

Louisiana 48,021,730 

Tennessee 20,283,635 

Georgia 25,328,465 

Virginia 26,132,905 

Alabama 23,025,385 

Texas 21,751,250 

South  Carolina 10,610,625 

North  Carolina.  . . .  13,224,340 

West  Virginia 8,806,235 

Arkansas 7,858,320 

Delaware 3,770,355 

Mississippi 4,493,305 

Oregon 4,261,240 

Nevada 4,838,735 

Nebraska 3,290,515 

Colorado 3,745,215 

The  Territories 14,169,400 


Total $1,483,491,865 


XXX.]  COST   OF   LIQUORS  IN  AMERICA.  521 

The  mere  value  of  the  liquors  drank  by  the  people 
in  one  year  in  the  United  States  is,  therefore,  nearly 
fifteen  hundred  millions  of  dollars. 

If  to  this  is  added  the  cost  attending  the  manufac 
ture  from  the  time  the  ground  is  plowed  for  the  corn, 
rye,  or  other  articles  from  which  it  is  manufactured, 
including  the  labor  of  every  description,  in  men,  ani 
mals  and  machinery,  up  to  the  moment  that  it  enters 
the  throat  of  the  consumer,  it  will  amount  to  at  least 
fifty  per  cent,  of  the  gross  sales — thus  making  at  least 
in  direct  cost  the  sum  of  $2,225,247,647,  or  a  sum 
within  a  fraction  of  the  total  debt  of  the  United 
States,  which  was  on  the  1st  day  of  December,  1868, 
$2,645,711,164  54.  Thus,  it  will  be  seen  that  if  those 
who  protest  so  loudly  against  taxation,  hard  times  and 
oppressive  "Radical  rule,"  were  to  stop  drinking  spirit 
uous  liquors  for  one  year,  they  would  save  to  the  coun 
try  a  sum  sufficient  to  pay  off  the  entire  National  debt. 

But  the  figures  above  are  not  all  that  rum  costs  the 
people.  The  wives  and  children  of  many  of  the 
drinkers  are  rendered  burdens  of  public  charity,  while 
many  of  the  consumers  and  venders  live  lives  of  idle 
ness,  picking  up  a  precarious  living  from  the  industry 
of  the  sober,  and  engaged  in  the  commission  of  crime, 
for  which  expensive  courts,  jails,  prisons,  work-houses 
and  hospitals  have  to  be  maintained  •  valuable  time  lost 
from  useful  employments  and  a  general  wreck  of  mat 
ter — physical  and  mental  disease  contracted — amount 
ing  in  all  to  a  sum  not  less  per  annum  than  the  cost 
of  the  liquor,  which  in  a  grand  total  is  not  less  than 
$4,450,500,000,  or  double  the  entire  National  debt, 
that  Sum  costs  the  Nation  annually. 

To  know  who  upholds  this  traffic  and  inflicts  the 
country  with  this  oppressive  burden,  it  is  only  neces- 


522  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

sary  to  say,  that  in  and  out  of  Congress  the  Democracy 
are  the  champions  of  "Free  Rum;"  that  seven  out  of 
every  ten  of  the  men  and  women  engaged  in  the  traffic 
in  the  Republic  are  Democrats,  and  while  the  same 
ratio  exists  as  to  those  who  drink  the  beverage  over 
the  counters  of  tippling-houses,  let  it  be  understood, 
that  the  capacity  and  endurance  of  the  Democracy  in 
the  destruction  of  the  fluid,  is  at  least  a  hundred  per 
cent,  more  than  the  average  of  other  people. 

With  the  establishment  of  free  schools  in  New  Eng 
land  came  the  necessity  of  establishing  institutions  of 
learning — the  founding  of  colleges  and  universities. 
The  progress  made  in  this  very  important  branch  by 
the  pioneer  colonists,  may  be  learned  from  the  fact 
that  previous  to  1775,  ten  colleges  and  professional 
schools  had  been  established  in  the  Union;  all  these 
were  still  in  existence  in  1860.  In  1791,  there  were 
twenty-one  colleges  and  professional  schools,  including 
those  already  mentioned ;  the  whole  number  of  educa 
tional  establishments  in  the  Republic,  in  1860,  was 
113,006,  in  which  there  were  employed  148,742 
teachers,  giving  instruction  to  5,417,880  persons  of 
native  birth,  and  252,091  foreigners,  making  a  total 
of  5,669,164;  of  the  foregoing  institutions,  445  were 
colleges,  with  54,969  students.  There  were  of  these, 
also,  academies  and  other  schools,  except  public  scho 
lastic  institutions,  6,636,  in  which  455,559  pupils  were 
instructed.  The  public  schools  numbered  106,915, 
and  the  number  of  scholars  in  them  was  4,917,552. 
In  1860  there  were  in  the  Union  27,730  libraries, 
containing  13,316,379  volumes. 

The  Newspaper  Press. --The  Newspaper  Press  of 
America  is  the  great  conservator  of  the  liberties  of  the 
people.  Through  the  press  the  masses  of  the  people 


XXX.]  NEWSPAPER  PRESS.  523 

are  brought  into  familiar  contact  with  every  public 
interest  and  public  man.  The  legislative,  executive 
and  judicial  proceedings  of  the  Nation  and  of  each 
State  are  kept  constantly  before  the  people — it  is  the 
current  history  of  the  times,  wherein  the  shortcomings 
of  political  parties  and  of  individuals  are  portrayed, 
and  through  which  an  avenue  is  kept  open  for  the 
vindication  of  public  interests  and  the  redressing  of 
public  and  private  wrongs. 

That  the  usefulness  and  sphere  of  the  press  is  often 
prostituted  to  the  base  purposes  of  partisan  interests, 
and  is  thereby  often  rendered  a  source  of  great  cor 
ruption,  both  in  public  and  private  affairs,  cannot 
be  denied.  The  unprincipled  and  bigoted  editor  may, 
in  some  secluded  cell,  vent  his  personal  or  partisan 
spleen,  and  suppose  he  is  safe  from  attack;  but  as 
the  strong  arm  of  the  law  shields  the  individual,  so  pop 
ular  opinion  shields  principles,  and  stands  as  a  sentinel 
at  the  door  of  the  editorial  sanctum  to  warn  the 
offender. 

The  liberty  enjoyed  by  the  press  in  America  is  a 
sure  safeguard  to  our  political  freedom ;  for  no  man, 
nor  combination  of  men,  however  exalted  the  positions 
they  occupy,  can  with  impunity  transgress  the  privi 
leges  and  liberties  of  the  people,  and  withstand  the 
power  of  the  press.  Duplicity  and  fraud  may  be  prac 
ticed  in  the  private  affairs  of  men ;  but  when  they  are 
attempted  in  connection  with  public  offices,  they  are 
exposed  by  the  just  interposition  of  that  public  moni 
tor,  the  newspaper  press,  which  possesses  that  freedom 
in  America,  which,  while  all  the  rights  of  the  individ 
ual  are  secured,  both  the  sphere  and  usefulness  of  the 
press  are  enlarged. 

The  history  of  the  newspaper  origin  and  growth  in 


524  REPUBLICANISM   IN  AMERICA.  [Chap. 

the  United  States  is  one  of  interest.  Like  most  of 
the  institutions  that  have  made  us  a  great  people,  it 
had  its  origin  in  New  England.  The  first  printing 
press  in  America  was  purchased  in  England  by  the 
Rev.  Jesse  Glover,  in  1628,  eight  years  after  the  land 
ing  of  the  Pilgrims.  Glover  died  a  few  days  before 
the  ship,  upon  which  he  was,  reached  America.  The 
press  was  established  at  Cambridge,  Massachusetts. 
The  Academy  that  finally  grew  into  Cambridge  Uni 
versity  had  been  already  commenced;  and  the  press 
alluded  to,  was  used  for  the  printing  of  pamphlets  and 
books,  among  which  were  translations  of  the  Bible 
into  the  Indian  language. 

This  press  was  in  operation  for  forty  years,  before 
any  other  was  established  in  any  of  the  other  Colo 
nies.  Stephen  Day,  who  came  from  London  with  Mr. 
Glover,  was  the  first  printer  in  America.  Samuel 
Green,  who  succeeded  Day,  in  1649,  was  the  second 
printer  in  the  Colonies.  In  1671,  the  general  Govern 
ment  of  the  Colony  ordered  the  publication  of  the 
laws.  John  Ushar,  a  bookseller,  applied  for  permis 
sion  to  publish  them  on  his  own  account;  he  procured 
the  passage  of  an  Act  to  prevent  Mr.  Green,  or  any 
other  person,  from  publishing  extra  copies.  This  was 
the  origin  of  copyright  in  America. 

The  first  newspaper  published  in  North  America, 
was  the  News  Letter,  published  at  Boston,  Massachu 
setts,  in  April,  1704,  by  John  Campbell;  the  printing 
was  done  by  Bartholomew  Green;  it  was  printed  on  a 
sheet  about  the  size  of  foolscap. 

The  second  newspaper  in  America  was  also  published 
in  Boston — the  Gazette.  The  first  issue  was  made  in 
December,  1719,  by  William  Brooker;  it  was  printed 
on  a  half  sheet  of  foolscap,  by  James  Franklin,  brother 


XXX.]  NEWSPAPER  PRESS.  525 

of  Benjamin  Franklin.  James  Franklin  was  soon  ar 
rested  and  thrown  into  prison,  for  the  conduct  of  his 
paper;  during  his  imprisonment,  his  brother  Benja 
min's  name  was  inserted  in  the  paper,  who  continued 
its  publication.  This  paper  expired  in  1727.  James 
Franklin  then  removed  to  Rhode  Island,  and  estab 
lished,  at  Newport,  the  first  paper  published  in  that 
State. 

The  next  paper  in  the  Colonies  was  also  established 
at  Boston,  in  1731,  by  Thomas  Fleet— the  Weekly  Re 
hearsal.  He  also  afterwards  established  the  Evening  Post. 

More  than  twenty  years  had  elapsed  from  the  estab 
lishment  of  a  newspaper  in  Boston,  before  one  was 
published  in  New  York.  The  Gazette  was  started  in 
October,  1725,  by  William  Bradford.  It  was  printed 
on  a  half  sheet  of  foolscap.  Eighty  years  after  the  es 
tablishment  of  the  Gazette,  the  New  York  Weekly 
Journal  was  commenced,  by  John  Philip  Lerger. 
Bradford  gave  up  his  paper,  and  it  was  soon  issued  by 
James  Parker,  under  the  title  of  the  New  York  Gazette 
and  Weekly  Post  Boy.  The  Evening  Post  was  the  next 
paper  published  in  New  York.  Henry  DeForest  was 
the  proprietor.  The  New  York  Mercury  was  com 
menced  in  1752,  and  in  1763  the  title  was  changed  to 
the  New  York  Gazette  and  Weekly  Mercury.  Hugh 
Gaines  was  the  proprietor.  Another  paper,  published 
by  a  Mr.  Wyman,  was  established  in  New  York  in 
1760,  and  called  the  New  York  Gazette.  During  the 
years  1761—2  the  New  York  Chronicle  was  published, 
but  soon  died.  Next  came  the  New  York  Pacquet,  in 
1763;  it  was  short  lived.  The  New  York  Journal  or 
General  Advertiser  was  started  in  1766,  by  Mr.  Holt. 
In  1783  Holt  resumed  the  publication  of  his  paper, 
which  had  been  suspended  for  some  time.  He  issued 
34 


526  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

it  under  the  title  of  The  Independent  Gazette,  or  the  New 
York  Journal  Revived.  In  1733  Rivington  began  his 
paper,  under  the  title  of  Rivington 's  New  York  Gazette, 
or  Connecticut,  New  Jersey,  Hudson's  River,  and  Quebec 
Weekly  Advertiser.  Shortly  after  this  Rivington  estab 
lished  the  New  York  Royal  Gazette.  In  1783  he 
changed  the  name  to  Rivington' s  New  York  Gazette  and 
Universal  Advertiser. 

I  must  here  cease  to  detail  the  several  newspapers, 
as  they  have  made  their  advent  into  our  country,  and 
give  a  few  figures  showing  the  number  now  in  the 
country  and  in  circulation. 

The  rnpidity  with  which  the  newspaper  press  finds 
its  way  into  the  Territories  and  new  States,  is  a  most 
remarkable  feature  of  American  civilization.  Through 
out  the  vast  West,  and  the  valleys  and  mountains  of 
the  Pacific  Coast,  wherever  an  hundred  persons  dwell, 
there  will  be  established  a  newspaper.  Nor  are  they 
confined  alone  to  the  English  language,  but  are  pub 
lished  in  German,  French,  Spanish,  and  Italian;  and 
in  California,  at  least  in  one  instance,  an  attempt  has 
been  made  to  publish  one  in  the  Chinese,  and  in  Sitka 
one  is  published  in  Russian. 

As  early  as  the  year  1775,  37  presses  were  in  opera 
tion  in  the  Colonies,  and  40  at  the  beginning  of  the 
Revolution.  In  1788  the  weekly  press  emitted  77,000 
copies,  while  the  annual  issue  was  upwards  of  4,000,- 
000. 

There  were  in  the  Union  in  1850,  2,526  newspapers, 
with  an  annual  circulation  of  426,409,978.  In  1860 
there  were  4,051  newspapers,  with  an  annual  circula 
tion  of  928,000,000  copies.  The  annual  receipts  of  a 
single  leading  paper  had  reached  over  one  million  of 
dollars.  At  the  present  day  there  must  be  at  least 
5,500  newspapers  published  in  the  United  States;  while 


XXX.]  NEWSPAPER   PRESS.  527 

in  Great  Britain,  in  1868,  there  are  but  913  published 
in  the  whole  Kingdom,  as  follows:  London,  21  dailies, 
28  weeklies,  and  6  illustrated  papers.  (The  first  news 
paper  in  Great  Britain  was  published  in  1588.)  Eng 
land,  outside  of  London,  650;  Wales,  43;  Ireland  125; 
and  Scotland,  140.  The  United  States,  with  a  popu 
lation  about  equal  to  that  of  Great  Britain,  has  4,587 
more  newspaper  presses  than  the  whole  Empire — more 
than  six  to  one.  Surely  Republicanism  conduces  to 
an  inquiry  after  information. 

Of  the  4,051  newspapers  published  in  the  United 
States  in  1860,  but  1,140  were  published  within  the 
limits  of  the  fifteen  Slave  States  and  the  District  of 
Columbia;  while  in  the  nineteen  Free  States  then  in 
the  Union,  there  were  2,911  published.  In  the  fifteen 
Slave  States  63  religious  newspapers  were  published, 
while  in  the  nineteen  Free  States  214  of  this  class  were 
published. 

Of  the  928,000,000  newspapers  issued  in  the  Union 
in  1860,  there  were  but  178,900,292  of  them  issued  in 
the  fifteen  Slave  States,  while  there  were  issued  in  the 
nineteen  Free  States  749,099,708. 

Some  interesting  facts  will  be  found  in  an  examina 
tion  of  the  influence  of  the  institution  of  Slavery,  in 
retarding  the  progress  of  education  and  the  circulation 
of  reading  matter  for  the  masses  of  the  people. 

In  1860,  the  population  of  the  State  of  Virginia  was 
1,596,318;  her  issue  of  newspapers  at  that  time  was 
26,772,568.  The  population  of  Massachusetts,  at  the 
same  time,  was  1,231,066—365,252  less  than  that  of 
Virginia;  the  newspaper  issue  of  Massachusetts  was 
102,000,760.  Thus,  it  will  be  seen  that  Massachusetts 
issued,  with  a  population  of  365,252  less  than  that 
of  Virginia,  almost  four  times  as  many  in  the  aggre 
gate  as  did  the  State  of  Virginia. 


528  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

The  population  of  Alabama  in  1860,  was  964,201; 
and  that  of  California  at  the  same  time,  was  379,994. 
Alabama  issued  7,175,444  newspapers.  California  is 
sued  26,111,788 — almost  four  times  as  many  as  did  the 
State  of  Alabama,  notwithstanding  that  California  had 
only  a  little  over  one-third  the  population  of  Alabama. 
If  California  had  issued  newspapers  in  proportion  to 
her  population,  as  compared  with  the  issue  of  Alabama, 
instead  of  issuing  26,111,788,  she  would  have  issued 
only  about  2,391,800  per  annum. 

The  State  of  Virginia,  "  the  mother  of  Presidents," 
and  one  of  the  original  Thirteen  Colonies,  had,  in 
1860,  a  population  of  1,596,318 — almost  five  times  as 
many  as  California,  yet  she  issued  only  26,772,568 
newspapers — but  a  fraction  more  than  California; 
whereas,  if  she  had  issued  newspapers  in  proportion  to 
her  population,  as  did  California  in  proportion  to  hers, 
she  would  have  put  in  circulation  about  130,500,000 
per  annum. 

In  1860,  the  population  of  the  seven  Slave  States  of 
North  Carolina,  South  Carolina,  Texas,  Florida,  Dela 
ware,  Arkansas,  and  Alabama,  was  3,952,836;  while 
their  total  newspaper  issue  was  but  27,763,254 — a  frac 
tion  over  the  issue  of  the  State  of  California,  with  a 
population  of  only  379,.994.  Thus,  these  seven  States 
had  more  than  ten  times  the  population  of  California; 
and  if  they  had  issued  newspapers  in  proportion  to  their 
population,  as  did  California,  they  would  have  issued 
about  262,000,000  per  annum.  Let  it  be  understood, 
that  while  California  stood  almost  equal  with  seven  of 
the  Slave  States  in  the  issue  of  newspapers,  she  had 
but  one-tenth  of  their  population,  and  ten  years  previous 
was  a  Mexican  Territory,  inhabited  only  by  the  Indians 
and  wild  beasts. 


XXX.]  NEWSPAPER  PRESS.  529 

California,  in  1860,  with  her  little  population  of 
379,994,  issued  almost  as  many  newspapers  as  did  the 
great  State  of  Illinois,  with  her  1,711,951  inhabitants — 
the  latter  State  issued  27,464,764  papers.  Illinois  had 
about  four  and  a  half  times  as  many  inhabitants  as 
California,  and  if  she  had  issued  from  her  newspaper 
press  in  proportion  to  her  inhabitants  as  did  Califor 
nia,  she  would  have  made  an  annual  issue  of  about 
117,500,000,  instead  of  27,464,764. 

The  average  issue  of  newspapers  in  the  Union  in 
1860  was  about  thirty  to  each  person  of  the  whole 
population.  The  average  in  the  Slave  States  was  only 
about  fourteen  and  one-quarter  to  each  person,  while 
in  the  nineteen  Free  States  it  was  about  forty  to  each 
person.  The  total  issue  in  the  fifteen  Slave  States  was 
178,900,292,  while  in  the  nineteen  Free  States  it  was 
749,099,708. 

The  three  Free  States  of  New  York,  California,  and 
Indiana,  issued  as  many  newspapers  in  1860  as  did  the 
fifteen  Slave  States.  The  smallest  issue  was  in  the 
States  of  North  Carolina  and  South  Carolina.  In  those 
two  combined  the  issue  was  less  than  five  papers  to 
each  inhabitant  per  annum. 

California  took  the  lead  of  all  her  sisters.  She  is 
sued  about  sixty-nine  papers  per  annum  for  each  of 
her  inhabitants — 29  per  cent,  more  than  the  average 
of  the  Free  States,  and  largely  in  advance  of  any  State 
in  the  Union.  Her  newspaper  issue  in  1860  was,  in 
proportion  to  her  population,  the  largest  of  any  State 
or  country  in  the  world.  The  increase  from  that  time 
to  the  present  (1869)  has  placed  her  far  in  advance  of 
any  part  of  the  world. 

In  1860  New  York,  Pennsylvania,  and  Massachu 
setts  issued  539,026,124  copies,  being  more  than  half 
the  issue  of  the  whole  Union. 


CHAPTER    XXXI. 

PEESIDENTIAL  ELECTION  OF  1868.— ULYSSES  S.  GRANT  ELECTED  PRESIDENT.— 
SCHUYLER  COLFAX,  VICE-PRESIDENT.— HORATIO  SEYMOUR  AND  FRANCIS 
P.  BLAIR  DEFEATED.— REPUBLICAN  AND  DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTIONS.— 
VOTES  CAST  FOR  EACH  PARTY.— JOHNSON'S  AMNESTY  PROCLAMATIONS.— 
BIOGRAPHICAL  SKETCH  OF  GRANT.  — "  UNCONDITIONAL  SURRENDER."— 
"  FIGHT  IT  OUT  ON  THIS  LINE."— HOW  PRESIDENTS  ARE  ELECTED. 

THE  political  affairs  of  the  Republic  during  the  year 
1868,  were  intensified  by  the  excitement  incident  to 
the  Presidential  election.  Since  the  election  in  1864, 
changes  greater  than  had  taken  place  at  any  period  of 
the  Nation's  history  had  transpired.  Within  that 
period  the  Southern  Confederacy  had  expired,  the 
whole  rebel  forces  had  surrendered,  and  the  supremacy 
of  Federal  authority  had  been  established  over  the 
entire  South.  Abraham  Lincoln  had  been  assassinated 
by  Democratic  conspiracy.  The  Yice-President,  An 
drew  Johnson,  became  President;  had  abandoned  the 
party  and  principles  of  the  party  by  which  he  had 
been  elected;  had  defied  the  Federal  Congress  and 
the  people  by  assumptions  of  dictatorial  authority  over 
the  Legislative  department  of  the  Nation,  and  had 
been  put  on  trial  under  charges  of  impeachment  for 
high  crimes  and  misdemeanors.  The  Southern  States, 
with  the  exception  of  Virginia,  Texas  and  Mississippi, 
had  adopted  Constitutions  in  harmony  with  the  spirit 
of  Republican  government,  and  had  returned  to  the 
Union.  The  Federal  Constitution  had  been  amended, 
extending  civil  rights  to  the  masses,  and  enlarging  and 
increasing  the  rights  and  numbers  of  voters  through 
out  the  country.  The  army  and  navy  had  been  re- 


XXXI.]  NATIONAL   PROGRESS  IN   1868.  531 

duced  to  a  peace  footing,  and  the  country  was  generally 
prosperous  and  tranquil.  A  great  addition  had  been 
made  to  the  territorial  area  of  the  Nation,  by  the 
purchase  of  Russian  America  (Alaska),  and  negotia 
tions  almost  completed  for  the  purchase  of  the  Islands 
of  St.  John's  and  St.  Thomas,  in  the  West  Indies. 
Throughout  the  Union  the  people  generally  were  well 
disposed  toward  the  late  insurgents.  Nebraska  had 
been  admitted  a  State  into  the  Union.  New  guarantees 
had  been  obtained  from  European  nations  respecting 
the  rights  of  adopted  citizens  of  America  abroad. 
Security  and  confidence  were  felt  in  the  National  Con 
gress  to  adjust  and  establish  the  political  affairs  of  the 
late  rebel  States  upon  the  principles  of  Constitutional 
Freedom.  The  great  overland  railroad,  connecting  the 
Atlantic  and  Pacific  States,  which  had  been  projected 
in  1862,  had  so  far  advanced  as  to  reduce  the  time  of 
travel  between  New  York  City  and  San  Francisco  to 
ten  days.  (This  road  will  be  completed  and  trains 
running  direct  between  San  Francisco  and  New  York, 
in  the  summer  of  1869.)  Rich  discoveries  of  mineral 
wealth  in  the  Pacific  States  and  Territories,  together 
with  abundant  harvests  and  active  employment  at 
increased  prices  for  labor,  had  added  materially  to 
the  wealth  and  prosperity  of  the  country.  The  pas 
sage  of  a  law  making  eight  hours  a  day's  labor  in 
all  employments  of  the  Federal  Government,  with  a 
clear  working  majority  of  the  liberal  party  in  both 
branches  of  the  National  Congress,  with  increasing 
majorities  in  the  State  Legislatures  in  favor  of  the 
policy  of  Congress  in  reference  to  the  reconstruction 
of  the  late  rebellious  States,  inspired  the  friends  of 
freedom  with  hope  for  the  complete  overthrow  of  the 
heresies  of  the  Democracy,  and  the  permanent  estab- 


532  REPUBLICANISM   IN    AMERICA.  [Chap. 

lishment  of  governments  in  every  State  in  the  Union 
in  conformity  with  the  requirements  of  the  Constitu 
tion  and  the  progressive  spirit  of  the  age. 

As  the  time  for  making  nominations  for  the  Presi 
dency  approached,  the  interests  of  the  people  to  main 
tain  the  reins  of  government  in  the  hands  of  the  party 
that  rescued  the  life  of  the  Nation  from  the  Democ 
racy,  became  manifest.  The  Republican  party  which 
had  had  control  of  the  Government  since  the  spring 
of  1861,  had  in  addition  to  their  salutary  laws  and 
constitutional  enfranchisement  of  a  large  class  of 
American  citizens,  achieved  military  victories  over  the 
Southern  Democracy,  equaled  only  by  the  emancipa 
tion  of  four  millions  of  Americans  by  the  Proclama 
tion  of  Abraham  Lincoln.  Thus,  standing  as  the 
representative  head  of  the  progressive  masses  of  the 
Nation,  it  was  thought  that  a  certain  and  easy  victory 
would  carry  the  party  again  triumphantly  over  the 
Democracy,  who  now,  encouraged  by  the  apostacy  of 
Andrew  Johnson  to  the  party  and  principles  by  which 
he  was  elected,  and  his  assumptions  to  extend  govern 
ments  to  the  conquered  States  in  defiance  of  the  Na 
tional  Congress,  without  demanding  any  repentance 
for  the  past  or  guarantees  for  the  future,  became  defiant 
of  Federal  authority,  and  once  more  the  Democracy — 
late  rebels  in  arms,  " anti-coercionists,"  "neutrals,"  and 
every  shade  of  the  Democracy — rallied  to  the  support 
of  the  "  time-honored  principles  of  the  Democratic 
party,"  (whatever  they  are)  and  entered  upon  the 
campaign  with  great  activity.  The  verdict  of -the  peo 
ple  against  them  in  1864,  when  out  of  the  twenty-five 
States  then  represented  they  carried  but  three,  and  two 
of  them  Slave  States,  did  not  seem  to  be  a  wholesome 
warning  to  them  that  the  liberty-loving  people  of  the 


XXXI.]          PRESIDENTIAL   ELECTION    OF    1868.  533 

Republic  wanted  no  more  of  the  heresies  of  the  party 
— but  this  time  they  expected  the  cooperation  of 
Davis'  late  subjects  in  the  eight  rebel  States  returned 
to  the  Union. 

The  Republican  National  Convention  met  at  Chi 
cago,  Illinois,  on  the  20th  of  May,  1868,  and  nominated 
by  acclamation  for  the  Presidency,  Ulysses  S.  Grant, 
the  leader  of  the  victorious  armies  of  the  Republic. 

Ulysses  S.  Grant  was  not  merely  the  nominee  of  the 
Chicago  Convention,  for  almost  a  year  before  that  body 
assembled  he  was  the  acknowledged  choice  of  the  en 
tire  Republican  party,  and  the  Convention  but  ratified 
and  gave  practical  shape  to  the  will  of  the  people  in 
their  choice.  The  names  of  other  illustrious  patriots 
had  been  mentioned  prior  to  the  meeting  of  the  Con 
vention  at  Chicago,  but  all  eyes  were  directed  towards 
the  bright  star  of  hope,  victory,  and  liberty,  that  in 
the  darkest  nights  of  the  Nation's  trials  had  lit  up  the 
Southern  sky,  beneath  which  marched  the  mighty  and 
conquering  Army  of  the  Republic.  To  this  modest 
American,  with  his  calm  and  steady  purpose,  unfalter 
ing  patriotism  and  devotion,  combined  with  his  match 
less  military  skill,  more  than  to  any  other  man,  is 
America  indebted  for  her  safe  issue  from  the  terrible 
crusade  of  the  Democracy;  and  he  is  a  fit  subject,  in 
the  hour  of  National  greatness  and  repose,  to  receive 
from  the  hands  of  a  generous  and  freedom  loving  peo 
ple,  the  highest  civil  office  in  the  Nation;  and  as  they 
had  proclaimed  him  the  chief  of  the  conquering  armies 
of  freedom,  so  well  might  they  add  to  his  exalted  mili 
tary  fame  the  honors  conferred  upon  the  first  military 
champion  of  America,  so  that  in  civil  honors  the  three 
great  names  of  America's  patriots — Washington,  Lin 
coln,  and  Grant — may  stand  forth  in  equal  lustre,  the 
pride  of  every  lover  of  human  freedom. 


534  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

The  Convention  at  the  same  time  nominated  for  the 
Vice-Presidency  Schuyler  Colfax,  of  Indiana,  for  many 
years  past  Speaker  of  the  National  Congress,  and  one 
of  America's  patriots,  fully  imbued  with  the  spirit  of 
progressive  Republicanism;  a  warm  friend  and  zealous 
supporter  of  the  rights  of  the  adopted  citizen  at  home 
and  abroad.  He  was  a  warm  advocate  of  the  Home 
stead  bill,  extending  to  actual  settlers  160  acres  of 
land  at  twenty-five  cents  per  acre.  This  bill,  it  will 
be  remembered,  was  vetoed  by  the  last  of  the  Demo 
cratic  Presidents,  James  Buchanan,  because  it  was,  he 
said,  unconstitutional. 

The  Democratic  National  Convention  met  at  New 
York  city,  on  July  4th,  1868,  where,  after  three  days' 
struggle  between  the  champions  of  the  various  wings, 
a  nomination  was  effected.  Horatio  Seymour,  of  New 
York,  was  nominated  for  the  Presidency.  Mr.  Sey 
mour  had  strong  claims  upon  the  Democracy.  He  did 
not  go  South,  it  is  true,  to  assist  that  wing  of  his  party, 
but  he  did  service  fully  as  important.  He  was  Gov 
ernor  of  the  State  of  New  York  during  the  war,  and 
to  his  vigilance  is  the  party  indebted  for  his  opposing 
the  recruiting  of  soldiers  for  the  Union  Army,  and  his 
bland  acquiescence  in  the  riots,  arsons,  and  other  "  lit 
tle  operations"  of  his  party.  He  has  been  a  "life  long 
Democrat,"  and  doubtless  would  have  served  his  party 
with  fidelity  in  whatever  position  they  might  have 
placed  him.  (The  reader  is  referred  to  a  letter  from 
George  N.  Sanders  to  this  Democratic  apostle,  in 
another  chapter  of  this  volume.) 

The  nominee  of  the  Convention  for  the  Vice-Presi 
dency  was  Francis  P.  Blair.  .  Mr.  Blair's  only  claims 
upon  the  party  that  nominated  him  were  his  failure  to 
inflict  any  punishment  upon  them  while  he  held  a 


XXXI.]          PRESIDENTIAL   ELECTION   OF    1868.  535 

General's  commission  in  the  Union  Army  during  the 
Rebellion,  and  his  apostasy  to  the  Union  party  and  the 
principles  of  constitutional  freedom. 

The  New  York  Convention  presented  a  more  rebel 
lious  aspect,  if  possible,  than  did  the  Convention  of 
the  same  party  at  Chicago,  in  1864.  This  time  a  des 
perate  effort  must  be  made  to  save  the  life  of  the  tot 
tering  Democracy.  Eight  years  before  the  whole  party 
were  expelled  from  the  public  manger,  where  they  had 
fed  themselves  and  families  for  five  generations.  Eight 
long  and  weary  years  deprived  of  public  patronage, 
had  worn  the  p&rty  threadbare.  The  old  Democratic 
nag,  upon  whose  back  had  been  packed  so  many  shape 
less  but  oppressive  burdens,  presented  a  sad  spectacle. 
The  good  old  days  of  public  plunder  had  departed. 
The  Government  poorlwuse  no  longer  afforded  him 
shelter.  Long  had  he  wandered  a  miserable  fugitive, 
and  in  the  pitiless  peltings  of  winter's  storm,  plucked 
the  short  grass  and  tasteless  stubble  upon  the  dreary 
solitude  of  Democratic  disappointment.  Often  had  he, 
in  the  darkness  of  night,  lost  the  last  ray  of  light  from 
the  star  of  hope,  which  flickered  fitfully,  like  a  will-o'- 
the-wisp,  as  Sherman  was  "  marching  through  Geor 
gia."  More  than  once  had  he,  as  all  hope  of  the 
" cause"  died  out,  wended  his  way  with  drooping 
mein  and  jaded  step  toward  the  slough  of  despond, 
from  which  he  was  rescued  by  a  ray  of  light  from  the 
camp-fires  of  the  "  faithful,"  who  still,  amidst  disaster, 
trimmed  the  dim  lamp  of  Democratic  faith,  or  by  the 
friendly  hand  of  some  "conservative"  brother  of  the 
North,  was  led  back  to  the  green  pastures  of  hope. 

Ancient  Democratic  fossils,  who  were  wont  to  toy 
with  the  public  funds,  could  but  look  upon  the  National 
treasure,  piled  upon  the  counters  passing  through  the 


536  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

hands  of  honest  men  to  disburse  the  public  expenses, 
and  sigh  for  the  good  days  of  the  past.  And  now,  in 
the  agony  of  despair,  they  turned  their  rebellious  and 
melancholy  countenances  toward  Andrew  Johnson  and 
the  cotton  fields  of  their  " brethren"  of  the  South  for 
aid.  And  once  more  rallying  under  the  standard  of 
State  Rights,  the  seedy  Democracy  of  every  shade,  from 
the  shores  of  Maine  to  the  Pacific  States,  the  far  West, 
and  from  the  miasmatic  swamps  of  the  Slave  States, 
wended  their  way  to  the  Mecca  of  Democracy  (New 
York)  to  tell  their  sad  stories  of  usurpation  and  wrongs 
inflicted  upon  them  by  the  Abolitionists  and  "Radicals." 

Those  of  the  Forth  had  suffered  much,  but  it  was 
the  "  Southern  brethren"  who  had,  in  the  sweat  and 
toil  of  the  day,  beheld  the  "  cause"  expire.  Emaciated 
forms,  whose  well  saved  hose  were  a  mile  too  wide  for 
their  shrunken  shanks,  and  whose  eyes  had  not  feasted 
upon  a  slave  pen  or  " chattel"  auction  since  the  spring 
of  1865,  came  up  from  the  low  lands  of  Alabama  and 
the  Carolinas  to  lay  their  palms,  yet  moist  with  the 
blood  of  JJnion  patriots,  in  the  loving  embrace  of  their 
brethren  of  the  North,  and  to  recount  to  them  their 
achievements  in  the  persecution  of  Yankees  during  the 
war,  and  of  their  confidence  of  success  in  the  future,  if 
only  aided  by  their  party  in  the  Free  States.  Leaders 
of  guerrilla  bands,  bushwhackers,  and  rebel  Generals 
were  there,  that  the  "faithful"  from  the  far  West 
might  touch  the  bloody  hem  of  their  garments,  and 
look  into  the  red  eye  of  treason. 

Many  of  these  "illustrious  gentlemen  from  the 
South"  were  under  the  ban  of  disfranchisement  for 
their  treason  and  murder;  but  a  bright  sky  was  soon 
to  illuminate  the  rebel  camp.  Up  from  the  Capital  of 
the  Nation  came  the  written  pardon  of  him  who  was 


XXXI.]          PRESIDENTIAL   ELECTION   OF    1868.  537 

yet  impardoned  by  the  expressed  sentiment  of  a  vast 
majority  of  the  American  people.  This  order  of  resto 
ration  from  the  Executive  (Andrew  Johnson)  was  the 
signal  for  unbounded  joy,  and  a  "flow  of  soul/'  un- 
equaled  since  the  days  of  the  massacre  at  Fort  Pillow, 
was  now  experienced,  under  the  pressure  of  which  a 
platform  was  constructed  upon  which  the  nominees 
were  to  stand. 

The  two  parties  having  adopted  their  platforms  and 
presented  their  candidates  to  the  people,  entered  upon 
an  active  canvass  of  every  State  in  the  Union.  The 
candidates  of  the  Republican  party  needed  no  intro 
duction  to  the  American  people.  Ulysses  .8.  Grant 
had,  at  the  head  of  the  Army  of- the  Republic,  achieved 
not  only  a  reputation  at  home  and  abroad  as  the  great 
est  living  military  commander,  but  had,  in  addition, 
placed  himself  high  in  the  favor  and  confidence  of  the 
people  by  his  opposition  to  the  heresies  of  Andrew 
Johnson,  and  his  well  known  love  of  the  principles  of 
constitutional  liberty.  Indeed,  but  one  man  had  been 
looked  to  by  the  people  to  head  the  Republican  ticket 
and  achieve  a  victory  over  the  Democracy.  That  man 
was  U.  S.  Grant,  who  since  the  tragic  death  of  the  la 
mented  Abraham  Lincoln,  had  filled  a  larger  place  in 
the  affections  and  confidence  of  the  people  than  any 
other  man  in  the  country. 

Schuyler  Colfax,  the  candidate  for  the  Vice-Presi 
dency,  had  for  many  years  held  a  high  place  in  the  af 
fections  of  the  people.  His  position  as  presiding 
officer  of  the  National  Congress,  to  which  he  had  been 
repeatedly  elected,  afforded  him  opportunity  to  exhibit 
his  genial  nature,  his  knowledge  of  National  political 
affairs,  and  above  all,  his  love  of  human  liberty,  and 
his  attachment  to  the  principles  of  Republican  Gov- 


538  REPUBLICANISM  IN  AMERICA.  [Chap. 

ernment,  as  established  by  the  Declaration  of  Inde 
pendence  and  the  Federal  Constitution. 

With  these  champions  of  liberty  as  their  candidates, 
the  Republicans  came  before  the  people,  assured  that 
those  who  had  sustained  them  and  the  principles  of 
human  freedom  and  American  Nationality  in  the  past, 
would  not  desert  them  when  another  victory  over  the 
recreant  Democracy  was  all  that  was  wanting  to  con 
sign  the  wretched  doctrines  of  that  party,  with  its 
leaders,  to  perpetual  obscurity;  nor  were  they  disap 
pointed  in  this. 

Contrary  to  the  usual  custom,  the  Republican  can 
didates  did  not  take  the  field  in  person  to  advocate  the 
principles  of  the  party,  but  maintained  a  continued 
silence  upon  public  issues ;  while  the  liberal  press  and 
the  orators  of  the  country  entered  upon  a  most  vigor 
ous  vindication  of  the  principles  of  the  party,  which 
was  violently  assailed  by  the  Democracy. 

The  Republicans  had  upon  their  side  the  prestige 
of  the  victory  of  the  late  war,  together  with  the  suc 
cessful  establishment  of  Federal  authority  over  that 
section  of  the  Republic  which  never  enjoyed  a  form 
of  government  in  conformity  with  the  Constitution 
and  the  principles  of  Republican  Government,  until 
"  reconstructed  "  by  the  National  Congress. 

The  Democracy  went  before  the  people  with  candi 
dates  comparatively  unknown.  Seymour  could  not 
be  expected  to  draw  to  his  support  any  strength  from 
the  mass  of  the  people,  who  advocated  and  aided  a 
prosecution  of  the  war.  Francis  P.  Blair,  a  renegade 
from  Republicanism,  had  no  place  in  the  affections  nor 
confidence  of  the  people,  and  all  that  could  be  ex 
pected  was,  that  the  candidates  would  receive  the 
straight  vote  of  the  Democracy,  upon  general  princi 
ples,  ivithout  a  scratch — which  they  did. 


XXXI.]          PRESIDENTIAL   ELECTION    OF    1868.  539 

No  claim  could  be  made  by  the  Democracy  to  a 
share  in  the  National  legislation  that  established  Fed 
eral  authority  over  the  rebellious  States  and  gave 
equal  rights  before  the  law  to  all  persons  without  dis 
tinction.  And  most  of  those  of  their  party  who  -  had 
cooperated  with  the  Republicans  in  carrying  on  the 
war,  had  long  since  returned  to  their  ranks.  Their 
banners  were  not  gilded  with  the  glory  of  victory  over 
oppression  and  intolerance,  nor  their  writers  and 
speakers  inspired  with  the  spirit  of  progressive  liberty ; 
and  now,  as  a  last  hope,  the  old  stock  of  the  party — 
prejudice  and  passion — had  to  be  resorted  to,  in  order 
to  rally  every  shade  of  Democracy,  from  Gen.  Forrest 
to  Horatio  Seymour,  under  a  common  flag,  to  wage  war 
against  the  progressive  party.  The  enfranchisement 
of  the  freedmen  by  the  Republicans  became  the  great 
hobby  of  the  party,  who  hoisted  "White  man's  Gov 
ernment,"  as  their  motto,  declaring  that  they  would 
die  in  the  "  last  ditch,"  before  they  would  be  ruled  by 
"  niggers"  and  Radicals,  against  whom  they  charged 
unconstitutional  usurpations  in  forcing  upon  the  people 
of  the  Sovereign  States,  governments  Republican  in 
form;  so  that  the  only  stock  in  trade  of  the  party — • 
the  only  inducement  to  offer  the  public  to  influence  them 
to  vote  for  their  candidates — was  "  Negro  Supremacy," 
"  Radical  Usurpation,"  "  Rump  Congress,"  and  "  Op 
pressive  Taxation."  But  all  was  ineffectual.  The  fall 
State  elections  began  to  exhibit  increasing  Republican 
strength.  Eight  of  the  late  rebellious  States  were  now 
in  the  Union,  and  upon  them  the  Democracy  relied 
for  strength  in  the  hour  of  need;  they  could  count 
with  safety  upon  the  unreconstructed  Democracy  of 
these  regions,  but  the  vote  of  the  Freedinen  could  not 
be  relied  upon. 


640  REPUBLICANISM  IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

Election  day  came  November  3d,  1868;  and  as  in 
1860  and  1864,  so  now  the  Republicans,  for  a  third 
time  in  succession,  gained  a  glorious  victory — more 
complete  and  universal  than  any  political  victory  of 
the  Nation.  Out  of  thirty- four  States  they  carried 
twenty-six,  while  the  Democracy  carried  but  eight  in  all, 
five  of  which  were  Slave  States  at  the  beginning  of  the 
Rebellion  in  1861 ;  the  other  three — New  York,  New 
Jersey  and  Oregon — being  the  only  ones  of  the  former 
free  States  carried  by  them,  and  these  by  exceedingly 
small  majorities.  New  York,  by  9,224,  New  Jersey, 
2,633,  and  Oregon,  by  163;  while  the  Republican  ma 
jority  in  South  Carolina  was  9', 9 00 — almost  as  large  as 
the  entire  Democratic  majority  in  the  entire  former 
Free  States  of  the  Republic. 

Out  of  294  votes  in  the  Electoral  College,  the  De 
mocracy  got  but  80,  while  the  Republicans  received 
214 — a  majority  of  134.  But  the  victory  of  twenty- 
six  States  out  of  thirty-four,  and  214  electoral  votes 
out  of  294,  were  not  the  only  victories  gained  by  the 
Republicans;  for  they  had  gained  a  civil  victory  over 
six  of  the  States  lately  in  rebellion,  second  in  import 
ance  only  to  the  great  military  victory  of  April,  1865. 

Tennessee,  North  Carolina,  South  Carolina,  Florida, 
Alabama,  and  Arkansas,  disenthralled  from  the  plague 
of  Democratic  rule,  had  cast  their  votes  upon  the  side 
of  Freedom  for  the  first  time  since  the  settlement  of 
the  country,  in  1607.  And  these  States,  together 
with  Missouri  and  that  part  of  Virginia  now  West  Vir 
ginia — making  eight  States  upon  the  territory  dedi 
cated  to  Slavery  by  the  Democracy  at  the  breaking  out 
of  the  Rebellion,  and  now  embracing  the  blessings  of 
Republican  Government  and  renouncing  the  heresies 
of  the  discomfited  Democracy  —  was  a  withering  re- 


XXXI. ]          PRESIDENTIAL    ELECTION   OF    1868.  541 

buke  to  the  party  of  political  and  religious  proscrip 
tions,  and  a  vindication  of  the  great  truths  advocated 
by  the  Republican  party,  of  the  equality  of  all  men 
before  the  law,  and  the  right  of  all  men  to  worship 
God  according  to  the  dictates  of  their  consciences. 

At  the  election  in  November,  1868,  the  States  of 
Iowa  and  Minnesota,  by  vote  of  the  people,  amended 
their  State  Constitutions  by  striking  out  the  word 
11  white"  in  the  qualification  for  electors — thus  adopt 
ing  universal  suffrage,  notwithstanding  the  motto  of 
the  Democracy  of  " White  man's  Government" — Iowa 
giving  53,000  and  Minnesota  5,000  majority  for  the 
Republican  ticket. 

It  is  but  fair  to  conclude,  with  the  evidence  of  the 
past  eight  years  before  us,  and  the  rebuke  received  by 
the  Democracy  from  the  masses  of  the  voters  of  the 
country  in  the  three  last  Presidential  elections,  that 
while  that  party  may  obstruct  good  order  and  civil 
and  religious  freedom  in  localities  where  its  mem 
bers  are  in  the  majority,  their  power  and  influence  as 
a  national  party  no  longer  exist;  and  that  before  a 
President  is  elected  by  any  other  party  than  the  Re 
publican,  a  new  political  organization  with  new  princi 
ples  and  a  new  name  must  do  it,  and  not  the  Demo 
cratic  party.  (For  Election  Returns,  see  Presidents, 
Appendix.) 

The  Amnesty  Proclamation  of  Andrew  Johnson,  of 
the  4th  of  July,  1868 — issued  ostensibly  for  the  good 
of  the  country,  but  in  reality  to  strengthen  the  wavering 
ranks  of  the  Democracy — extended  full  pardon  to  all 
rebels  who  at  that  time  were  not  "  under  presentment 
or  indictment  in  any  Court  of  the  United  States  hav 
ing  competent  jurisdiction,  upon  a  charge  of  treason 
or  other  felony,"  and  who  were  not  excepted  by  the. 
35 


542  REPUBLICANISM   IN    AMERICA.  [Chap. 

Fourteenth  Amendment  to  the  Federal  Constitution. 
This  was  followed  by  a  still  further  proclamation,  on 
December  25th,  1868,  extending  full  and  unqualified 
pardon  and  political  rights  to  all  who  had  participated 
in  the  late  Rebellion.  Following  is  the  proclamation: 

"  WHEKEAS,  The  authority  of  the  Federal  Government  having 
been  re-established  in  all  the  States  and  Territories  within  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  United  States,  it  is  believed  such  Presidential 
reservations  and  exceptions  as  at  the  date  of  said  several  procla 
mations  were  deemed  necessary  and  proper,  may  now  be  justly 
relinquished;  that  universal  amnesty  for  participation  in  said 
Rebellion,  extended  to  all,  will  renew  and  fully  restore  confi 
dence  and  fraternal  feeling  among  the  whole  people,  and  their 
respect  for  and  attachment  to  the  National  Government  designed 
by  its  patriotic  founders  for  the  general  good: 

"  Now,  therefore,  be  it  known  that  I,  Andrew  Johnson,  Presi 
dent,  by  virtue  of  the  power  vested  in  me  by  the  Constitution, 
proclaim  and  declare,  unconditionally  and  without  reservation, 
to  all  and  every  person  who  directly  or  indirectly  participated  in 
the  late  insurrection  or  rebellion,  full  pardon  and  amnesty  for 
the  offense  of  treason  against  the  United  States,  or  adhering  to 
their  enemies  during  the  late  war,  with  the  restoration  of  all 
rights,  privileges  and  immunities  under  the  Constitution  and 
the  laws  which  have  been  made  in  pursuance  thereof.  In  testi 
mony  whereof,  etc." 

This  proclamation  and  the  one  of  July  4th  are, 
however,  controlled  by  Section  3,  of  the  Fourteenth 
Amendment  to  the  Federal  Constitution,  which  says: 

"No  person  shall  be  a  Senator  or  Eepresentative  in  Congress, 
or  Elector  of  President  and  Vice-President,  or  hold  any  office, 
civil  or  military,  under  the  United  States  or  any  State,  who, 
having  previously  taken  an  oath  as  a  member  of  Congress,  or  as 
an  officer  of  the  United  States,  or  as  a  member  of  any  State 
Legislature,  or  as  an  executive  or  judicial  officer  of  any  State, 
to  support  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  shall  have 
engaged  in  insurrection  against  the  same,  or  given  aid  or  com 
fort  to  the  enemies  thereof;  but  Congress  may,  by  a  vote  of  two- 
thirds  of  each  house,  remove  such  disability." 


XXXI.]        PERSONAL   HISTORY    OF   U.    S.    GRANT.  543 

Johnson's  Proclamation,  under  the  first  Article  of 
Section  2,  of  the  Constitution,  which  says,  (in  refer 
ence  to  the  powers  of  the  President) :  "  He  shall  have 
power  to  grant  reprieves  and  pardons  for  offenses 
against  the  United  States,  except  in  cases  of  impeach 
ment,"  would  have  the  effect  of  restoring  all  the  late  in 
surgents  to  full  and  equal  political  rights;  but  the  third 
section  of  the  Fourteenth  Amendment  makes  certain 
reservations  beyond  which  the  Executive  cannot  go, 
as  the  disabilities  there  prescribed  can  be  removed 
only  by  the  means  pointed  out  in  the  article  itself,  to 
wit:  the  Congress  of  the  United  States. 

The  history  of  man  presents  but  few  cases  of  such 
almost  marvelous  advance  from  poverty  and  obscurity, 
as  does  the  promotion  of  Ulysses  S.  Grant,  elected 
President  of  the  United  States,  November  3d,  1868— 
from  his  father's  tan-yard  to  the  highest  military  and 
civil  position  in  the  gift  of  the  people. 

The  history  of  the  three  last  Presidents  of  America — 
Lincoln,  Johnson  and  Grant — shows  that  from  the 
rail-splitter,  tailor,  and  tanner,  in  preference  to  the 
wealthy  and  aristocratic,  Republican  citizens  chose 
their  public  servants. 

Ulysses  S.  Grant  was  born  in  the  State  of  Ohio,  on 
his  father's  farm,  near  the  Ohio  River,  April  27th, 
1822,  where,  until  his  seventeenth  year,  he  performed 
all  the  drudgery  of  a  country  life  about  his  father's 
farm  and  tannery,  receiving  but  a  limited  education  in 
a  common  school.  He  entered  the  Military  Academy 
at  West  Point,  June  10th,  1839,  and  graduated  21st 
on  a  list  of  39,  on  June  30th,  1843;  when  he  was  ap 
pointed  a  Brevet  Second  Lieutenant  in  the  army,  in 
which  position  he  entered  the  Mexican  War,  in  1846. 
Soon  after,  he  was  appointed  First  Lieutenant,  and 


544  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

acted  as  Quartermaster  of  the  Fourth  Infantry.  In 
1852,  he  was  ordered  to  the  Pacific  Coast,  remained  a 
few  weeks  at  Benicia,  Cal.7  when  he  went  to  Fort  Van 
couver,  Washington  Territory,  where  he  spent  about 
one  year.  In  August,  1853,  he  was  appointed  a  Captain. 
He  resigned  his  commission  in  the  army,  July  31st,  1854, 
and  returned  from  the  Pacific  to  the  Atlantic  States, 
and  commenced  farming  upon  sixty  acres  of  land  given 
to  his  wife  by  her  father,  near  St.  Louis,  Missouri.  Here 
he  endured  all  the  hardships  of  poverty  and  hard 
labor,  building  the  little  house  in  which  he  lived,  and 
splitting  the  shingles  with  his  own  hands;  and  when 
not  engaged  on  his  farm,  which  he  named  "  Hard- 
scrabble,"  he  cut  and  hauled  firewood  into  St.  Louis,  a 
distance  of  nine  miles,  walking  by  the  side  of  his 
team  the  entire  distance,  while  they  drew  the  heavy 
load  which  he  sold  in  the  city  as  best  he  could,  return 
ing  joyously  to  his  beloved  wife  and  little  ones  with 
the  price  of  his  labor.  But  this  occupation  was  not 
very  lucrative;  and  on  January  1st,  1859,  he  formed  a 
partnership  with  H.  Boggs,  of  St.  Louis,  as  il  General 
Agents " — collecting  rents,  and  acting  as  brokers  in 
such  business  as  they  could  get  to  do.  The  copartner 
ship  and  business  exploded  in  nine  months,  leaving 
Grant  destitute  and  out  of  employment.  He  next 
obtained  a  position  for  one  month  in  the  Custom 
House,  at  St.  Louis.  Out  of  employment,  he  next 
made  application  to  the  Common  Council  of  St.  Louis 
for  the  position  of  County  Engineer  (to  repair  roads), 
but  failed  to  receive  the  appointment. 

Abandoning  St.  Louis  and  ".  Hardscrabble,"  he 
moved  to  Galena,  Illinois,  and  with  his  family  took 
humble  quarters  and  entered  into  the  employ  of  his 
father  and  brother  in  their  tannery,  at  a  salary  of 


XXXI.]       PERSONAL   HISTORY   OF   IT.    S.    GRANT.  545 

$600  per  year.  In  his  new  situation,  lie  worked  with 
his  leathern  apron,  in  shirt-sleeves,  generally  doing 
the  work  of  a  laborer  or  porter,  handling  hides  and 
making  himself  " generally  useful" — as  obscure  and 
unknown  as  his  humble  position  and  modest  nature 
naturally  would  make  him.  In  this  position  he  re 
mained  until  armed  treason  assailed  his  country,  when 
.he  bade  adieu  to  his  wife  and  little  ones,  and  tendered 
his  services  to  his  country. 

His  obscurity  and  poverty  were  sad  barriers  in  the 
road  of  his  receiving  a  commission;  and  not  until  re 
plenishing  his  wardrobe  with  a  few  dollars  borrowed 
from  a  friend,  and  many  vexatious  delays,  he,  by  acci 
dent  almost,  received  on  June  16th,  1861,  a  commis 
sion  as  Colonel  of  an  Illinois  volunteer  regiment. 
From  that  period,  the  star  of  his  success  and  glory 
began  to  ascend.  Soon  (August  7th,  1861)  -he  was 
appointed  a  Brigadier- General  of  Volunteers;  and  for 
his  great  victory  at  Fort  Donelson,  February  16th, 
1862,  he  was  appointed,  on  February  20th,  1862,  a 
Major-General.  On  the  29th  of  February,  1864,  Con 
gress  revived  the  grade  of  Lieutenant-General,  to 
which  Grant  was  appointed  March  9th,  1864.  Con 
gress,  on  the  25th  of  July,  1866,  established  the  grade 
of  General  of  the  Army.  Immediately  on  the  passage  of 
the  Act,  President  Johnson  nominated  Ulysses  S. 
Grant  for  the  position,  which  was  at  once  confirmed 
by  the  Senate,  and  Grant  was  appointed  to  the  highest 
military  command  in  the  Nation,  and  became  the  first 
General  since  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution.  As 
cending  still  further  up  the  ladder  of  fame,  the  Amer 
ican  people,  at  the  "election  on  the  third  of  November, 
1868,  almost  unanimously  elected  him  to  the  highest 
position  in  the  Republic  —  President  of  the  United 


546  REPUBLICANISM   IN    AMERICA.  [Chap. 

States  of  America;  his  term  of  office  commencing  on 
March  4th,  1869. 

One  of  the  memorable  acts  of  Gen.  Grant's  life,  and 
one  which  has  brought  him  familiarly  before  the  Na 
tion,  was  his  determined  stand  taken  before  Fort  Don 
elson,  and  his  reply  of  "unconditional  surrender"  to 
the  rebel  General  in  command. 

On  February  16th,  1862,  Gen.  S.  B.  Buckner,  in 
charge  of  the  Fort,  seeing  his  inevitable  doom  as 
Grant's  army  was  approaching,  sent  a  communication 
under  a  flag  of  truce  to  General  Grant,  asking  the 
terms  of  capitulation,  upon  which  he  would  receive 
the  forces  under  his  command.  To  which  Grant  made 
the  following  reply : 

' '  HEAD-QUABTERS  ARMY  IN  THE  FIELD,        1 
"  Camp  near  Donelson,  February  16th,  1862.  j 
"  General  S.  B.  Buckner,  Confederate  Army: 
11  Yours  of  this  date,  proposing  an  armistice  and  appointment 
of  Commissioners  to  settle  terms  of  capitulation,  is  just  received. 
No  terms  except  an  unconditional  and  immediate  surrender  can  be 
accepted.     I  propose  to  move  immediately  upon  your  works. 
"  I  am,  sir,  very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

"U.  S.  GRANT,  Brig.-Gen." 

Buckner,  appreciating  the  tenor  of  this  business-like 
reply,  surrendered ;  and  the  stars  and  stripes  in  a  few 
hours  floated  over  Fort  Donelson,  while  Buckner  and 
his  army  were  made  prisoners. 

"  I  propose  to  fight  it  out  on  this  line  if  it  takes  att  sum 
mer."  This  was  the  concluding  sentence  of  a  com 
munication  written  by  Gen.  Grant  to  Mr.  Stanton,  Sec 
retary  of  War,  on  May  llth,  1864,  when  Grant  had 
planted  himself  before  the  doomed  City  of  Richmond, 
and  on  that  line  he  did  fight  it  out  until  April  2d, 
1865,  when  the  stars  and  stripes  floated  over  the  rebel 
capital;  and  he  did  not  cease  until  at  Appomattox 


XXXI.]  HOW   PRESIDENTS   ARE   ELECTED.  547 

Court  House,  Virginia,  on  the  9th  of  April,  1865,  he 
brought  the  rebel  army  to  a  halt,  and  received  Robert 
E.  Lee  and  his  whole  army  as  prisoners  of  war. 

How  PRESIDENTS  ARE  ELECTED. — The  manner  of  elect 
ing  the  President  and  Vice-President  of  the  United 
States  is  defined  and  regulated  by  the  Federal  Consti 
tution  and  Federal  laws. 

In  each  State  a  number  of  persons,  equal  to  the 
number  of  Senators  and  Representatives  to  which  the 
State  is  entitled  in  Congress,  are  selected  by  a  con 
vention  or  by  some  other  mode;  these  are  called 
"  Presidential  Electors,"  and  compose  what  is  termed 
the  "  Electoral  College."  On  the  first  Tuesday  after 
the  first  Monday  in  November,  once  in  four  years,  a 
Presidential  election  is  held  in  every  State  in  the 
Union,  when  the  names  of  these  electors  are  voted 
for.  This  election  is  held  on  the  same  day  in  every 
State  in  the  Union.  (Florida,  in  1868,  elected  her 
electors  by  her  State  Legislature.) 

The  Constitution  provides  that  the  electors,  chosen 
in  such  manner  as  the  Legislature  of  each  State  may 
prescribe,  shall  meet  in  their  respective  States  and 
vote  by  ballot  for  President  and  Vice-President.  At 
the  meetings  known  as  "  Electoral  Colleges,"  the  elec 
tors  are  required  to  make  lists  of  the  persons  they 
vote  for,  and  the  number  of  votes  cast  for  each,  which 
list  they  are  required  to  sign  and  certify,  a.nd  transmit 
sealed  to  the  President  of  the  Senate  of  the  United 
States,  at  the  seat  of  Government.  That  officer  is 
required  to  open  these  certificates  in  the  presence  of 
the  Senate  and  House  of*  Representatives,  and  the 
votes  are  then  to  be  counted,  and  the  person  having 
the  greatest  number  of  electoral  votes  for  President, 
if  such  number  be  a  majority  of  the  whole  number  of 


548  REPUBLICANISM    IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

electors  appointed,   is  declared  to  be  the  President; 
and  so  of  the  Yice-President. 

An  Act  of  Congress  of  March,  1792,  which  fixed  a 
uniform  time  for  the  holding  of  the  Presidential 
election  throughout  the  country,  also  provides  for 
farther  details.  It  requires  the  Executive  authority  of 
each  State  to  cause  three  certified  lists  of  the  electors 
chosen  by  said  State,  to  be  made  out  and  delivered  to 
the  electors  on  or  before  the  first  Wednesday  of  De 
cember  next  after  the  election;  and  that  said  elec 
tors  shall  meet  and  give  their  votes  on  the  said  first 
Wednesday  in  December,  at  such  place  as  the  Leg 
islature  of  the  State  shall  direct.  The  electors  vote 
by  ballot,  and  are  required  to  make  three  certified 
lists,  which  shall  be  signed  by  all  the  electors,  with 
a  certified  list  of  the  electors  attached  to  each.  These 
are  then  to  be  sealed  up  in  three  separate  packages, 
and  a  further  certificate  indorsed  on  the  envelop 
of  each,  signed  by  all  the  electors,  stating  that  the 
package  contains  a  list  of  the  votes  of  such  State  for 
President  and  Yice-President. 

The  electors  are  then  required  to  appoint  and  com 
mission  a  person  to  take  charge  of  and  deliver  one  of 
the  said  certified  packages  to  the  President  of  the 
Senate,  at  the  seat  of  Government,  on  or  before  the 
first  Wednesday  in  January  next  ensuing;  they  are 
further  required  to  forward  another  of  said  certificates 
by  mail  to  the  President  of  the  Senate,  and  the  third 
is  to  be  delivered  to  the  Judge  of  the  district  in 
which  the  electors  are  assembled.  These  and  other 
minute  provisions  are  made  to  guard  against  the  pos 
sible  loss  or  failure  of  a  certificate.  In  order  to  have 
certainty  as  to  the  counting  of  the  votes  so  for 
warded,  Congress  is  required  to  be  in  session  on  the 


XXXI.]  HOW   PRESIDENTS  ARE   ELECTED.  549 

second  Wednesday  of  February  succeeding  every  meet 
ing  of  the  electors,  on  which  day  the  certificates  are  to 
be  opened  in  the  presence  of  both  Houses,  and  the  re 
sult  declared  as  already  stated. 

If,  on  counting  the  electoral  votes  it  is  found  that 
no  person  has  a  majority  of  all  the  electoral  votes  cast 
by  the  electors,  then  from  the  persons  having  the 
highest  numbers  not  exceeding  three,  on  the  list  of 
those  voted  for  as  President,  the  House  of  Represent 
atives  shall  choose  immediately  by  ballot  the  Presi 
dent.  The  votes  shall  be  taken  by  States;  the  repre 
sentation  from  each  State  having  one  vote — a  quorum 
for  this  purpose  consists  of  a  member  or  members  from 
two- thirds  of  the  States,  and  a  majority  of  all  the 
States  is  necessary  to  a  choice. 

If  the  House  of  Representatives  fail  to  choose  a 
President,  when  the  choice  falls  upon  them,  before  the 
first  day  of  March  next  following,  then  the  Yice-Presi- 
dent  shall  act  as  President,  as  in  the  case  of  death  or 
other  disability  of  the  President.  The  Yice-President 
is  elected,  in  all  respects,  in  the  same  manner  as  the 
President,  except  that  if  the  election  devolves  upon 
the  House  of  Representatives,  they  select  only  from  the 
two  having  the  highest  numbers,  as  candidates. 

But  twice  since  the  formation  of  the  Government, 
has  it  devolved  upon  the  House  of  Representatives  to 
elect  a  President,  which  was  in  the  year  1801,  when 
the  vote  in  the  Electoral  College  was  as  follows: 
Thomas  Jefferson,  73 ;  Aaron  Burr,  73 ;  John  Adams, 
65;  Charles  C.  Pinckney,  64,  John  Jay,  1.  On  the 
thirty-sixth  ballot,  Jefferson  was  elected  President, 
and  Burr  Yice-President.  And  again,  in  1825,  when 
the  vote  in  the  Electoral  College  stood  as  follows: 
Andrew  Jackson,  99;  John  Quincy  Adams,  84;  Win. 


550  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

II.  Crawford,  41;  Henry  Clay,  37.  No  one  having  a 
majority  of  all  the  Votes  cast  as  required  by  the  Con 
stitution,  the  election  was  carried  to  the  House  of 
Representatives,  where  John  Quincy  Adams,  although 
not  the  highest  on  the  list  in  the  electoral  vote,  was 
elected  President. 


CHAPTER    XXXII. 

THE  NEW  NATION.— PROGRESS  OF  REPUBLICANISM.— INFLUENCE  OF  POLITICAL 
PARTIES.— ELECTIVE  FRANCHISE.—"  WOMAN'S  RIGHTS." 

THE  American  Nation,  as  it  was  when  the  Rebellion 
began,  April  12th,  1861,  and  when  it  ended,  April 
14th,  1865,  presents  striking  features  of  dissimilarity. 
The  radical  changes  brought  about  by  the  operations 
of  the  war,  had  completely  transformed  the  quasi  Re 
public  into  a  Government  of  acknowledged  supremacy 
and  indestructibility. 

From  the  first  settlement  of  the  country  to  the  close 
of  the  war  the  Southern  portion  of  the  Nation,  where 
Slavery  had  existed,  had  never  affiliated  with  the  doc 
trines  of  equality  of  the  American  people  before  the 
law,  as  comprehended  in  the  Federal  Constitution  and 
the  Federal  laws.  The  interests,  education,  and  cus 
toms  of  these  people  were  not  calculated  to  inspire  a 
love  of  liberty,  or  a  just  appreciation  of  the  growing 
sentiment  of  universal  freedom  prevailing  at  the  North. 
In  the  Free  States  laws  and  State  constitutions  were 
adopted  in  harmony  with  the  spirit  of  the  Federal 
Government,  while  at  the  South  constitutions  and 
laws  were  shaped  to  conform  to  the  idea  of  the  sover 
eignty  of  the  States,  and  the  classified  and  proscribed 
condition  of  the  people.  In  the  Free  States,  as  a  rule, 
they  admitted  all  citizens  to  a  participation  in  the  af 
fairs  of  the  State ;  all  were  eligible  to  hold  office  and 
discharge  any  duty,  if  a  voter;  while  in  the  Slave  States 
they  disfranchised  many  of  their  citizens,  imposing 


552  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

burdensome  impositions  in  the  way  of  large  landed  and 
other  property  qualifications  to  enable  them  to  hold 
office.  (See  State  Constitutions.)  Not  only  was  it 
necessary,  in  many  cases,  to  own  land  and  other  prop 
erty,  but  in  some  cases  it  was  absolutely  necessary  to 
own  men  in  order  to  enjoy  the  highest  offices  within 
the  gift  of  the  people.  Under  these  circumstances  it 
is  not  surprising  that  the  tendency  of  legislation  was 
to  promote  the  interests  of  those  in  power,  while  the 
interests  of  the  masses  were  entirely  ignored. 

The  Government  of  the  States  and  the  representa 
tives  in  the  National  Councils  were  confined  to  a  few 
families,  who  under  the  belief  that  they  were  born  to 
rule,  became  aristocratic  and  domineering.  The  lines 
of  caste  growing  out  of  these  circumstances,  and  the 
condition  of  Slavery,  were  well  defined  and  strictly 
practiced;  indeed,  the  royalty  brought  from  England 
with  their  ancestors,  had  undergone  but  little  change, 
and  the  fact  of  their  having  among  them  not  only  the 
feudal  customs  of  their  fathers,  but  the  absolute  own 
ership  of  men,  made  them  arrogant  and  domineer 
ing.  Four  million  Americans  (colored)  were  held  as 
merchandise  in  the  Slave  States  of  the  South  on  the 
breaking  out  of  the  Rebellion ;  and  beyond  all  doubt 
this  state  of  affairs  was  the  cause  of  the  Anti-Republi 
can  tendencies  of  that  section  of  the  Nation,  and  the 
primary  cause  of  the  pretentious  claims  of  these  States 
to  sovereign  powers. 

While  things  had  thus  existed  at  the  South,  through 
out  the  North,  including  the  New  England  and  Mid 
dle  States,  with  the  new  States  admitted  into  the  Union 
as  Free  States  since  the  Revolution,  progress  and  re 
form  had  gone  steadily  on,  with  a  few  minor  excep 
tions,  that  completely  broke  down  the  barriers  of 


XXXII.]  NATIONAL   PROGRESS.  553 

prejudice  and  religious  bigotry  which  had  characterized 
many  of  their  actions  at  an  earlier  period  of  their  his 
tory.  In  a  word,  as  a  rule,  all  the  Free  States  were 
Republican,  while  all  the  Slave  States  were  eminently 
Anti- Republican. 

The  legislation  of  the  States  could  be  conducted  with 
harmony,  but  when  the  representatives  of  all  the 
States  went  up  to  the  National  Councils,  this  could  not 
be  done,  for  there  the  opposite  conditions  and  in 
terests  of  the  States  were  brought  into  contact.  The 
whole  country  was  called  the  Republic  of  America,  but 
in  fact  it  was  two  nations,  with  interests  as  opposite  as 
day  and  night.  The  people  of  the  Free  States  regarded 
the  country  as  a  Federal  Union;  the  people  of  the  Slave 
States  as  Confederated  States,  each  of  which  main 
tained  its  original  sovereignty  and  status  as  a  nation. 
In  the  Free  States  the  most  liberal  aid  had  been  ex 
tended  to  the  education  of  every  child  within  their 
limits;  while  at  the  South  no  public  aid  was  given  in 
this  direction,  or  if  given,  was  confined  to  certain 
dashes,  and  in  many  of  them  most  stringent  laws,  with 
penalties  extending  to  death,  were  passed,  prohibiting 
the  teaching  of  certain  classes,  or  even  selling  them  or 
giving  them  any  book,  paper,  picture,  device,  or  sign 
by  which  the  mind  could  be  enlightened. 

The  Slave  States  had,  in  all  that  tends  to  elevate  the 
race,  or  inspire  a  love  of  freedom,  stood  still.  They 
had  not  progressed  one  step  since  the  settlement  of 
the  country.  Every  nation  of  Europe  had  far  sur 
passed  them  in  the  march  of  liberty.  Jealous  kings 
and  despots  across  the  water  had  seen  many  changes. 
The  masses  of  the  people  were  slowly  but  surely  en 
croaching  upon  their  thrones.  Inch  by  inch  did  they 
move  upon  the  barriers  that  had  disfranchised  them. 


554  REPUBLICANISM   IN    AMERICA.  [Chap. 

From  a  feeble  voice  the  great  popular  heart  of  the 
people  swelled  into  thunder  tones  for  broader  liberties. 
The  Czar  of  Russia  responded  by  a  complete  emanci 
pation  of  all  his  serfs.  No  slave  could  breathe  the  air 
upon  a  foot  of  British  soil  in  any  quarter  of  her  wide 
spread  domain.  Gladstone,  Bright,  Mill,  and  other 
friends  of  liberty,  at  the  head  of  millions  of  her  sub 
jects,  demanded  more  liberty,  and  her  Britannic  Majesty 
came  to  the  throne  and  advised  a  more  humane  policy, 
and  extended,  in  part,  the  birthrights  so  long  with 
held  from  them.  .Garibaldi  and  Mazzini  were  leading 
Italian  patriots  closer  to  freedom.  Poland  had  made 
giant  struggles  to  liberate  herself  from  Russian  domi 
nation.  German  Kings  and  Princes,  under  the  philos 
ophy  and  teachings  of  their  statesmen  and  scholars, 
were  relaxing  their  rule.  On  the  shores  of  barbarous 
Africa,  the  little  Republic  of  Liberia  had  cast  the 
anchor  of  hope,  and  introduced  the  philosophy  of 
equality  to  all  men  before  the  law.  The  freemen  of 
Andora  and  Switzerland  looked  from  their  aerial  hab 
itations  and  rejoiced  in  increasing  liberty.  On  the 
American  continent,  Mexico  had  almost  a  half  a  cen 
tury  since  abolished  Slavery.  Brazil  had  relaxed,  in  a 
degree,  the  chains  of  her  bondmen,  and  extended  free 
school  privileges  to  the  masses.  The  Republics  of 
South  and  Central  America  had  broken  down  Spanish 
despotism,  and  were  struggling  for  enlarged  freedom. 
Australia,  from  a  condition  of  chaos,  developed  into  a 
land  of  civilization  arid  partial  political  freedom.  The 
islands  of  remote  seas  no  longer  terrified  the  mariner, 
as  in  his  dreams  he  beheld  the  native  perched  upon 
the  unfrequented  shore,  gnawing  the  skull  of  a  captive. 
The  civilizing  influences  of  Christianity,  the  philosophy 
of  the  arts,  education,  and  industry  of  America  and 


XXXIL]  NATIONAL   PROGRESS.  555 

Europe  were  penetrating  the  dark  and  benighted  re 
cesses  of  Asia,  and  closing  in  upon  the  abominations 
of  Buddhism.  Caste,  and  religious  and  political  pro 
scriptions  were  giving  way  throughout  the  greater  por 
tion  of  the  world.  Slowly  but  surely  man  was  ascend 
ing  to  that  degree  of  universal  freedom  which  is  the 
destiny  of  the  race.  But  in  the  Slave  States  of  the 
American  Republic  not  only  were  the  bonds  of  Slavery 
held  firm,  but  science  and  education  were  employed  to 
prove  the  divine  right  of  perpetuating  the  enslavement 
of  men.  Thus  did  the  Slave  States  of  America  present 
the  most  melancholy  spectacle  of  barbarism  in  exis 
tence;  and  so  wedded  were  those  in  power  to  their 
idol,  that  when  they  conceived  it  to  be  in  danger  from 
a  contact  with  freedom,  they  resolved,  even  at  the  de 
struction  of  the  Nation,  and  the  death  of  civil  and 
religious  liberty,  not  only  in  America,  but  throughout 
the  world,  to  enter  upon  a  most  gigantic  war,  accom 
panied  with  assassination,  arson,  and  murder,  in  order 
to  define  its  limits  and  perpetuate  its  existence. 

Thus  situated  the  clash  of  arms  came.  The  struggle 
for  liberty  ended  in  victory.  The  sacrifices  were  terri 
ble.  More  than  six  hundred  thousand  men  perished  in  the 
conflict,  but  the  survivors  of  the  victorious  legions 
stood  upon  the  crumbling  walls  of  despotism,  and  as 
the  chains  fell  from  the  limbs  of  four  millions  of  hu 
man  beings,  proclaimed,  in  thunder  tones  that  .shook 
the  Nation,  America  is  Free!  Thus  with  a  final  blow 
the  evil  spirit  that  had  well-nigh  destroyed  the  life  of 
the  Republic,  had  been  cast  out,  and  as  if  by  enchant 
ment,  a  new  nation  stood  forth  upon  the  ruins  of  the 
greatest  slave  mart  of  the  world — a  nation  upon  whose 
soil  no  son  of  man  can  live  a  slave  as  long  as  liberty 
finds  a  resting  place  in  the  breasts  of  men. 


556  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

The  mighty  struggle  that  produced  freedom  in 
America  determined  that  a  nationality  exists;  that  hu 
man  freedom  is  a  power  that  cannot  be  confined  by 
arbitrary  rule,  where  free  schools,  liberty  of  the  press 
and  of  speech  are  enjoyed  by  the  masses;  that  all  men 
are  equal  before  the  law;  that  the  right  of  one  man  to 
own  another  is  a  heresy ;  that  all  men  are  by  nature 
free ;  that  the  perpetuity  of  the  American  Republic  is 
based  upon  the  education,  virtue,  patriotism,  and  uni 
versal  freedom  of  its  people ;  that  the  citizens  of  Re 
publics,  when  they  take  the  sword  in  defense  of  their 
liberties,  are  invincible ;  that  the  tendencies  of  the  race 
throughout  the  world  are  toward  universal 'freedom, 
and  equal  protection  and  equality  before  the  law,  and 
participation  in  the  making  of  the  laws  by  which  they 
shall  be  governed. 

The  Nation  that  sprang  from  the  ruins  of  the  late 
Slave  States  is  not  only  the  freest,  but  the  most  pow 
erful  of  the  Nations  of  the  earth.  Her  people  are 
all  soldiers;  at  the  sound  of  alarm  from  within  or  with 
out,  the  whole  Nation  is  improvised  into  battalions 
and  regiments.  Her  soil  can  never  be  successfully  in 
vaded;  her  vast  plains,  mountains  and  forests,  would 
be  a  burying  ground  for  all  who  should  enter  upon  her 
territory  with  hostile  intent.  '  She  is  also  the  most 
magnanimous  Nation  in  the  world.  No  sooner  had 
the  smoke  of  battle  cleared  from  the  fields  of  the 
assailants  in  the  late  conflict,  than  she  supplied  the 
needy  with  food  and  raiment.  And,  relying  in  her 
strength, .she  has  not  asked  sacrifice  of  her  captives, 
but  has  set  an  unprecedented  example  of  forgiveness 
and  humanity',  by  granting  universal  amnesty  to  all 
political  offenders,  and  even  to  those  whose  deeds  of 
cruelty  placed  them  beyond  the  pale  of  mercy. 


XXXII.]  NATIONAL   PROGRESS.  557 

Thus,  lifted  above  the  plague  of  Democratic  rule, 
America  takes  her  position  in  the  first  ranks  of  national 
powers.  The  barbarism  of  past  ages  which  had  ob 
scured  the  light  of  civil  and  religious  liberty  in  fifteen 
States  of  the  Union,  has  by  the  operations  of  the  late 
war,  the  Proclamation  of  Emancipation,  the  volunteer 
abolition  of  Slavery  by  the  States  of  Kentucky,  Mary 
land,  and  Delaware,  and  the  amendments  to  the  Fed 
eral  Constitution,  been  obliterated. 

The  heresies  of  the  sovereignty  of  the  States,  and 
the  Democratic  doctrine  that  "  there  is  no  power  under 
the  Constitution  to  coerce  a  State  about  to  secede,  or 
that  has  seceded  from  the  Union,"  have  been  exploded 
by  the  people  of  the  Republic,  who  are  above  all  con 
stitutions  and  all  laws,  and  who,  when  laws  and  consti 
tutions  failed  to  secure  to  them  their  liberty  and 
equality,  must  seek  them  under  new  laws,  ordinances 
and  constitutions,  enacted  by  that  right  so  potent  in 
the  extirpation  of  tyranny — the  exercise  of  universal 
suffrage. 

No  longer  dependent  upon  the  caprice  or  dictation 
of  State  legislation  for  nationality,  the  American  Re 
public  presents  her  Constitution  and  laws  as  the  char 
ter  of  freedom  to  all  her  citizens,  without  distinction^ 
and  unfurls  her  starry  banner,  at  home  and  abroad,  as 
the  emblem  of  liberty  and  protection  alike  to  the 
adopted  and  the  native  born  citizen,  under  new  but 
reluctant  guarantees  from  European  monarchs. 

The  new  Nation,  as  it  came  up  from  the  funeral  pile 
of  the  slave  oligarchy,  opened  an  era  in  the  history  of 
human  liberty.  The  practicability  of*  Republican  Gov 
ernment  was  established,  new  encouragement  and;  new 
strength  added  to  the  friends,  of  freedom,  in  all  parts 
of  the  world;  and ^ as  manhood  suffrage,  and  equal 
36 


558  REPUBLICANISM   IN    AMERICA.  [Chap. 

rights  before  the  law,  began  to  assert  their  dominion, 
ancient  thrones,  around  which  had  clung  caste  and 
proscription,  began  to  topple  and  crumble  at  the 
base,  until  the  tenure  of  their  existence  was  circum 
scribed  to  the  period  of  religious  and  political  equality, 
free  schools,  freedom  of  the  press  and  of  speech  with 
the  masses  of  the  people,  at  which  time  the  emanci 
pated  millions  of  Europe  will  march — ballot  in  hand 
— upon  the  royal  usurpers  of  their  liberties,  to  insti 
tute  new  governments  wherein  manhood  and  intelligence 
will  be  king. 

In  all  quarters,  loud  calls  are  being  made  for  an 
extension  of  the  elective  franchise.  But  where  that 
suffrage  and  that  political  freedom  now  demanded  at 
home  and  abroad  shall  begin,  or  where  it  shall  end,  is 
still  a  matter  of  serious  concern.  Universal  suffrage  is 
demanded  by  the  friends  of  progress  everywhere.  It 
is  easy  to  comprehend  and  apply  the  rule  of  equal 
rights  before  the  law;  but  it  is  most  difficult  to  con 
ceive  of  any  system  of  franchise  that  would  apply  to 
aUj  and  still  advance  the  progress  of  the  race  and  se 
cure  the  liberty  and  perpetuity  of  the  Nation.  Uni 
versal  Suffrage  is  a  myth ;  such  a  condition  has  never 
existed  in  civil  society,  and  never  can  ex^st.  There 
are  laws  of  nature  and  other  causes  equally  formidable 
which  stand  in  the  way  of  this  condition. 

The  comprehensive  term  of  universal  suffrage  would 
embrace  the  whole  family  of  mankind,  of  all  ages  and 
conditions,  without  reference  to  sexes,  mental  or  moral 
fitness,  for  the  discharge  of  the  highest  duties  and 
and  privileges  of  society. 

In  the  most  favored  nations  under  the  broadest  fran 
chise  ever  enjoyed,  suffrage  has  been  restricted  to  a 
limited  class  of  the  people.  In  the  Republic  of  Amer- 


XXXII.]  ELECTIVE   FRANCHISE.  559 

ica,  only  about  one  in  seven  of  the  population  are  enti 
tled  to  cast  votes.  When  the  population  was  thirty- 
one  million,  a  vote  of  a  fraction  over  four  million  was 
cast,  and  the  same  ratio  continues  to  govern  the  coun 
try.  The  enfranchising  of  the  freedmen  has  added 
some  to  the  voting  population  of  the  country;  but 
even  with  this,  the  governing  class  in  America,  com 
pared  with  the  population,  will  not  exceed  one  in  six 
or  seven  of  the  entire  inhabitants ;  and  even  were  those 
States  which  still  retain  the  word  u  white  male  citizen" 
in  their  constitutions,  to  extend  the  franchise  to  aU 
male  citizens  twenty-one  years  of  age  and  upwards, 
it  would  add  but  little  to  the  voting  population,  and 
the  great  mass  of  the  people — all  the  males  under 
twenty-one  years  of  age,  and  the  whole  female  popu 
lation — would  still  be  unrepresented. 

Universal  suffrage  is  a  physical  impossibility,  and  is 
neither  practicable  nor  would  it  be  desirable  if  it  were 
possible.  The  tendencies' of  the  race  and  of  the  age 
are  to  equality  before  the  law  —  equal  rights  in  every 
transaction  of  business;  to  hold,  buy,  sell,  or  otherwise 
own  or  dispose  of,  any  and  every  species  of  property 
or  interest,  to  prosecute,  defend,  and  testify  in  all 
Courts,  by  all  classes,  colors  and  races  of  men,  regard 
less  of  allegiance  or  condition,  except  conviction  of 
crime. 

In  the  United  States,  universal  suffrage  is  supposed 
to  exist  when  all  the  male  citizens  twenty-one  years 
of  age  exercise  the  voting  privilege.  But  even  in 
the  States  where  the  franchise  goes  to  that -extent,  a 
large  majority  of  the  people  are  still  without  a  voice 
in  the  government  of  the  country. 

In  some  of  the  States  of  America,  where  universal 
suffrage  is  supposed  to  exist,  property  and  intellectual 


560  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

qualifications  are  demanded.  In  most  of  the  Slave 
States  before  the  Rebellion,  property  in  land,  personal 
effects,  or  negroes,  was  necessary  to  enable  the  citizen 
to  enjoy  the  privileges  of  a  voter  or  to  hold  office;  and 
in  many  cases  in  addition  to  these,  religious  tests  were 
applied.  In  Rhode  Island,  to  this  day,  the  adopted 
citizen  is  not  entitled  to  the  ballot  unless  he  possess 
property  to  the  value  of  $134,  or  property  that  rents 
for  $7  per  annum  over  all  expenses.  In  Massachusetts 
and  Connecticut,  the  voter  must  be  able  to  read  and 
write;  and  in  Yermont,  he  must  make  oath  that  he 
will,  cast  his  vote  for  the  best  interests  of  the  State. 
All  these  things  are  opposed  to  the  idea  and  the  prac 
tice  of  universal  suffrage.  But,  however  oppressive 
these  restrictions  may  seem,  a  contraction  rather  than 
an  expansion  of  the  elective  franchise  is  desirable  in 
America;  for  in  the  government  of  an  enlightened 
Republic  the  highest  order  of  intelligence  should  ex 
ercise  the  law-making  power.  Neither  the  possession 
of  property  nor  the  fact  that  a  male  human  being  has 
lived  in  the  world  twenty-one  years,  should  of  them 
selves  be  a  qualification  for  the  exercise  of  the  elect 
ive  franchise.  There  should  be  some  acquired  qualifi 
cation  exacted ;  something  denoting  intelligence ;  some 
thing  that  will  endure  in  all  lands,  and  under  all 
circumstances,  when  all  physical  acquirements  have 
gone.  The  only  qualification  that  should  be  demanded 
is  knowledge;  such  knowledge  as  distinguishes  man  from 
the  animal  creation,  and  graduates  him  in  rank  one 
above  the  other.  The  lowest  standard  demanded 
should  be,  that  the  voter  be  able  to  read  and  write  the 
language  of  the  country  wherein  he  resides ;  this  is  in 
deed  a  low  enough  standard  of  intelligence ;  for  surely 
there  are  many,  who  can  perform  these  acquirements, 


XXXII. ]  ELECTIVE   FRANCHISE.  561 

who  have  still  a  superabundance  of  ignorance  upon 
matters  of  public  concern.  What  is  first  wanted  is 
education,  then  emancipation  —  a  universal  system  of 
education,  established  and  enforced  by  the  Federal 
authority;  close  the  corner  grocery  (drinking  saloon) 
and  open  a  school  in  its  place,  where  aU,  regardless  of 
sex,  age,  nationality,  shall  be  compelled  to  attend  until 
they  can  read  and  write.  Teach  them  the  philosophy 
of  Republican  government,  and  then  give  the  ballot  to 
every  man  and  every  woman  in  the  land,  twenty-one 
years  of  age  and  upwards,  who  can  read  and  write  and 
who  has  not  been  convicted  of  crime.  Let  the  influence 
of  such  a  system  reconstruct  the  bond-men  of  America, 
and  cast  its  influence  over  the  despotic  nations  of  Eu 
rope  and  Asia;  illuminate  the  path  that  leads  from 
Polish  and  Spanish  bondage  into  the  new  Nation  of 
universal  freedom;  let  its  influence  dawn  upon  Briton's 
sturdy  sons  and  daughters,  reaching  the  doomed  oper 
ative  of  Manchester  and  Birmingham  and  the  peasant 
at  his  plow;  let  it  penetrate  into  the  solitude  of  the 
"  Workhouse,"  the  "Ragged  School,"  and  the  dismal 
places  where  vice,  crime  and  ignorance  abound — the 
result  of  misgovernment ;  let  the  sacred  boon  of  free 
dom  dawn  down  into  the  dark  chambers  of  the  Brit 
ish  colliery  and  lift  the  families  of  men,  women  and 
children  into  the  light  of  day  and  the  enjoyment  of 
blessed  freedom. 

Woman,  disenthralled  from  the  degrading  bondage 
of  servile  labor  as  a  beast  of  burden,  and  from  the  little 
less  degradation  of  complete  helplessness  into  which 
the  follies  of  the  age  had  cast  her,  begins  to  assert  her 
dominion  in  the  fields  of  intellectual  and  material  in 
dustry,  casting  the  sickly  mock-modesty  of  her  own 
sex,  and  the  undignified  prejudices  of  the  masculine 


5G2  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

gender  into  the  wreck  of  past  ages.  She  begins  to 
seek  wider  fields  of  mental  and  physical  activity.  From 
the  suppliant  position  of  obscure  drudgery,  she  has 
gradually  possessed  herself  of  a  share  of  the  honors 
and  honorable  positions  in  which  intellect,  sobriety, 
industry  and  patience  alone  can  insure  success.  In 
America,  not  only  has  she  been  the  instructor  in  the 
family  circle,  but  the  teacher  of  our  youth;  her  influ 
ence  reaching  from  the  school-house  to  every  scene  of 
life.  She  has  wielded  the  pen,  the  painter's  brush  and 
the  sculptor's  chisel  with  admirable  effect,  and  in 
thousands  of  branches  of  science  and  industry  has 
demonstrated  her  equality;  and  in  virtue,  and  patient 
submission  to  the  trials  of  life,  has  shown  her  great 
superiority  over  the  opposite  sex. 

As  the  education  and  pursuits  of  the  sexes  become 
assimilated,  and  woman  begins  to  understand  and  ap 
preciate  her  sphere,  she  begins  to  assert  her  right  to 
equality  before  the  law,  and  her  claims  to  a  voice  in 
the  affairs  of  the  Nation.  In  Germany,  during  the 
year  1868,  the  women  have  been  holding  mass  con 
ventions  for  the  amelioration  of  their  condition.  In 
England,  they  have  been  testing  before  the  highest 
Courts  in  the  land  their  right  to  vote  at  all  elections, 
and  have  enlisted  in  their  behalf  many  of  the  leading 
statesmen  of  the  liberal  party,  headed  by  the  philo 
sophic  John  Stuart  Mill. 

During  the  year  1868,  the  subject  of  "women's 
rights"  claimed  a  large  share  of  public  attention  in 
many  parts  of  America,  particularly  in  the  New  Eng 
land  States,  where  many  of  the  leading  men  of  the 
progressive  school  zealously  advocate  their  cause. 

In  Massachusetts — the  cradle  of  liberty,  learning  and 
industry  in  America — mass  conventions  have  been  held, 


XXXIL]  ELECTIVE   FRANCHISE.  563 

resulting  in  the  organization  of  societies  for  the  en 
franchisement  of  the  women  of  America;  and  the  first 
steps  taken  in  the  Republic  to  place  woman  upon  an 
equal  footing  with  her  brothers  in  the  political  affairs 
of  the  Nation,  came  from  the  direction  where  the 
breath  of  life  was  first  infused  into  the  New  World — 
Massachusetts. 

Senator  Wilson,  of  that  State,  introduced  into  the 
National  Congress,  on  the  14th  day  of  December,  1868, 
the  following  bill: 

"Be  it  enacted  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives 
of  the  United  States  of  America  in  Congress  assembled,  That 
the  word  '  male '  in  the  first  section  of  the  Act  entitled  '  An 
Act  to  regulate  the  Elective  Franchise  in  the  District  of  Colum 
bia,'  passed  on  the  8th  day  of  January,  in  the  year  1867,  be 
struck  out,  and  that  every  word  in  said  Act  applicable  to  per 
sons  of  the  male  sex  shall  apply  equally  to  persons  of  the  female 
sex,  so  that  hereafter  women,  who  are  inhabitants  of  said  Dis 
trict  of  Columbia  and  citizens  of  the  United  States,  may  vote  at 
all  elections  and  be  eligible  to  all  civil  offices  in  said  District 
on  the  same  terms  and  conditions  in  all  respects  as  men." 

Other  States  of  the  Union  are  fast  organizing  similar 
societies  with  prospects  of  ultimate  success.  In  sev 
eral  sections  of  the  country,  at  the  Presidential  elec 
tion  of  November,  1868,  polls  were  opened  and  ballots 
cast  by  the  women,  for  the  candidates  of  their  choice. 
They  knew  that  their  votes  would  not  avail  in  that 
election,  so  they  "  played  vote."  But,  however  unim 
portant  the  effort  of  the  intelligent  women  of  America 
may  seem  to  some,  in  their  desire  to  exercise  what  is 
their  rigid,  the  exercise  of  the  franchise,  when  they  do 
enjoy  it,  will  be  the  most  powerful  auxiliary  to  the 
forces  of  the  friends  of  liberty,  in  purifying  the  politi 
cal  and  social  condition  of  the  country,  and  in  legis 
lating  the  "  social  evil "  within  limits  where  its  terrible 
influence  will  cease  to  oppress  the  land. 


564  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

All  the  objections  now  offered  against  female  suffrage 
upon  the  score  of  immodesty  and  immorality  will 
gradually  disappear,  as  the  dignity  and  gallantry  of 
man  and  the  modesty  and  purity  of  woman  assert  their 
influence,  when  they  march  in  line  to  the  ballot-box  to 
discharge  the  highest  prerogative  of  the  citizens  of  a 
free  country. 


(V\A 


CHAPTER    XXXIII. 

BEAUTIES  OF  DEMOCRACY— SPIBIT  OP  REPUBLICAN  LTBEBTY. 

A  FEW  of  the  leading  features  of  the  principles  and 
practices  of  the  Democratic  party  in  America  are  here 
presented  in  a  condensed  form.  The  party,  although 
passing  under  various  names  at  different  periods,  have 
always  adhered  to  the  same  principles,  which  were  the 
same  as  they  enunciated  through  the  Executive  and 
Attorney- General  in  1860-61,  and  which  they  main 
tained  through  the  four  years  of  war,  and  advocate  to 
this  day.  The  subjects  here  given  will  be  found  al 
luded  to  under  the  proper  headings  in  other  places  in 
this  volume,  and  are  all  substantiated  by  the  history 
of  the  country  and  public  records. 

They  imported  the  first  slaves  into  America,  and  en 
tered  upon  the  buying,  selling,  and  breeding  of  men  as 
merchandise.  This  they  began  in  1620,  at  Jamestown, 
Virginia,  and  refused  to  furnish  their  quota  of  soldiers 
in  the  war  of  1776.  They  violently  opposed  and  de 
feated  the  resolutions  offered  by  Thomas  Jefferson  in 
1784,  to  prohibit  the  spread  of  Slavery  into  the  Free 
Territories,  and  opposed  the  formation  of  a  National 
Union;  had  well-nigh  broken  up  the  Convention  that 
framed  the  Constitution  of  the  Republic,  and  declared 
that  there  were  but  two  propositions  upon  which  they 
would  act,  namely,  Union  with  Slavery,  or  Slavery  with 
out  Union.  They  incorporated  into  the  Federal  Con 
stitution  the  right  of  their  own  representation  in  the 


566  REPUBLICANISM  IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

National  Congress,  based  upon  a  property  qualification, 
which  they  denied  to  the  citizens  of  the  Free  States, 
and  entered  into  conspiracy  against  Washington  and 
his  Administration.  Organized  "  Democratic  Clubs," 
upon  the  style  of  the  Jacobin  and  Robespierre  Clubs 
of  Paris,  through  which  they  plotted  the  overthrow  of 
the  Government.  (See  Chapter  XXIX.)  They  labored 
to  render  void  the  Ordinance  of  1787,  which  prohib 
ited  the  spread  of  Slavery  into  Free  Territory,  and  re 
pealed  the  Missouri  Compromise,  which  prohibited 
Slavery  in  the  Western  Territories,  and  established 
marts  for  the  sale  of  men  upon  soil  dedicated  to  Free 
dom.  They  passed  State  laws  in  1832,  which  declared 
the  Federal  laws  null  and  void,  and  declared  that  each 
State  in  the  Union  was  an  independent  nation.  Passed 
fugitive  slave  laws,  and  forced  back  into  captivity 
those  who  sought  refuge  upon  free  soil,  but  refused  to 
punish  those  who  held  men  in  Slavery  in  the  Free 
Territories,  in  violation  of  law.  They  amalgamated 
their  own  species  with  the  African  race  and  sold  them 
at  auction  to  the  highest  bidder,  and  passed  laws  with 
death  penalties  upon  those  who  might  instruct  them 
in  the  use  of  letters.  They  also  passed  laws  declaring 
that  all  persons  found  upon  their  soil,  (in  Slave  States) 
who  had  any  negro  blood  in  them,  were  considered 
prima  facie  as  slaves;  and  enacted  laws  depriving  large 
classes  of  citizens  of  the  right  of  representation  and 
the  elective  franchise,  unless  they  possessed  property 
and  negroes,  and  professed  certain  religious  faith. 
(See  Constitutions.)  They  deprived  large  numbers  of 
the  inhabitants  of  the  right  of  trial  by  jury,  of  the 
right  of  seeking  justice,  redressing  wrongs,  and  estab 
lishing  rights  in  Courts  of  law  and  equity.  They  went 
to  foreign  countries,  and  in  the  guise  of  friendship  and 


XXXIII.]  BEAUTIES   OF   DEMOCRACY.  567 

by  deception,  enticed  the  innocent  and  inoffensive  in 
habitants  on  board  their  ships  and  sold  them  into 
Slavery,  and  passed  laws  depriving  the  citizens  of  for 
eign  nations  of  the  right  of  abode  in  Slave  States,  and 
attempted  to  sell  the  subjects  of  Britain  into  Slavery. 
They  enacted  State  laws  denying  the  right  of  speech, 
the  liberty  of  the  press,  and  the  use  of  the  United 
States  mails  to  large  classes  of  persons,  and  entered 
protests  and  petitions  against  the  admission  of  Califor 
nia  as  a  State  in  the  Union  because  she  prohibited 
Slavery.  They  proclaimed,  in  1856,  that  if  Fremont 
was  elected  President  they  would  disrupt  the  Union. 
They  stripped  the  Northern  armories  and  arsenals  of 
all  munitions  of  war  in  a  time  of  profound  peace,  and 
put  the  Slave  States  upon  a  war  footing,  and  vetoed, 
by  their  President,  James  Buchanan,  the  Homestead 
Bill  granting  to  actual  settlers  160  acres  of  land,  upon 
the  plea  that  it  was  unconstitutional,  and  sustained  the 
veto  of  Buchanan  in  the  Senate.  On  the  vote  taken 
to  carry  the  bill  over  the  veto  the  vote  stood-^-yeas,  9 
Democrats,  19  Republicans,  (28  in  all);  nays,  18,  all 
Democrats.  The  veto  bears  date  June  22d,  1860.  (For 
veto,  see  Part  4,  1st  session  36th  Congress,  pages 
3,263-4.  For  vote,  see  same  vol.  page  3,272;  also 
page  192  "  Political  Text  Book"  for  1860.)  They  pro 
claimed  in  1860  that  if  Abraham  Lincoln  was  elected 
President  they  would  not  submit,  but  would  secede 
from  the  Union.  They  fired  upon  the  Star  of 
the  West  and  Fort  Sumter,  tore  down  the  American 
flag,  and  raised  another  in  its  place,  bearing  a  strange 
device,  and  representing  a  foreign  nation,  and  estab 
lished  upon  the  southern  portion  of  the  Republic  a 
foreign  Government,  which  they  maintained  by  a  long 
and  cruel  war.  'They  abandoned  every  principle  of 


568  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

honorable  warfare,  placed  Union  soldiers  in  filthy 
prison  pens,  where  they  starved  them  by  thousands  or 
shot  them  in  cold  blood,  and  murdered  at  Fort  Pillow 
and  elsewhere,  men,  women,  and  children  after  they 
had  surrendered.  They  repudiated  all  debts  due  to 
Union  men  in  the  Slave  States,  and  robbed  the  United 
States  Mint  and  Custom  Houses,  and  turned  their 
booty  over  to  the  Southern  Confederacy.  They  orna 
mented  their  parlors  and  persons  with  the  bones  of 
Union  patriots  whom  they  murdered.  Employed  sci 
entific  men  to  go  to  foreign  lands  and  procure  the 
virus  of  malignant  disease,  which  they  spread  through 
Northern  cities,  and  innoculated  into  the  wounds  of 
the  Union  soldiers  as  they  lay  bleeding  on  the  field 
and  in  the  hospitals.  Poisoned  the  wells,  springs,  and 
aqueducts,  and  held  the  death  chalice  to  the  lips  of  the 
dying  soldier  of  the  Republic.  Employed  incendiaries 
to  fire  Northern  cities,  (see  Kennedy's  confession,)  and 
burned  upon  the  high  seas  the  unoffending  fishing  and 
mercantile  fleets.  They  refused  National  aid  to  the 
Overland  Railroad,  every  Democrat  in  the  National 
Congress  voting  no.  (See  Proceedings  XXXVIIth 
Congress,  2d  Session,  page  1971.)  They  opposed  the 
recruiting  of  soldiers  to  put  down  the  Rebellion,  and 
all  measures  of  reconstruction,  and  the  admission  of 
Nebraska  into  the  Union — incurred  by  acts  of  rebel 
lion,  treason,  and  robbery,  a  burdensome  National  debt, 
and  increased  taxation.  They  refused  to  abolish  the 
Freednwris  Bureau — Andrew  Johnson  vetoing  the  law 
passed  by  the  Republican  Congress  abolishing  it — 
every  Democrat  voting  to  sustain  his  veto,  and  retain 
this  institution,  long  after  its  usefulness  had  ended, 
(see  Proceedings,  XLth  Congress,  2d  Session),  and 
voted  unanimously  for  the  acquittal  of  Andrew  Johnson, 


XXXIII.]         DAVIS  LEAVING   IT.    S.    SENATE.  569 

on  his  arraignment  before  a  Court  of  Impeachment. 
(See  Impeachment.)  Still  foster  the  heresies  of  the 
sovereignty  of  the  States,  are  unrepentant,  revengeful, 
malignant  and  traitorous.  They  murdered  the  good 
Abraham  Lincoln. 

Most  of  the  above  must  go  to  the  credit  of  the  De 
mocracy  of  the  Slave  States;  not  forgetting  their 
"  brethren"  of  the  Free  States,  who  have  aided  and 
abetted  them  in  their  treason  and  villainy. 

Jefferson  Davis,  who  was  a  Senator  in  the  United 
States  Senate,  at  the  breaking  out  of  the  Rebellion,  on 
leaving  the  Senate  on  January  21st,  1861,  to  join  the 
Southern  Confederacy  and  his  friends  in  arms  against 
the  United  States,  said: 

"  I  rise,  Mr.  President,  for  the  purpose  of  announcing  to  the 
Senate  that  I  have  satisfactory  evidence  that  the  State  of  Missis 
sippi,  by  a  solemn  ordinance  of  her  people  in  convention  as 
sembled,  has  declared  her  separation  from  the  United  States. 
Under  these  circumstances,  of  course,  my  functions  are  termi 
nated  here.  It  has  seemed  to  me  proper,  however,  that  I  should 
appear  in  the  Senate  to  announce  the  fact  to  my  associates,  and 
I  will  say  but  very  little  more.  The  occasion  does  not  invite  me 
to  go  into  argument;  and  my  physical  condition  would  not  per 
mit  me  to  do  so  if  it  were  otherwise;  and  yet  it  seems  to  become 
me  to  say  something  on  the  part  of  the  State  I  here  represent, 
on  an  occasion  so  solemn  as  this. 

"  It  is  known  to  Senators  who  have  served  with  me  here,  that 
I  have  for  many  years  advocated,  as  an  essential  attribute  of 
State  sovereignty,  the  right  of  a  State  to  secede  from  the  Union. 
Therefore,  if  I  had  not  believed  there  was  justifiable  cause;  if  I 
had  thought  that  Mississippi  was  acting  without  sufficient  provo 
cation,  or  without  an  existing  necessity,  I  should  still,  under  my 
theory  of  the  Government,  because  of  my  allegiance  to  the 
State  of  which  I  am  a  citizen,  have  been  bound  by  her  action. 
I,  however,  may  be  permitted  to  say  that  I  do  think  she  has 
justifiable  cause,  and  I  approve  of  her  act.  I  conferred  with  her 
people  before  that  act  was  taken,  counseled  them  then  that  if 


570  REPUBLICANISM   IN    AMERICA.  [Chap. 

the  state  of  things  which  they  apprehended,  should  exist  when 
the  Convention  met,  they  should  take  the  action  which  they  have 
now  adopted. 

"  Mr.  President,  and  Senators,  having  made  the  announcement 
which  the  occasion  seemed  to  me  to  require,  it  only  remains  for 
me  to  bid  you  a  final  adieu." 

JEFFERSON  DAVIS'  PROCLAMATION  OF  BANISHMENT  OF 
AMERICAN  CITIZENS  AND  OTHER  FOREIGNERS. — The  reader 
will  observe  with  what  exact  distinction  he  extends 
the  hospitality  of  his  favored  Confederacy  to  those 
born  upon  slaveholding  soil,  whilst  all  others,  of  the  age  of 
fourteen  years  and  upwards,  must  u  depart  within  forty 
days"  Mr.  Davis  was  evidently  determined  to  have 
the  " Confederacy"  a  "pure  Democracy/'  imdefiled  by 
the  presence  of  any  plebeian  Yankee  or  Abolitionist. 

"PROCLAMATION. 

f '  WHEBEAS,  The  Congress  of  the  Confederate  States  of  Amer 
ica  did,  by  an  Act  approved  on  the  8th  day  of  August,  1861,  en 
titled  'An  Act  respecting  Alien  Enemies/  make  provisions  that  a 
proclamation  should  be  issued  by  the  President  in  relation  to 
alien  enemies,  and  in  conformity  with  the  provisions  of  said  Act: 

"Now,  therefore,  I,  Jefferson  Davis,  President  of  the  Con 
federate  States  of  America,  do  issue  this  my  proclamation;  and 
I  do  hereby  warn  and  require  every  male  citizen  of  the  United 
States,  of  the  age  of  fourteen  years  and  upwards,  now  within 
the  Confederate  States,  and  adhering  to  the  Government  of  the 
United  States,  and  acknowledging  the  authority  of  the  same, 
and  not  being  a  citizen  of  the  Confederate  States,  to  depart  from 
the  Confederate  States  within  forty  days  from  the  date  of  this 
proclamation.  And  I  do  warn  all  persons  above  described,  who 
shall  remain  within  the  Confederate  States  after  the  expiration 
of  said  period  of  forty  days,  that  they  will  be  treated  as  alien 
enemies. 

"Provided,  however,  That  this  proclamation  shall  not  be  con 
sidered  as  applicable,  during  the  existence  of  war,  to  citizens  of 
the  United  States  residing  within  the  Confederate  States  with  in 
tent  to  become  citizens  thereof,  and  who  shall  make  a  declaration 


XXXIII.]    DAVIS'    BANISHMENT   PROCLAMATION.  571 

of  such  intention  in  due  form,  acknowledging  the  authority  of 
this  Government;  nor  shall  this  proclamation  be  considered  as 
extending  to  the  State  of  Delaware,  Maryland,  Kentucky,  Mis 
souri,  the  District  of  Columbia,  the  Territories  of  Arizona  and 
New  Mexico,  and  the  Indian  Territory  south  of  Kansas,  who 
shall  not  be  chargeable  with  actual  hostility  or  other  crime 
against  the  public  safety,  and  who  shall  acknowledge  the  author 
ity  of  the  Government  of  the  Confederate  States. 

"And  I  do  further  proclaim  and  make  known  that  I  have 
established  the  rules  and  regulations  hereto  annexed,  in  accord 
ance  with  the  provisions  of  said  law. 

"  Given  under  my  hand  and  the  seal  of  the  Confederate  States 
of  America,  at  the  City  of  Richmond,  on  the  14th  day  of  August, 
A.D.  1861. 

,  "JEFFERSON  DAVIS. 
"  By  the  President. 

"R.  M.  T.  HUNTER,  Secretary  of  State." 

This  proclamation  was  followed  by  Acts  of  the  Con 
federate  Congress,  prescribing  the  penalties  for  diso 
bedience  of  its  provisions;  one  of  which  was,  that  if 
at  the  expiration  of  the  time  limited,  such  aliens 
(American  citizens)  as  well  as  all  others  not  citizens 
of  the  Confederacy,  found  within  the  limits  of  the 
Confederacy  should  be  removed  by  the  marshals  and 
others  beyond  the  limits  of  the  "new  Nation,"  should 
return,  would,  in  the  language  of  the  statute,  be 
treated  as  enemies. 

"  SECTION  4.  Any  alien  who  shall  return  to  these  States  during 
the  war,  after  having  been  removed  therefrom  under  the  provis 
ions  of  said  law,  shall  be  regarded  and  treated  as  an  alien  enemy; 
and,  if  made  prisoner,  shall  be  at  once  delivered  over  to  the 
nearest  military  authority,  to  be  dealt  with  as  a  spy  or  prisoner 
of  war,  as  the  case  may  require." 

Another  Act  passed  by  the  Confederate  Congress 
declared,  that  all  real  and  personal  property  of  all  cit 
izens  of  the  United  States,  found  upon  Southern  soil 
after  the  forty  days'  notice  in  the  Proclamation  of  the 


572  REPUBLICANISM  IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

President,  should  be  confiscated  and  turned  over  to 
the  Government,  under  fine  and  imprisonment  on  fail 
ure  of  the  " alien"  to  comply  with  the  requirements 
of  the  "law." 

On  the  18th  of  May,  1861,  the  Confederate  Con 
gress  passed  the  following  law.  It  will  be  seen  how 
their  affection  toward  the  "  subjects"  of  Slave  States, 
and  slave  owners,  whether  they  were  within  or  without 
the  Confederacy,  was  manifested — the  Act  applied  only 
to  the  free  States: 

*'  SECTION  1.  The  Congress  of  the  Confederate  States  of  Amer 
ica  do  enact,  that  all  persons  in  any  manner  indebted  to  individ 
uals  or  corporations  in  the  United  States  of  America,  (except  the 
States  of  Delaware,  Maryland,  Kentucky,  and  Missouri,  and  the 
District  of  Columbia)  be  and  are  hereby  prohibited  from  paying 
the  same  to  their  respective  creditors,  or  their  agents  or  as 
signees,  pending  the  existing  war  waged  by  that  Government 
against  the  Confederate  States,  or  any  of  the  slaveholding  States 
before  named. 

"  SEC.  2.  Any  person  indebted  as  aforesaid,  shall  be  and  is 
hereby  authorized  to  pay  the  amount  of  his  indebtedness  into 
the  Treasury  of  the  Confederate  States  in  specie  or  Treasury- 
notes,  and  shall  receive  from  the  Treasurer  a  certificate,  counter 
signed  by  the  Register,  showing  the  amount  paid  and  on  what 
account,  and  the  rate  of  interest  which  the  same  was  bearing. 

"  SEC.  3.  Such  certificate  shall  bear  like  interest  with  the 
original  contract,  and  shall  be  redeemable  at  the  close  of  the 
war  and  the  restoration  of  peace,  in  specie  or  its  equivalent,  on. 
presentation  of  the  original  certificate. 

"  SEC.  4.  All  laws  and  parts  of  laws  militating  against  this  Act 
shall  be  and  the  same  are  hereby  repealed. 

"  Ho  WELL  COBB,  President  of  the  Congress. 

"  Approved  May  21st,  1861. 

"JEFFEBSON  DAVIS." 

-  Laws  were  also  passed  confiscating  real  and  personal 
property,  and  all  interests  of  whatever  description 
within  the  Confederate  States,  belonging  to  citizens  of 


XXXIII.]        KENTUCKY   RESOLUTIONS   OF    '98.  573 

the  Free  States  resident  in  the  Confederacy  or  else 
where,  as  in  all  other  Acts,  they  exempted  the  prop 
erty  of  persons  from  or  in  the  Slave  States,  not  joined 
to  the  Confederacy. 

The  business  of  the  Congress  was  generally  done 
with  closed  doors,  the  Sergeant-at-arms  clearing  the 
legislative  halls  of  all  but  members  and  officers.  This, 
while  it  lasted,  was  no  doubt  "pure  Democracy,"  ac 
cording  to  the  doctrines  of  the  unreconstructed. 

The  resolutions,  generally  known  as  the  Kentucky 
Resolutions  of  '98,  were  similar  and  of  almost  the 
same  tenor  as  the  Virginia  resolutions  of  the  same 
year,  and  fully  define  the  views  of  the  Democracy  of 
the  country  from  the  very  formation  of  the  Govern 
ment  to  the  present  time  in  regard  to  the  sovereignty 
of  the  States  and  the  oppression  of  the  Federal  Union. 

The  following  extract  from  these  resolutions,  written 
by  Thomas  Jefferson  and  indorsed  by  all  living  and 
dead  Democrats,  contain  the  pith  of  the  whole  resolu 
tions  : 

"  Resolved,  -  That  the  several  States  composing  the  United 
States  of  America,  are  not  united  on  the  principle  of  unlimited 
submission  to  their  General  Government;  but  that,  by  a  com 
pact  under  the  style  and  title  of  a  Constitution  for  the  United 
States,  and  of  the  amendments  thereto,  they  constitute  a  Gen 
eral  Government  for  special  purposes — delegated  to  that  Govern 
ment  certain  definite  powers,  reserving,  each  State  to  itself,  the 
residuary  mass  of  right  to  their  own  self-government;  and  that 
whensoever  the  General  Government  assumes  undelegated  pow 
ers,  its  acts  are  unauthoritative,  void,  and  of  no  force;  that  to 
this  compact  each  State  acceded  as  a  State,  and  as  an  integral 
party,  its  co-States  forming,  as  to  itself,  the  other  party;  that 
the  Government  created  by  this  compact  was  not  made  the  ex 
clusive  or  final  judge  of  the  extent  of  the  power  delegated  to 
itself;  since  that  would  have  made  its  discretion,  and  not  the 
Constitution,  the  measure  of  its  powers;  but  that,  as  in  all  other 
37 


574  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

cases  of  compact  among  powers  having  no  common  judge,  each 
party  has  an  equal  right  to  judge  for  itself,  as  well  as  of  infrac 
tions  as  of  the  mode  and  measure  of  redress." 

On  the  evening  of  the  6th  of  January,  1861,  the 
Democratic  Senators  at  Washington  held  a  "  caucus," 
and  as  guardians  of  the  Republic  passed  some  resolu 
tions,  the  purport  of  which  may  be  readily  ascertained 
by  the  following  letter  written  by  D.  L.  Yulee,  a  Demo 
cratic  Senator  from  Florida  at  that  time.  A  perusal 
of  it  may  aid  those  of  the  neuter  gender,  who  desire  that 
the  "  little  unpleasantness"  should  all  be  forgotten  in 
arriving  at  an  appreciation  of  the  danger  surrounding 
the  South  from  " Abolition  aggressions." 

Following  is  a  copy  of  Mr.  Yulee' s  letter: 

"  WASHINGTON,  January  7th,  1861. 

,  "  My  Dear  Sir — On  the  other  side  is  a  copy  of  resolutions 
adopted  at  a  consultation  of  the  Senators  from  the  seceding 
States,  in  which  Georgia,  Alabama,  Louisiana,  Arkansas,  Texas, 
Mississippi,  an  Florida  were  present. 

'•'  The  idea  of  the  meeting  was  that  the  States  should  go  out 
at  once,  and  provide  for  the  early  organization  of  a  Confederate 
Government,  not  later  than  the  15th  of  February.  This  time  is 
allowed  to  enable  Louisiana  and  Texas  to  participate.  It  seemed 
to  be  the  opinion  that  if  we  left  here,  force,  loan,  and  volunteer 
bills  might  be  passed,  which  would  put  Mr.  Lincoln  in  immedi 
ate  condition  for  hostilities,  whereas  by  remaining  in  our  places 
until  the  4th  of  March,  it  is  thought  we  can  keep  the  hands  of 
Mr.  Buchanan  tied,  and  disable  the  Republicans  from  effecting 
any  legislation  which  will  strengthen  the  hands  of  the  incoming 
Administration. 

"  The  resolutions  will  be  sent  by  the  delegation  to  the  Presi 
dent  of  the  Convention.  I  have  not  been  able  to  find  Mr.  Mai- 
lory  this  morning.  Hawkins  [the  member  from  Florida]  is  in 
Connecticut.  I  have  therefore  thought  it  best  to  send  you  this 
copy  of  the  resolutions.  In  haste, 

"Yours,  truly, 

"  D.  L.  YULRE. 

"  Joseph  Finegan,  Esq.,  Sovereignty  Conference,  Tallahas 
see,  Florida." 


XXXIII.]  DEMOCRATIC    LIBERTY.  575 

It  may  not  be  uninteresting  to  the  reader  to  peruse 
the  following  draft  of  a  law  presented  to  the  National 
Congress,  at  the  1st  Session  of  the  36th  Congress,  1860, 
by  Senator  Albert  GL  Brown,  of  Mississippi.  To  those 
of  his  party  who  proclaim  their  love  for  the  liberties 
guaranteed  by  the  Constitution — freedom  of  speech, 
of  the  press,  and  of  trial  by  jury — it  is  especially 
commended.  It  is  the  most  "  Democratic-like"  docu 
ment  on  record,  and  fully  embodies  and  reflects  the 
11  time-honored  principles  of  the  Democracy." 

"An  Act  to  punish  offenses  against  Slave  Property  in  the  Territory 
of  Kansas. 

"  SECTION  11.  If  any  person  print,  write,  introduce  into, 
publish,  or  circulate,  or  cause  to  be  brought  into,  printed,  writ 
ten,  published,  or  circulated,  or  shall  knowingly  aid  or  assist, 
intriguing  into,  printing,  publishing,  or  circulating  within  the 
Territory  of  Kansas,  any  book,  paper,  pamphlet,  magazine,  or 
handbill,  or  circular,  containing  any  statements,  arguments, 
opinions,  sentiment,  doctrine,  device,  or  innuendo,  calculated  to 
produce  a  disorderly,  dangerous,  or  rebellious  disaffection 
among  the  slaves  in  the  Territory  of  Kansas,  or  to  induce  such 
slaves  to  escape  from  the .  service  of  their  masters,  or  to  resist 
their  authority,  he  shall  be  guilty  of  felony,  and  be  punished  by 
imprisonment  and  hard  labor  for  a  term  not  less  than  five  years. 

"  SECTION  12.  If  any  free  person,  by  speaking  or  by  writing, 
assert  or  maintain  that  persons  have  not  the  right  to  hold  slaves 
in  the  Territory  of  Kansas,  or  shall  introduce  into  the  said  Ter 
ritory,  print,  publish,  write,  circulate,  or  cause  to  be  introduced 
into  said  Territory,  written,  printed,  published,  or  circulated  in 
said  Territory,  any  book,  paper,  magazine,  pamphlet,  or  circu 
lar,  containing  any  denial  of  the  right  of  persons  to  hold  slaves 
in  said  Territory,  such  person  shall  be  deemed  guilty  of  felony, 
and  punished  by  imprisonment  at  hard  labor  for  a  term  not  less 
than  two  years,  nor  more  than  five  years. 

"  SECTION  13.  No  person  who  is  conscientiously  opposed  to 
holding  slaves,  or  who  does  not  admit  the  right  to  hold  slaves 
in  the  Territory  of  Kansas,  shall  sit  as  a  juror  on  the  trial  of  any 
prosecution  for  any  violation  of  any  of  the  Sections  of  this  Act. " 


576  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

Reuben  Davis,  of  Mississippi,  on  December  8th, 
1859,  in  the  National  Congress,  speaking  upon  the 
subject  of  Slavery,  said: 

"  We  will  not  be  driven  one  inch  beyond  where  we  now  stand. 
"We  will  be  butchered  first;  and  only  invite  those  who  have  raised 
the  storm  to  lead  its  maddened  columns,  that  we  may  encounter 
them  in  the  death-grasp,  and  catch  the  first  wail  of  their  damned 
spirits  as  they  enter  the  regions  of  woe." 

J.  L.  M.  Curry,  of  Alabama,  in  the  National  House 
of  Representatives,  on  December  10th,  1850,  said: 

1 '  Every  separate  community  must  be  able  to  protect  itself. 
Power  must  be  met  by  power.  If  the  majority  can  control  this 
Government,  interpreting  the  Constitution  as  it  will,  then  this 
Government  is  a  despotism.  Whether  wise  or  unwise,  whether 
merciful  or  cruel,  this  power  of  self-protection, 

according  to  my  judgment,  and  my  theory  of  politics,  resides  in 
each  State.  Each  has  the  right  of  Secession,  *  *  and 
it  is  a  sad  misfortune  that  these  effective  remedies  have  not  been 
oftener  applied," 

0.  R.  Singleton,  of  Mississippi,  on  December  19th, 
1859,  in  the  National  Congress,  said: 

f '  We  can  never  quietly  stand  by  and  permit  the  control  of  the 
army  and  navy  to  go  into  the  hands  of  a  Black  Republican  Presi 
dent.  *  *  You  may  make  him  President  of  the  North 
ern  States,  but  you  cannot  make  him  President  of  this  Republic. 
I  do  claim  the  right  of  peaceable  secession. 

"  We  were  originally  thirteen  sovereign  States,  recognized  as 
such  by  Great  Britain,  and  these  sovereignties  made  the  Consti 
tution  which  binds  us  together.  When  we  leave  you  we  expect 
to  occupy  precisely  the  same  position  that  we  did  before  we 
came  into  the  Confederation  of  States." 

T.  C.  Henderson,  of  Arkansas,  in  the  House  of  Rep 
resentatives,  on  January  20th,  1860,  said: 

"  When  the  invasion  is  made,  (speaking  of  coercion,)  the  price 
of  hemp  will  go  up,  for  our  whole  crop  will  be  needed  to  hang 
the  Abolition  soldiery,  but  the  price  of  arms  will  go  down,  for 


XXXIII.]  SLAVERY   IS   DIVINE.  577 

we  will  take  from  our  invaders  arms  enough  to  equip  our  whole 
population.         *  We  will  welcome  them  with  bloody 

hands  to  hospitable  graves." 

L.  M.  Keitt,  of  South  Carolina,  in  the  National 
Congress,  on  January  25th,  1860,  said: 

"  Why  is  it,  then,  that  the  triumph  of  the  Eepublican  party 
will  be  the  overthrow  of  the  Federal  Government  ?  Because  the 
consummation  of  its  principles  will  be  the  practical  subversion 
of  the  guarantees  of  the  Constitution,  and  the  condemnation  of 
the  whole  industrial  system  of  the  South  to  chaotic  rupture. 
African  Slavery  is  the  corner-stone  of  the  industrial,  social,  and 
political  fabric  of  the  Southland  whatever  wars  against  it,  wars 
against  her  very  existence.  Strike  down  the  institution  of  Afri 
can  Slavery  and  you  reduce  the  South  to  depopulation  and  bar 
barism.  *  *  The  right  of  slaves  was  the  first  right  of 
property  which  was  recognized,  and  it  has  been  recognized  more 
widely  than  any  other  kind  of  property.  *  *  We  of 
the  South  contend  that  Slavery  is  right,  and  that  this  is  a  Con 
federate  Kepublic  of  Sovereign  States.  We  affirm  it  to  be  moral, 
just  and  beneficent.  It  is  moral,  for  it  has  existed  in  every  por 
tion  of  the  world,  and  among  all  people — the  most  civilized  as 
well  as  the  most  savage.  *  *  n  jg  just.  it  was  estab 
lished  in  the  old,  and  recognized  in  the  new  dispensation. 
*  *  If  the  standard  of  the  moral  law  be  applied,  it  is  just. 
If  the  standard  of  the  human  law  be  applied,  it  is  just  also,  for 
it  is  found  in  the  laws  of  every  people  on  earth.  So  far,  how 
ever,  as  human  justice  is  involved,  separated  from  intrinsic  mor 
ality,  it  is  just.  So  far  as  the  people  are  concerned,  it  is  just. 
It  is  just,  too,  in  the  sense  of  high  public  duty.  It  is  benefi 
cent.  In  all  societies  there  must  be  some  relation  between  the 
superior  and  the  inferior.  *  *  It  is  also  incontroverti 
ble  that  all  the  inhabitants  of  a  State  cannot  be  educated.  The 
ordinance  of  God  condemns  mankind  to  labor  and  certain  menial 
occupations  incompatible  with  mental  cultivation." 

John  C.  Calhoun,  of  South  Carolina,  in  the  Senate 
of  the  United  States,  in  1838,  said: 

"  Many  in  the  South  once  believed  that  Slavery  was  a  moral 
and  political  evil;  that  folly  and  delusion  are  gone.  We  see  it 


578  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

now  in  its  true  light,  and  regard  it  as  the  most  safe  and  stable 
basis  for  free  institutions  in  the  world.  It  is  impossible  with  us 
that  the  conflict  can  take  place  between  capital  and  labor,  which 
makes  it  so  difficult  to  establish  and  maintain  free  institutions  in 
all  wealthy  and  highly  civilized  nations  where  such  institutions 
as  ours  do  not  exist." 

The  following  is  an  extract  from  the  Richmond  Mi- 
quirer,  of  1855: 

"At  the  North,  and  in  Western  Europe,  by  attempting  to  dis 
pense  with  a  natural  and  necessary,  and  hitherto  universal  limb, 
element,  or  institution  of  society,  you  have  thrown  everything 
into  chaotic  confusion.  In  dispensing  with  domestic  Slavery, 
you  have  destroyed  order,  and  removed  the  strongest  argument 
to  prove  the  existence  of  Deity.  *  *  *  This  is  but  part 
of  our  programme,  we  mean  to  show  up  free  society — to  show 
that  the  little  experiment  made  in  a  corner  of  Western  Europe 
has  signally  failed,  then  we  will  invade  the  North,  where  a  simi 
lar  experiment  is  making — not  made.  We  will  point  to  a  thou 
sand  premonitory  symptoms  of  ultimate  failure,  and  always 
adduce  the  Abolitionists  as  our  witnesses.  In  fine,  we  intend, 
from  time  to  time,  to  institute  a  searching  comparison  between 
Slave  society  and  Free  society,  and  to  prove  that  the  former  is 
the  old,  almost  universal  moral,  and  natural,  condition  of  civil 
ized  society." 

In  a  book  written  a  few  years  ago  by  a  Mr.  Fitzhugh, 
entitled  "  Free  Society  a  failure,"  which  work  was 
highly  recommended  to  the  people  of  the  Slave  States 
and  by  leading  Democratic  journals,  we  find  the  fol 
lowing: 

"  We  do  not  adopt  the  theory  that  Ham  was  the  ancestor  of 
the  negro  race.  The  Jewish  slaves  were  not  negroes,  and  to 
confine  the  justification  of  Slavery  to  that  race,  would  be  to 
weaken  its  scriptural  authority,  and  to  lose  the  wliole  weight  of 
profane  authority,  for  we  read  of  no  negro  Slavery  in  ancient 
times.  *  *  *  *  Slavery,  black  or  white,  is  right  and 
necessary.  *  *  *  *  The  slaves  are  governed  far  better 
than  the  free  laborers  at  the  North  are  governed.  Our  negroes 
are  not  only  better  off,  as  to  physical  comfort,  than  free  laborers, 
but  their  moral  condition  is  better." 


XXXIII.]  SLAVERY   IS   DIVINE,  579 

This  morsel  of  Democratic  philosophy  might  serve 
a  good  purpose,  if  placed  at  the  head  of  a  Democratic 
editorial,  soliciting  the  votes  of  Irish  and  Germans — • 
and  abusing  Black  Republicans  for  their  emancipation 
proclamation  and  "  usurpations." 

Speech  of  Hon.  Peter  E.  Love,  of  Georgia,  delivered 
in  Congress,  March  13th,  1860.  He  said: 

"I  deny  that  a  single  sentence  can  be  found  in  the  Bible, 
from  Genesis  to  Revelations,  which  condemns  Slavery.  On  the- 
contrary,  the  two  kinds  of  servitude  which  exist  in  our  day, 
hired  and  slave  labor,  existed  at  the  times  of,  and  were  regulated 
by,  both  the  laws  of  the  Old  and  New  Testament.  ^  *  I 
will  call  the  attention  of  the  Committee  to  only  two  passages, 
one  from  each  book,  to  establish  what  I  say:  'Every  man  ser 
vant  that  is  bought  for  money,  when  thou  hast  circumcised  him, 
then  shall  he  eat  thereof.  A  foreigner  and  a  hired  servant  shall 
not  eat  thereof.' 

"  Here,  sir,  is  not  only  the  direct  recognition  of  the  existence 
of  hired  servants  and  slaves,  but  it  regulates  their  condition. 
And  more  than  that,  sir;  it  domesticates  the  slave,  and  upon  the 
condition  specified,  elevates  him  above  the  hired  servant.  Would 
God  tolerate  an  evil — a  moral  evil?  Would  he  regulate  the 
commission  of  sin  ?  The  idea  is  ridiculous. 

"  But  again,  sir,  in  the  New  Testament,  we  have  the  follow 
ing:  '  Servants  be  obedient  to  them  who  are  your  masters,  ac 
cording  to  the  flesh,  with  fear  and  trembling,  in  singleness  of 
your  heart  &s  unto  Christ;  not  with  eye  service  as  men  pleasers; 
but  as  the  servants  of  Christ,  doing  the  will  of  God  from  the 
heart,  with  good  will,  doing  service,  as  if  to  the  Lord,  and  not 
to  men;  knowing  that  whatsoever  good  thing  any  man  doeth, 
the  same  shall  be  received  of  the  Lord,  whether  he  be  bond  or 
free.  And  ye,  masters,  do  the  same  things  to  them,  forbearing 
threatening,  knowing  that  your  Master  is  also  in  heaven;  neither 
is  there  respect  of  persons  with  Him.' 

"  Here,  again,  the  relation  of  master  and  servant  (slave)  is  dis 
tinctly  and  clearly  recognized.  But  some  men  of  the  present 
day  set  themselves  up  as  better  men  than  the  Apostle  Paul. 
The  apostle  counseled  and  advised  slaves  to  obey  their  masters." 

In  contrast  with  the  mad  doctrines  of  the  party  of 


580  REPUBLICANISM    IN    AMERICA.  [Chap. 

barbarism,  vice  and  oppression,  the  following  extracts 
from  the  writings  and  speeches  of  the  founders  and 
protectors  of  American  t nationality  and  freedom  may 
prove  interesting. 

A  copy  of  the  memorial  of  the  people  of  Pennsyl 
vania,  presented  to  the  first  American  Congress  on  the 
12th  day  of  February,  1790,  and  signed  by  Benjamin 
Franklin,  is  here  given: 

"The  memorial  respectfully  showeth,  That  from  a  regard  for  the 
happiness  of  mankind,  an  association  was  formed  several  years 
since  in  tin's  State,  by  a  number  of  her  citizens,  of  various  relig 
ious  denominations,  for  the  promotion  of  the  abolition  of  Slavery, 
and  for  the  relief  of  those  unlawfully  held  in  bondage,  a  just 
and  acute  conception  of  the  true  principles  of  liberty  as  it  spread 
through  the  land,  produced  accessions  to  their  numbers,  many 
friends  to  their  cause,  and  a  legislative  co-operation  with  their 
views,  which  by  the  blessing  of  Divine  Providence,  have  been 
successfully  directed  to  the  relieving  from  bondage  a  large  num 
ber  of  their  fellow  creatures  of  the  African  race.  They  have 
also  the  satisfaction  to  observe  that  in  consequence  of  that  spirit 
of  philanthropy,  and  genuine  liberty  which  is  generally  diffusing 
its  beneficial  influence,  similar  institutions  are  forming  at  homo 
and  abroad. 

' '  That  mankind  are  all  formed  by  the  same  Almighty  Being, 
alike  subject  to  his  care,  and  equally  designed  for  the  enjoyment 
of  happiness,  the  Christian  religion  teaches  us  to  believe,  and 
the  political  creed  of  Americans  fully  coincides  with  the  propo 
sition. 

' '  Your  memorialists,  particularly  engaged  in  attending  to  the 
distresses  arising  from  Slavery,  believe  it  their  indispensable 
duty  to  present  this  subject  to  your  notice.  They  have  observed 
with  real  satisfaction,  that  many  important  and  salutary  powers 
are  vested  in  you  for  *  promoting  the  welfare  and  securing  the 
blessings  of  liberty  to  the  people  of  the  United  States,'  and  as 
they  conceive  that  these  blessings  ought  rightfully  to  be  admin* 
istered,  without  distinction  of  color,  to  all  descriptions  of  people, 
so  they  indulge  themselves  in  the  pleasing  expectations  that 
nothing  which  can  be  done  for  the  relief  of  the  uiihappy  objects 
of  their  care  will  be  either  omitted  or 


XXXIII.]  FRANKLIN   OPPOSES   SLAVERY.  581 

"  From  a  persuasion  that  equal  liberty  was  originally  the  por 
tion,  and  is  still  the  birthright  of  all  men,  and  influenced  by  the 
strong  ties  of  humanity,  and  the  principles  of  their  institutions, 
your  memorialists  conceive  themselves  bound  to  use  all  justifia 
ble  endeavors  to  loosen  the  bands  of  Slavery,  and  promote  the 
general  enjoyment  of  the  blessings  of  freedom. 

"  Under  these  impressions,  they  earnestly  entreat  your  serious 
attention  to  the  subject  of  Slavery;  that  you  will  be  pleased  to 
countenance  the  restoration  of  liberty  to  those  unhappy  men, 
who,  alone  in  this  land  of  freedom,  are  degraded  into  perpetual 
bondage,  and  who  amidst  the  general  joy  of  surrounding  free 
men  are  groaning  in  servile  subjection;  that  you  will  devise 
means  for  removing  this  inconsistency  from  the  character  of  the 
American  people;  that  you  will  promote  justice  and  mercy 
towards  this  distressed  race,  and  that  you  will  step  to  the  very 
verge  of  the  power  vested  in  you  for  discouraging  every  species 
of  traffic  in  the  persons  of  our  fellow  men. 

"  BENJAMIN  FKANKLIN,  President. 

"Philadelphia,  February  3d,  1790." 

Extract  from  a  letter  written  by  Gen.  Washington 
to  Lafayette: 

"  I  agree  with  you  cordially  in  your  views  in  regard  to  negro 
Slavery;  I  have  long  considered  it  a  most  serious  evil,  both 
socially  and  politically,  and  I  should  rejoice  in  any  feasible 
scheme  to  rid  our  States  of  such  a  burden.  The  Congress  of 
1787  adopted  an  ordinance  which  prohibits  the  existence  of  in 
voluntary  servitude  in  our  Northwestern  Territory  forever.  / 
consider  it  a  wise  measure.  It  met  with  the  approval  and  assent  of 
nearly  every  member  from  the  States  more  immediately  interested  in 
slave  labor.  The  prevailing  opinion  in  Virginia  is  against  the  spread 
of  Slavery  in  our  new  Territories,  and  I  trust  we  shall  have  a  con 
federation  of  Free  States." 

Washington  wrote  to  Robert  Morris,  in  1786,  as 
follows : 

"I  can  only  say,  that  there  is  not  a  man  living  who  wishes 
more  sincerely  than  I  do  to  see  a  plan  adopted  for  the  abolition 
of  it  (Slavery);  but  there  is  only  one  proper  and  effectual"  mode 
in  which  it  can  be  accomplished,  and  that  is  by  legislative  au- 


582  REPUBLICANISM   IN    AMERICA.  [Cliap. 

thority;  and  this,  so  far  as  my  suffrage  will  go,  shall  never  be 
wanting." 

Mr.  Jefferson,  in  his  Notes  on  Virginia,  says: 

"  The  abolition  of  domestic  Slavery  is  the  greatest  object  of 
desire  in  these  Colonies,  where  it  was  unhappily  introduced  in 
their  infant  state.  But  previous  to  the  enfranchisement  of  the 
slaves,  it  is  necessary  to  exclude  further  importations  from 
Africa." 

With  almost  prophetic  spirit,  Mr.  Jefferson,  speak 
ing  of  Slavery,  said: 

"  Nothiny  is  more  certainly  written  in  the  book  of  fate  than  that 
these  people  are  to  be  free,  nor  is  it  less  certain  that  the  two  races, 
equally  free,  cannot  live  in  the  same  Government.  Nature, 
habit,  and  opinion  have  drawn  indelible  lines  of  distinction  be 
tween  them.  It  is  still  in  our  power  to  direct  the  process  of 
emancipation  and  deportation  peaceably,  and  in  such  slow  de 
gree  as  that  the  evil  will  wear  off  insensibly,  and  their  places  be 
pari  passu  filled  up  with  free  white  laborers.  If,  on  the  contrary, 
it  is  left  to  force  itself  on,  human  nature  must  shudder  at  the 
prospects  held  up." 

Mr.  Madison,  in  1780,  said: 

"  Congress  might,  for  example,  respecting  the  introduction  of 
slaves  into  the  new  States  to  be  formed  out  of  the  Western  Ter 
ritory,  make  regulations,  such  as  were  beyond  their  power  in  re 
lation  to  the  old  settled  States." 

The  following  members  of  the  Legislature  of  Vir 
ginia,  as  late  as  1832,  said.  Mr.  Moor,  of  Rockbridge : 

"In  the  first  place,  I  shall  confine  my  remarks  to  such  of 
those  evils  as  affect  the  white  population  exclusively.  And  even 
in  that  point  of  view  I  think  that  Slavery,  as  it  exists  among  us, 
may  be  regarded  as  the  heaviest  calamity  which  has  ever  befallen 
any  portion  of  the  human  race." 

Mr.  Rives,  of  Campbell,  said: 
"  On  the  multiplied  and  desolating  evils  of  Slavery,  he  was  not 


XXXIII.]  OPPOSITION   TO    SLAVERY.  583 

disposed  to  say  much.  The  curse  and  deteriorating  consequences 
were  within  the  observation  and  experience  of  the  members  of 
the  House  and  the  people  of  Virginia,  and  it  did  seem  to  him 
that  there  could  not  be  two  opinions  about  it." 

Mr.  Powell  said: 

"  I  can  scarcely  persuade  myself  that  there  is  a  solitary  gen 
tleman  in  this  House  who  will  not  readily  admit  that  Slavery  is 
an  evil,  and  that  its  removal,  if  practicable,  is  a  consummation 
most  devoutly  to  be  wished.  I  have  not  heard,  nor  do  I  ex 
pect  to  hear,  a  voice  raised  in  this  hall  to  the  contrary." 

Mr.  Henry  Berry  said: 

"  I  believe  that  no  cancer  on  the  physical  body  was  ever  more 
certain,  steady,  and  fatal  in  its  progress,  than  is  the  cancer  on 
the  political  body  of  the  State  of  Virginia.  It  is  eating  into  her 
very  vitals." 

Thomas  Marshall,  of  Virginia,  said: 

"Wherefore,  then,  object  to  Slavery?  Because  it  is  ruinous 
to  the  whites,  retards  improvement,  roots  out  an  industrious 
population,  banishes  the  yeomanry  of  the  country,  deprives  the 
spinner,  the  weaver,  the  smith,  the  shoemaker,  the  carpenter  of 
employment  and  support. " 

Mr.  Bordnax,  of  Dinwiddie,  said: 

"  That  Slavery  in  Virginia  is  an  evil,  it  would  be  idle,  and 
more  than  idle,  for  any  human  being  to  doubt  or  deny.  It  is  a 
mildew  which  has  blighted  in  its  course  every  region  it  has 
touched,  from  the  creation  of  the  world." 

Hon.  Charles  J.  Faulkner,  of  Virginia,  in  an  elo 
quent  speech  denouncing  Slavery,  said: 

t(  Does  not  the  same  evil  exist?  Is  it  not  increasing?  Does 
not  every  day  give  it  permanency  and  force  ?  Is  it  not  rising 
like  a  heavy  and  portentous  cloud  above  the  horizon,  extending 
its  deep  and  sable  volumes  athwart  the  sky,  and  gathering  in  its 
impenetrable  folds  the  active  materials  of  elemental  war  ?  " 

James  McDowell — since  Governor  of  the  State  of 
Virginia — said : 


584  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

"  Sir,  you  may  place  the  slave  where  you  please;  you  may  dry 
up  to  your  utmost  the  fountains  of  his  feelings,  the  springs  of 
his  thought;  you  may  close  upon  his  mind  every  avenue  of 
knowledge,  and  cloud  it  over  with  artificial  night;  you  may  yoke 
him  to  your  labor  like  an  ox  which  liveth  only  to  work,  and  work- 
eth  only  to  live;  you  may  put  him  under  any  process  which, 
without  de'stroying  his  value  as  a  slave,  will  debase  and  crush 
him  as  a  rational  being;  you  may  do  this,  and  the  idea  that  he 
was  born  to  be  free  will  survive  it  all.  It  is  allied  to  his  hope  of 
immortality;  it  is  in  the  etherial  part  of  his  nature,  which  op 
pression  cannot  reach;  it  is  a  torch  lit  up  in  his  soul  by  the  hand 
of  Deity,  and  never  meant  to  be  extinguished  by  the  hand  of 
man.  If  gentlemen  do  not  see  and  feel  the  evil  of 

Slavery  while  this  Federal  Union  lasts,  they  will  see  and  feel  it 
when  it  is  gone.  They  will  see  and  suffer  it  then  in  a  magni 
tude  of  desolating  power,  to  which  the  pestilence  that  walketh 
at  noonday  would  be  a  blessing — to  which  the  malaria  which  is 
now  threatening  extermination  to  the  'Eternal  City/  as  the 
proud  one  of  the  Pontiff's  and  Caesar's  is  called;  would  be  as  re 
freshing  and  as  balmy  as  the  first  breath  of  Spring  to  the  cham 
ber  of  disease." 


CHAPTER    XXXIV. 

GENERAL  OF  THE  AMERICAN  ARMIES. 

THE  grade  of  the  commanding  General  of  the  armies 
of  the  American  Republic  has  been  varied  at  different 
periods.  George  Washington,  who  was  the  first  Gen 
eral  of  the  American  forces,  received  his  appointment 
as  such  June  15th,  1775,  from  the  second  Continental 
Congress,  then  in  session  at  Philadelphia.  He  was  by 
that  body  unanimously  proclaimed  u  Commander  •-in- 
Chief  of  all  the  Armies  raised  and  to  be  raised  for  the 
defense  of  the  Colonies."  His  title  was  General — the 
highest  grade  in  an  army;  and  up  to  the  period  of  the 
revival  of  this  grade  by  the  XXXIXth  Congress,  July 
25th,  1866,  no  such  officer  as  that  of  General  had  ex 
isted  within  the  Union. 

On  the  adoption  of  the  Federal  Constitution,  the 
President  of  the  United  States  became  ex-officio  Com- 
mander-in-Chief  of  the  army  and  navy  of  the  United 
States;  and  unless  by  this  it  could  be  said  that  the 
President  was  the  General  of  all  the  armies,  we  have 
had  but  two  Americans  with  the  full  title  of  General 
— George  Washington  and  Ulysses  S.  Grant — and  but 
one  General  (Grant)  since  the  formation  of  the  Fed 
eral  Union  under  the  Constitution ;  for  it  will  be  re 
membered  that  Washington's  appointment  and  services 
as  General  were  made  under  the  Articles  of  Confedera 
tion,  during  the  colonial  period  of  the  country.  Gen 
eral,  Lieutenant-General,  Major- General,  and  Brigadier- 
General  are  the  ranks  and  order  of  ranks  of  the  com- 


586  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

manders  of  armies.  The  General  commands  all  the 
armies.  The  officer  second  in  rank  is  the  Lieutenant- 
General,  next  the  Major-General,  who  commands  a 
division  of  an  army,  and  last,  the  Brigadier- General, 
who  commands  a  brigade.  * 

The  highest  grade  under  Washington  during  the 
Revolutionary  War,  was  that  of  Major- General,  under 
which  grade  the  armies  were  commanded  until  the 
grade  of  Lieutenant- General  was  created  by  special 
Act  of  Congress,  in  1855,  which  title  was  soon  after 
conferred  upon  Major-General  Winfield  Scott,  as  a 
mark  of  esteem  for  his  gallantry  in  the  wars  of  1812 
and  of  Mexico.  The  act  was  expressly  so  formed  that 
it  should  not  survive  him. 

Soon  after  the  commencement  of  the  Slaveholders' 
Rebellion,  in  1861,  age  and  infirmities  compelled  Gen 
eral  Scott  to  retire  from  active  service.  His  resigna 
tion  and  request  to  be  placed  upon  the  retired  list 
was  dated  October  31st,  1861.  Brevet-Lieutenant- 
General  Winfield  Scott,  L.L.D.,  died  at  West  Point, 
New  York,  on  the  29th  of  May,  1866,  aged  eighty 
years. 

On  the  recommendation  of  General  Scott  and  others 
of  high  military  standing,  George  B.  McClellan  was, 
on  November  1st,  1861,  appointed  by  President  Lin 
coln  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Army  of  the  United 
States,  with  the  rank  of  Major- General,  the  highest 
rank  held  by  any  General  from  the  commencement  of 
the  war  in  1861,  until  the  appointment  of  Ulysses  S. 
Grant  as  a  Lieutenant-General,  in  1864.  He  (McClel 
lan)  was  removed  from  this  command  by  order  of 
President  Lincoln,  who  appointed  Henry  W.  Halleck 
as  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Army  of  the  United 
States.  Halleck  took  command  July  23d,  1862. 


XXXI V.]      GRANT   APPOINTED   LIEUT. -GENERAL.  587 

Ranking,  as  he  had  before  this  appointment,  Major- 
General,  he  was,  on  March  12th,  1864,  at  his  own  re 
quest,  relieved  of  the  position  of  Commander-in-Chief 
of  the  Army. 

Congress,  on  the  29th  of  February,  1864,  revived 
the  grade  of  Lieutenant-General.  President  Lincoln, 
on  approving  the  act,  immediately  sent  the  nomination 
of  Major- General  Ulysses  S.  Grant  to  the  Senate  for 
confirmation.  The  Senate  confirmed  his  nomination 
March  3d,  1864.  On  March  9th,  President  Lincoln, 
in  presenting  General  Grant  his  commission  as  Lieut.- 
General,  said: 

ec  Gen.  Grant:  The  Nation's  appreciation  of  what  you  have 
done,  and  its  reliance  upon  you  for  what  remains  to  do,  in  the 
existing  great  struggle,  are  now  presented  with  this  commission, 
constituting  you  Lieutenant-G-eneral  in  the  Army  of  the  United 
States.  With  this  high  honor  devolves  upon  you,  also,  a  cor 
responding  responsibility.  As  the  country  herein  trusts  you,  so, 
under  God,  it  will  sustain  you.  I  scarcely  need  to  add  that  with 
what  I  here  speak  for  the  Nation,  goes  my  own  hearty  personal 
concurrence." 

To  which  Gen.  Grant  replied: 

' '  Mr.  President :  I  accept  this  commission  with  gratitude  for 
the  high  honor  conferred. 

*  *  With  the  aid  of  the  noble  armies  that  have  fought  on  so 
many  fields  for  our  common  country,  it  will  be  my  earnest  en 
deavor  not  to  disappoint  your  expectations. 

"  I  feel  the  full  weight  of  the  responsibilities  now  devolving 
on  me,  and  I  know  that  if  they  are  met,  it  will  be  due  to  those 
armies,  and,  a'bove  all,  to  the  favor  of  that  Providence  which 
leads  both  nations  and  men." 

General  Grant,  who  had  left  his  command  in  Tennes 
see  to  receive  this  commission,  returned  to  Nashville 
March  llth.  On  March  12th,  the  succeeding  day,  the 
following  order  was  issued  at  Washington : 


588  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

"  WAR  DEPARTMENT,  ADJUTANT-GENERAL'S  OFFICE, 

"  WASHINGTON,  March  12th. 
"  General  Orders,  No.  98. 

"  The  President  of  the  United  States  orders  as  follows: 

"1.  Maj.-Gen.  Halleck  is,  at  his  own  request,  relieved  from 
duty  as  General-in-Chief  "of  the  Army,  and  Lieut. -Gen.  U.  S. 
Grant  assigned  to  the  command  of  the  Armies  of  the  United 
States.  The  head-quarters  of  the  army  will  be  in  Washington, 
and  also  with  Lieut. -Gen.  Grant  in  the  field. 

"2.  Maj.-Gen.  Halleck  is  assigned  to  duty  in  Washington,  as 
Chief-of-Staff  of  the  Army,  under  the  direction  of  the  Secretary 
of  War  and  the  Lieutenant-General  commanding.  His  orders 
will  be  obeyed  and  respected  accordingly. 

"3.  Maj.-Gen.  W.  T.  Sherman  is  assigned  to  the  command 
of  the  military  division  of  the  Mississippi,  composed  of  the  De 
partments  of  the  Ohio,  the  Cumberland,  the  Tennessee,  and  the 
Arkansas. 

"4.  Maj.-Gen.  J.  B.  McPherson  is  assigned  to  the  command 
of  the  Department  and  Army  of  the  Tennessee. 

"  5.  In  relieving  Maj.-Gen.  Halleck  from  duty  as  General-in- 
Chief,   the   President  desires  to   express  his  approbation  and 
thanks  for  the  zealous  manner  in  which  the  arduous  and  respon 
sible  duties  of  that  position  have  been  performed. 
1 '  By  order  of  the  Secretary  of  War. 

"  E.  D.  TOWNSEND,  Ass't  Adj't  Gen." 


On  the  17th  Gen.  Grant  issued  the  following  order: 

JARTERS  ARMIES  OF  UNITED  STAT; 
"  NASHVILLE,  March  17th,  1864. 


"  HEAD-QUARTERS  ARMIES  OF  UNITED  STATES,  ) 

t.      ) 


"  General  Orders,  No.  1. 

l<  In  pursuance  of  the  following  order  of  the  President — 

4 'EXECUTIVE  MANSION, 
"  WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  March  10th,  1864. 
"Under  the  authority  of  the  Act  of  Congress  to  revive  the 
grade  of  Lieutenant-General  of  the  United  States  Army,  ap 
proved  February  29th,  1864,  Lieut. -Gen.  U.  S.  Grant,  U.  S.  A., 
is  appointed  to  the  command  of  the  Armies  of  the  United  States. 

"  A.  LINCOLN." 

*'  I  assume  command  of  the  Armies  of  the  United  States.  My 
head-quarters  will  be  in  the  field,  and  until  further  orders,  will 
be  with  the  Army  of  the  Potomac.  There  will  be  an  officers5 
headquarters  in  Washington,  to  which  all  official  communica- 


XXXI V.]  GRANT   APPOINTED   GENERAL.  589 

tions  will  be  sent,  except  those  from  tlie  army  where  head-quar 
ters  are  at  the  date  of  this  address. 

"U.  S.  GRANT,  Lieut.-Gen.  U.  S.  A." 

Thus  Ulysses  S.  Grant  became  the  successor  of  Gen 
eral  Scott  in  the  title  of  Lieutenant- General,  and  also 
Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Army  of  the  United  States. 

The  XXXIXth  Congress,  by  Act  of  the  25th  of  July, 
1866,  revived  the  grade  of  General  of  the  Army  of  the 
United  States,  thus  establishing  for  the  first  time  in 
America  since  the  days  of  "Washington,  the  grade  of 
General  of  the  Army.  By  this  law  the  General  is  to 
be  appointed  by  the  President,  with  the  advice  and 
consent  of  the  Senate,  and  is  to  be  selected  from  among 
the  officers  in  the  military  service  of  the  United  States 
most  distinguished  for  courage,  skill  and  ability.  The 
salary  of  the  General  is  $400  per  month.  The  Act 
provides  that — 

"  Whenever  any  General  shall  have  been  appointed  and  com 
missioned  under  the  provisions  of  this  Act,  if  thereafter  the  office 
shall  become  vacant,  this  act  shall  thereupon  expire  and  remain  no 
longer  in  force." 

So  soon  as  the  office  becomes  vacant  by  the  resigna 
tion  of  General  Grant,  or  from  any  other  cause,  then 
the  grade  of  General  ceases,  and  must,  if  created  again, 
be  by  Act  of  Congress. 

Immediately  on  the  passage  of  the  Act  of  July  25th, 
1866,  alluded  to,  President  Johnson  nominated  for  the 
office  of  General,  Lieutenaiit-General  Ulysses  S.  Grant. 
He  also  nominated  Major-General  William  T.  Sher 
man  to  fill  the  office  of  Lieutenant-Gen eral,  made  va 
cant  by  Grant's  nomination  to  the  office  of  General. 
Both  nominations  were  confirmed  by  the  Senate  toward 
the  close  of  the  1st  Session,  of  the- XXXIXth  Congress. 
in  1866. 
38 


590  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

The  XXXIXth  Congress,  on  March  2d,  1867,  passed 
an  Act  by  which  the  General  of  the  Army  can  be  re 
moved  only  at  his  own  request,  or  by  the  President, 
with  the  consent  of  the  Senate ;  also  providing  that  all 
orders  and  instructions,  relating  to  military  operations, 
should  pass  through  the  hands  of  the  General.  The 
bill  reads  as  follows': 

"  The  head-quarters  of  the  General  of  the  Army  shall  be  at 
Washington,  and  all  orders  and  instructions  relating  to  military 
operations  issued  by  the  President  or  Secretary  of  War,  shall  be 
issued  through  the  General  of  the  Army,  and  in  case  of  his  ina 
bility,  through  the  next  in  rank.  The  General  of  the  Army  shall 
not  be  removed,  suspended,  or  relieved  from  command,  or  as 
signed  to  duty  elsewhere  than  at  said  head-quarters,  except  at  his 
own  request,  without  the  previous  approval  of  the  Senate;  and 
any  orders  or  instructions  relating  to  military  operations  issued 
contrary  to  the  requirements  of  this  section,  shall  be  null  and 
void;  and  any  officer  who  shall  issue  orders  or  instructions  con 
trary  to  the  provisions  of  this  section,  shall  be  deemed  guilty  of 
a  misdemeanor  in  office;  and  any  officer  of  the  army  who  shall 
transmit,  convey,  or  obey  any  orders  or  instructions  so  issued 
contrary  to  the  provisions  of  this  section,  knowing  that  such  or 
ders  were  so  issued,  shall  be  liable  to  imprisonment  for  not  less 
than  two  nor  more  than  twenty  years,  upon  conviction  thereof, 
in  any  Court  of  competent  jurisdiction." 

President  Johnson  protested  against  this  Act,  which 
he  said  in  his  message>  "in  certain  cases  virtually  de 
prives  the  President  of  his  constitutional  functions  as 
Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Army;"  yet  he  signed  the 
bill. 


CHAPTER    XXXV. 

EXISTING^  BEPUBLICS  OF  THE  WOELD  IN  1869. 

Andora. — This  is  the  oldest  Republic  now  in  exist 
ence.  It  is  situated  among  the  Pyrennees,  between 
France  and  Spain.  It  was  founded  in  the  year  790, 
A.D.,  and  lies  in  a  beautiful  valley  inclosed  on  all  sides 
by  the  mountains  Maladetta  and  the  Moncal.  It  has 
an  area  of  190  square  miles,  and  a  population  of  about 
8,000.  The  laws  are  made  by  twenty-four  Consuls 
elected  by  the  whole  people.  Recent  writers  fail  to 
mention  this  miniature  Republic,  but  it  still  has  an 
existence. 

Bremen. — This  is  a  free  city  of  Germany.  Thirty- 
five  members  compose  the  Senate;  there  is  also  an 
assembly  called  Burger couvent ;  these  jointly  discharge 
the  legislative  functions.  The  Senate  is  presided  over 
by  a  Burgomaster ;  two  are  elected — one  for  four  years, 
and  one  for  six  years.  It  comprises  an  area  of  112 
square  miles,  and  contained  a  population  of  104,091 
in  December,  1867. 

Frankfort. — A  free  city  of  Germany,  with  an  area 
of  43  square  miles  ;  the  population  in  1864  was 
91,180.  Its  Government  is  Republican,  vested  in  a 
Senate  and  Legislative  Assembly.  The  Senate  con 
sists  of  four  syndics,  and  twenty-one  members  elected 
for  life.  Fifty-seven  members  compose  the  Assembly,, 
elected  by  the  burghers,  also  twenty  permanent  repre 
sentatives  of  the  burghers,  chosen  by  the  Common 


592  REPUBLICANISM   IN    AMERICA.  [Chap. 

Council  of  the  city,  and  eleven  members  chosen  by 
the  rural  communities.  In  1866,  Frankfort  was  an 
nexed  to  Prussia,  but  it  still  retains  its  freedom. 

Hamburg. — This  is  a  free  city  of  Germany ;  its  area 
135  square  miles;  population  in  1866,  298,324.  A 
new  Constitution  was  adopted  in  1861,  by  which  the 
legislative  powers  were  vested  in  the  Senate  and  the 
Burgerschaft.  Eighteen  members  compose  the  Senate, 
of  whom  nine  must  be  lawyers ;  and  of  the  other  nine, 
seven  at  least  must  be  merchants.  Senators  are  elected 
for  life,  and  cannot  tender  a  resignation  until  they 
have  served  at  least  six  years.  The  Senate  elects  an 
nually,  from  its  own  members,  a  first  and  second 
Burgomaster.  The  Burgerschaft  consists  of  192  mem 
bers,  84  of  whom  are  chosen  by  district  elections ;  the 
others  are  chosen  by  different  corporations. 

Lubcc — Is  a  free  city  of  Germany.  It  adopted  a 
new  Constitution,  December  29th,  1851.  The  execu 
tive  power  is  vested  in  the  Senate,  which  consists  of 
fourteen  members,  and  the  legislative  authority  in  the 
BurgcrscJiaftj  which  consists  of  120  members,  chosen 
by  the  citizens.  Lubec  is  the  seat  of  the  Supreme 
Court  of  Appeals  for  the  four  free  cities  of  Germany. 

Switzerland — Is  a  Federal  Republic  of  Europe.  Its 
present  Constitution  was  adopted  September  12th,- 
1848.  The  Republic  is  divided  into  22  Cantons.  The 
legislative  power  is  vested  in  a  Federal  Assembly,  which 
consists  of  two  chambers;  &Standeraih  or  Council  com 
posed  of  two  members  from  each  of  the  Cantons,  and 
a  Nationalraih,  consisting  of  128  members,  elected  by 
the  people.  Elections  are  held  once  in  three  years, 
and  every  male  inhabitant  21  years  of  age  is  entitled 
to  vo£e.  The  area  of  the  Republic  is  15,933  square 
miles;  and  its  total  population  in  1860  was  2,510,494. 


XXXV.]  REPUBLICS   OF  THE  WORLD.  593 

San  Marino. — This  little  Republic  is  situated  in  the 
Papal  territory,  and  occupies  an  area  of  about  twenty- 
one  square  miles,  high  up  in  the  mountain  range  near 
the  shore  of  the  Adriatic.  Its  population  in  1858  was 
8,000.  The  origin  of  this  Republic  dates  back  to  the 
fifth  century,  since  which  time  it  has  maintained  its 
Republican  character.  Once  (in  1739)  the  Pope  seized 
it,  but  the  Emperor  of  Germany  caused  him  to  restore 
it  to  freedom,  The  great  conqueror  Napoleon,  when 
he  overrun  Italy,  spared  this  miniature  Republic.  The 
Government  is  conducted  by  a  Council  of  300  ancients, 
and  a  Senate  of  twenty  patricians,  twenty  burgesses, 
and  twenty  peasants.  The  chief  executive  officer  is 
styled  Gonfalonier ,  and  is  elected  every  three  months. 

Liberia.— This  Republic  was  founded  by  the  Ameri 
can  Colonization  Society,  which  was  formed  at  Wash 
ington  City,  D.  C.,  on  the  night  of  the  20th  of 
December,  1816.  On  the  15th  of  December,  1821, 
Commodore  Robert  F.  Stockton,  U.  S.  N.,  and  Dr. 
Eli  Ayres,  acting  as  agents  of  this  Society,  purchased 
Cape  Mesurado,  upon  which  is  now  located  Monro 
via,  the  capital  of  Liberia.  Subsequently  six  hundred 
miles  of  the  west  coast  of  Africa,  with  an  average 
depth  interiorwards  of  twenty  miles,  was  added;  its 
area  is  23,859  square  miles,  and  the  population  in 
1867  was  17,000  civilized,  and  700,000  uncivilized 
negroes.  The  legislative  powers  are  vested  in  a  Senr 
ate  and  House  of  Representatives.  Senators  are 
elected  for  four  years;  members  of  the  House  for  two 
years.  A  President  and  Yice-President  of  the  Re 
public  are  elected  for  two  years.  The  President  must 
be  thirty-five  years  of  age,  and  have  property  of  the 
value  of  $600;  the  Yice-President  must  have  the  same 
qualifications.  The  whole  government  of  the  Repub- 


594  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

lie  is  conducted  by  colored  men.  Mr.  Daniel  B.  War 
ner,  the  present  President,  is  an  unmixed  African;  he 
is  a  man  of  culture,  and  discharges  the  duties  of  his 
office  with  much  ability.  The  independence  of  Libe 
ria  has  been  formally  recognized  by  thirteen  of  the 
leading  Governments  of  Europe,  and  by  the  United 
States  of  America. 

Argentine  Republic. — This  is  a  Federal  Republic  of 
South  America;  its  area  is  820,000  square  miles,  and 
its  population  in  1867  was  1,374,000.  It  is  divided 
into  fourteen  provinces.  Its  Constitution  was  adopted 
in  May,  1853.  The  Legislative  department  consists 
of  two  branches — the  Senate  and  House  of  Represent 
atives;  the  Senate  having  28  and  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives  54  members.  A  President  and  Vice-Presi- 
dent  are  elected  for  six  years.  The  capital  of  the 
Republic  is  Buenos  Ayres.  Although  the  Republic  is 
composed  chiefly  of  Spanish  and  their  descendants, 
yet  the  population  presents  a  most  cosmopolitan  as 
pect.  In  1867,  there  were  in  the  Republic  70,000 
Italians,  32,000  Spaniards,  32,000  English,  25,000 
Frenchmen,  5,000  Germans  and  citizens  of  the  United 
States.  Immigration  to  the  Republic  is  increasing 
rapidly;  in  1866,  the  number  reached  13,000. 

Bolivia. — A  Republic  of  South  America;  was  segre 
gated  from  Upper  Peru,  and  established  into  a  Free 
State  by  Bolivar,  in  1826,  at  which  time  he  caused 
himself  to  be  proclaimed  President  for  life;  but  the 
people  desiring  broader  liberties,  in  1827  entered  into 
revolution,  were  successful,  overthrew  the  Bolivar 
Constitution,  and.  established  a  Federal  Government 
with  a  President  elected  for  four  years,  a  National 
Congress,  and  separate  provincial  Governments.  The 
area  of  the  Republic  is  estimated  at  374,000  English 


XXXY.]  REPUBLICS   OF   THE   WORLD.  595 

square  miles.  The  population  in  1858  was  1,987,352. 
In  this  Republic,  the  Andes  rise  to  their  greatest  ele 
vation.  Here  the  pinnacle  of  Sorato  rises  to  25,380 
feet,  or  nearly  five  miles  in  height. 

Chill. — Chili  is  a  Republic  of  South  America,  with 
an  area  of  132,609  square  miles,  forming  a  narrow 
strip  of  1,000  miles  along  the  Pacific  coast.  Its  pop 
ulation  in  1866  was  2,084,945.  A  President  is  elected 
for  four  years.  The  Legislative  powers  are  vested  in  a 
Senate  and  Chamber  of  Representatives — the  former 
composed  of  twenty  members  elected  for  nine  years, 
and  the  latter  of  one  member  for  every  20,000  inhab 
itants,  who  are  elected  for  a  term  of  three  years. 

Ecuador. — This  is  a  Republic  of  South  America,  with 
an  area  of  284,660  English  square  miles.  The  popu 
lation  in  1858  was  1,040,371;  of  whom  600,000  were 
the  descendants  of  whites.  A  President  is  elected  for 
four  years.  Quito  is  the  Capital. 

Paraguay. — One  of  the  South  American  Republics. 
Its  area  is  estimated  at  73,000  English  square  miles. 
The  population,  according  to  the  census  of  1857,  was 
1,337,431.  Assumption,  the  Capital,  had  a  popula 
tion  of  48,000  at  that  date.  The  Government  of  Par 
aguay  can  scarcely  by  termed  a  Republic.  The  Presi 
dent  is  nominally  elected  for  a  period  of  ten  years. 
The  present  ruler,  President  Lopez,  has  almost  abso 
lute  control  over  the  people.  He  succeeded  his  father, 
Charles  A.  Lopez,  in  1862.  By  the  Constitution,  the 
President  may  appoint  his  successor  by  will,  in  case 
of  his  death  before  the  expiration  of  his  term. 

Peru. — Also  a  Republic  of  South  America.  Has  an 
area  of  508,986  square  miles.  The  population,  in  1860, 
was  2,500,000.  A  President  is  elected  by  the  people 
for  the  term  of  six  years.  The  Senate  is  composed  of 


596  REPUBLICANISM    IN    AMERICA.  [Chap. 

two  members  elected  from  each  province,  and  the 
House  of  Representatives  of  one  member  for  every 
20.000  inhabitants.  In  1860  the  Senate  had  thirty- 
six  members,  and  the  House  eighty-six  members. 

Umguay. — One  of  the  Republics  of  South  America, 
with  an  area  of  73,538  square  miles.  The  population, 
in  1864,  was  350,000,  of  whom  150,000  were  foreign 
ers.  The  President  is  elected  for  four  years.  The 
Legislative  branch  of  the  Government  consists  of  a  Sen 
ate  and  House  of  Representatives. 

Venezuela. — Venezuela  is  one  of  the  Republics  of 
South  America,  with  an  area  of  426,712  square  miles. 
Her  population,  in  1858,  was  1,565,000.  The  Repub 
lic  is  divided  into  twenty  States.  The  Executive  and 
Legislative  duties  of  the  Republic  are  vested  in  a  Presi 
dent,  Senate^  and  House  of  Representatives. 

Colombia  ( United  States  of)  Republic. — This  is  a.  Fed 
eral  Republic  of  Central  America,  composed  of  nine 
separate  States.  Each  claims  to  be  sovereign.  'These 
States  formerly  composed  the  Government  of  New 
Granada.  It  embraces  the  States  of  Antioquia,  Boli 
var,  Boyaca,  Cauca,  Cimdinamarca,  Magdalena,  Pana 
ma,  Santander,  and  Tolima.  It  extends  from  the 
Atlantic  to  the  Pacific  ocean.  Colon,  (Aspinwall,)  on 
the  Atlantic,  and  Panama,  on  the  Pacific,  being  con 
nected  by  railroad,  form  the  great  highway  between 
New  York  and  San  Francisco.  A  new  Constitution 
was  adopted  in  1863.  The  President  is  elected  by  a 
majority  of  the  States.  The  Legislative  powers  are 
vested  in  a  Senate  and  Chamber  of  Representatives. 
The  former  consists  of  twenty-seven  members — three 
from  each  State,  and  the  latter  is  composed  of  one 
Representative  for  each  50,000.  inhabitants,  and  every 
fraction  not  less  than  20,000.  Colombia  has  an  area 


XXXV.]  REPUBLICS   OF  THE  WORLD.  597 

of  about  513,000  English  square  miles.  Her  popula 
tion  is  2,794,473,  not  including  uncivilized  Indians, 
who  number  about  126,000.  Of  the  population, 
1,367,000  are  Europeans,  600,000  the  descendants  of 
Europeans  and  Indians,  90,000  Africans,  and  all  others 
465,000. 

Costa  Rica. — Gosta  Rica  is  a  Republic  of  Central 
America.  Its  area  is  21,440  square  miles,  and  the 
population,  in  1864,  was  120,471.  A  President  and 
Yice-President  are  elected  for  three  years.  The  Leg 
islative  powers  are  vested  in  a  Senate,  composed  of 
twenty-five  members,  and  House  of  Representatives, 
of  twenty-nine  members.  The  Capital  is  San  Jose. 
It  has  a  population  of  something  over  30,000  inhabit 
ants. 

Guatemala. — A  Republic  of  Central  America,  and 
has  an  area  of  44,500  square  miles.  It  is  bounded  on 
the  north  by  the  Republic  of  Mexico  and  the  Gulf  of 
Honduras,  on  the  east  by  the  Caribbean  Sea,  and  south 
and  west  by  the  Pacific  Ocean.  Its  population  is 
something  over  1,000,000.  The  population ,  of  the 
Capital,  Guatemala,  is  over  60,000.  The  President  is 
elected  for  four  years.  The  Legislative  department  of 
the  Republic  consists  of  a  Council  of  State,  of  twelve 
members,  and  a  House  of  Representatives,  consisting 
of  fifty-four  members,  elected  for  six  years.  Its  inde 
pendence  from  Spain  was  effected  in  1821. 

Honduras — Is  a  Republic  of  Central  America,  with 
an  area  of  33,000  square  miles.  Its  population  is 
about  350,000.  The  President  is  elected  for  four  years. 
The  Legislative  powers  are  vested  in  a  Senate  and 
House  of  Representatives.  The  Senate  is  composed 
of  seven  members,  and  the  House  of  eleven  members. 
Comayagua,  the  Capital,  has  about  18,000  inhabitants. 


598  REPUBLICANISM   IN   AMERICA.  [Chap. 

Nicaragua. — Nicaragua  is  a  Republic  of  Central 
America,  with  an  area  of  39,000  square  miles.  The 
population  is  about  400,000.  Managua,  the  Capital, 
contains  about  10,000  inhabitants.  A  President  is 
elected  for  the  term  of  four  years.  There  is  a  Senate 
and  House  of  Representatives,  elected  by  the  people. 

San  Salvador — A  Republic  of  Central  America,  has 
an  area  of  7,500  square  miles.  Her  population  is  about 
600,000.  The  President  is  elected  for  four  years.  San 
Salvador  gained  her  independence  from  Spain  in  1821. 
The  Senate  is  composed  of  twelve  members,  and  the 
House  of  Representatives  of  twenty-four  members. 
Sessions- are  held  biennially.  San  Salvador  is  the  Cap 
ital. 

Mexico. — The  Republic  of  Mexico  has  an  area  of 
829,916  square  miles.  Its  population,  in  1861,  was 
7,360,000.  The  Executive  power  is  vested  in  a  Presi 
dent,  who  is  elected  for  four  years.  The  Legislative 
powers  are  vested  in  a  Congress,  elected  by  the  peo 
ple.  It  numbers  184.  Mexico  is  bounded  on  the 
north  by  the  United  States,  on  the  east  by  the  Gulf 
of  Mexico,  and  on  the  south  and  west  by  the  Pacific 
Ocean. 

Hayti — Is  a  negro  Republic  of  the  West  Indies, 
forming  a  portion  of  the  Island  of  San  Domingo.  Its 
area  is  10,081  square  miles.  Population  572,000, 
chiefly  of  African  descent.  They  speak  the  French 
language  generally.  Port  au  Prince,  the  Capital,  has 
a  population  of  21,000  inhabitants.  Hayti  has  passed 
through  many  bloody  revolutions,  which  commenced 
as  early  as  1791.  Its  Republican  character  was  estab 
lished  in  1820,  since  which  time  it  has  passed  through 
many  phases  of  government,  having  as  rulers  Dictators, 
Emperors  and  Presidents.  The  last  royal  claim  laid 


XXXV.]  REPUBLICS   OF   THE   WORLD.  599 

to  it  was  the  act  of  General  Santa  Anna  attempting  to 
cede  it  to  the  Spanish  Government  in  1861.  A  new 
Constitution  was  adopted  in  1867.  By  this  the  Presi 
dent  is  elected  by  the  people  for  four  years.  He  must 
be  the  son  of  a  Haytien  father,  and  must  have  attained 
the  age  of  thirty-six  years;  must  be  a  land  owner  in 
the  Republic,  and  is  ineligible  for  the  next  four  years 
after  the  expiration  of  his  office.  Suffrage  is  extended 
to  all  male  citizens  twenty-one  years  of  age,  who  are 
•"  engaged  in  some  industrial  calling."  The  Legislative 
powers  are  vested  in  a  Senate  of  thirty  members,  who 
are  elected  for  six  years  by  the  House  of  Representa 
tives,  from  a  list  of  candidates  chosen  by  an  Electoral 
College.  Representatives  are  elected  for  three  years; 
must  be  twenty-five  years  of  age,  and  land  owners  in 
Hayti. 

San  Domingo,  or  the  Dominican  Republic. — This  Re 
public  dates  only  from  the  year  1844.  It  comprises 
the  eastern  portion  of  the  island  of  Hayti,  in  the  West 
Indies.  It  is  divided  into  five  provinces.  Its  area  is 
22,000  square  miles.  The  population  is  estimated  at 
200,000,  mostly  negroes  and  their  descendants.  There 
is  no  distinction  of  race  or  color  by  the  Constitution 
or  laws. 


APPENDIX. 


PRESIDENTS  OF  THE  CONTINENTAL  CONGRESS  UNDER  THE  ARTICLES  OF 
CONFEDERATION. 

First  Congress,  September  5th,  1774. — Peyton  Randolph,  of 
Virginia,  President.  Born  in  1723,  in  Virginia;  died  in  Phila 
delphia,' October  22d,  1785. 

Second  Congress,  May  10th,  1775. — Peyton  Randolph,  Presi 
dent.  Resigned  May  24th,  1775. 

John  Hancock,  of  Massachusetts,  was  elected  his  successor. 
Bora  at  Quincy,  Mass.,  1737;  died  October  8th,  1793.  He  was 
President  of  Congress  to  October,  1777.  (In  his  official  capacity 
he  first  signed  the  Declaration  of  Independence.) 

Henry  Laurens,  of  South  Carolina,  President  from  November 
1st,  1777,  to  December,  1778.  Born  at  Charleston,  South  Caro 
lina,  in  1724;  died  December,  1792. 

John  Jay,  of  New  York,  President  from  December  10th,  1778, 
to  September  27th,  1779.  Born  in  New  York,  December  12th, 
1745;  died  at  New  York,  May  17th,  1829. 

Samuel  Huntington,  of  Connecticut,  President  from  Septem 
ber  28th,  1779,  to  July  10th,  1781.  Born  in  Connecticut,  1732; 
died  1796. 

Thomas  McKean,  of  Pennsylvania,  President  from.  July,  1781, 
to  November  5th,  1781.  Born  in  Pennsylvania,  March  19th, 
1734;  died  June  24th,  1817. 

John  Hanson,  of  Maryland,  President  from  November  5th, 

1781,  to  November  4th,  1782. 

Elias  Boudinot,  of  New  Jersey,  President  from  November  4th, 

1782,  to  February  4th,  1783.    'Born  at  Philadelphia,  May  2d, 
1740;  died  in  1824. 

Thomas  Minim,  of  Pennsylvania,  President  from  February 
4th,  1783,  to  November  30th,  1784.  Born  at  Philadelphia,  in 
1744;  died  January  21st,  1800. 

Richard  Henry  Lee,  of  Virginia,  President  from  November 
30th,  1784,  to  November  23d,  1785.  Born  in  Virginia,  in  1732; 
died  in  1794. 

John  Hancock,  of  Massachusetts,  President  from  November 
23d,  1785,  to  June,  1786. 

Nathaniel  Gorham,  of  Massachusetts,  President  from  June 


602  APPENDIX. 


6th,  1786,  to  February  2d,  1787.  Born  at  Charleston,  Mass., 
1736;  died  June  llth,  1796. 

Arthur  St.  Clair,  of  Pennsylvania,  President  from  February 
2d,  1787,  to  January  28th,  1788.  Born  in  Edinburgh,  Scotland; 
died  in  1818. 

Cyrus  Griffin,  of  Virginia,  President  from  January  28th,  1788, 
to  the  close  of  the  last  Congress  under  the  Confederation,  in 
1789.  Born  in  England,  in  1748;  died  in  1810. 

PRESIDENTS  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES  UNDER  THE  CONSTITUTION. 
[Elected  by  the  people  unanimously.  ] 

1789  to  1793. — George  Washington,  of  Virginia,  President, 
inaugurated  April  30th,  1789.  Born  at  Wakefield,  Virginia, 
February  22d,  1732;  died  at  Mount  -Vernon,  December  14th, 
1799.  Vice-President,  John  Adams,  of  Massachusetts.  Born 
at  Braintree,  Mass.,  October  19th,  1735;  died  July  4th,  1826. 

Electoral  Vote. — George  Washington,  69;  John  Adams,  34; 
John  Jay,  9;  B.  H.  Harrison,  6;  John  Butledge,  6;  John  Han 
cock,  4;  Geo.  Clinton,  3;  Samuel  Huntington,  2;  John  Milton,  2; 
James  Armstrong,  1;  Edward  Telfair,  1;  Benj.  Lincoln,  1 — Total, 
69.  But  eleven  States  voted,  Bhode  Island  and  North  Carolina, 
not  having  then  ratified  the  Federal  Constitution,  did  not  vote. 

[Elected  by  the  people  unanimously.] 

1793  to  1797. — George  Washington,  President,  inaugurated 
March  4th,  1793.  Vice-President,  John  Adams. 

Electoral  Vote. — George  Washington,  132;  John  Adams,  77; 
George  Clinton,  50;  Thomas  Jefferson,  4;  Aaron  Burr,  1 — Total, 
132.  Fifteen  States  voted. 

[Adams  elected  by  the  Federalists,  Jefferson  by  the  Democrats— then  called  Republicans.] 

1797  to  1801. — John  Adams,  of  Massachusetts,  President,  in 
augurated  March  4th,  1797.  Vice-President,  Thomas  Jefferson, 
of  Virginia.  Born  at  Shadwell,  Virginia,  April  13th,  1743;  died 
July  4th,  1826. 

Electoral  Vote. — John  Adams,  71;  Thomas  Jefferson,  68;  Aaron 
Burr,  30;  Samuel  Adams,  15;  Oliver  Ellsworth,  11;  Geo.  Clin 
ton,  7;  John  Jay,  5;  James  Iredell,  3;  George  Washington,  2; 
John  Henry,  2;  S.  Johnson,  2;  Charles  C.  Pinckney,  1 — Total, 
138.  Sixteen  States  voting. 

[Elected  by  the  House  of  Representatives.] 

1801  to  1805. — Thomas  Jefferson,  of  Virginia,  President,  in 
augurated  March  4th,  1801.  Vice-President,  Aaron  Burr,  of 
New  York.  Born  at  Newark,  New  Jersey,  February  6th,  1756; 
died  September  14th,  1836. 

Electoral  Vote. — Thomas  Jefferson,  73;  Aaron  Burr,  73;  John 
Adams,  65;  Charles  C.  Pinckney,  64;  John  Jay,  1— Total,  138. 
Sixteen  States  voting. 

Jefferson  and  Burr  having  received  a  tie  vote — the  highest 
cast — there  was  no  election.  Under  the  rules,  the  final  election 


APPENDIX.  603 

was  carried  to  the  House  of  Representatives,  when,  after  36  bal 
lots  being  had,  Mr.  Jefferson  was  chosen  President,  and  Aaron 
Burr,  Vice-President. 

After  this,  the  Constitution  was  amended  so  that  the  President 
and  Vice-President  were  separately  voted  for,  instead  of  the 
second  highest  being  Vice-President,  asunder  the  former  rule. 

[Elected  by  the  Democrats— then  called  Republicans.] 

1805  to  1809.  —  Thomas  Jefferson,  President,  inaugurated 
March  4th,  1805.  Vice-President,  G-eorge  Clinton.  Born  in 
New  York,  1739;  died  April  20th,  1812. 

Electoral  Vote. — For  President,  Thomas  Jefferson,  162;  Charles 
C.  Pinckney,  14 — Total,  176.  Seventeen  States  voted.  For 
Vice-President,  George  Clinton,  162;  Rufus  King,  14. 

[Elected  by  the  Democrats — then  called  Republicans.] 

1809  to  1813. — James  Madison,  of  Virginia,  President,  inau 
gurated  March  4th,  1809.  Born  March  16th,  1751,  in  Virginia; 
died  June  28th,  1836.  Vice-President,  George  Clinton,  of  New 
York.  He  died  April  20th,  1812. 

Electoral  Vote. — For  President,  James  Madison,  122;  George 
Clinton,  6;  C.  C.  Pinckney,  47— Total,  175.  Seventeen  States 
voted.  For  Vice-President,  George  Clinton,  113;  James  Madi 
son,  3;  James  Monroe,  3;  John  Langdon,  9;  Rufus  King,  47. 

[Elected  by  the  Democrats— then  called  Republicans.] 

1813  to  1817. — James  Madison,  of  Virginia,  President,  inau 
gurated  March  4th,  1813.  Vice-President,  Elbridge  Gerry,  of 
Massachusetts.  Born  in  Mass.,  July  17th,  1744;  died  November 
23d,  1814. 

Electoral  Vote. — For  President,  James  Madison,  128;  De  Witt 
Clinton,  of  New  York,  89— Total,  217.  Eighteen  States  voted. 
For  Vice-President,  Elbridge  Gerry,  131;  Jared  Ingersoll,  86. 

[Elected  by  the  Democrats — then  called  Republicans.] 

1817  to  1821. — James  Monroe,  of  Virginia,  President,  inau 
gurated  March  4th,  1817.  Born  in  Virginia,  1759;  died  July 
4th,  1831.  Vice-President,  Daniel  D.  Tompkins,  of  New  York. 
Born  June  21st,  1774,  in  New  York;  died  June  llth,  1825. 

Electoral  Vote. — For  President,  James  Monroe,  183;  Rufus 
King,  34— Total,  221.  Nineteen  States  voted.  For  Vice-Presi 
dent,  Daniel  D.  Tompkins,  183;  John  E.  Howard,  22;  James 
Ross,  5;  John  Marshall,  4;  Robert  G.  Harper,  3. 

[Elected  by  the  Democrats — then  called  Republicans.] 

1821  to  1825. — James  Monroe,  President,  inaugurated  March 
4th,  1821.  Vice-President,  Daniel  D.  Tompkins. 

Electoral  Vote.  —  For  President,  James  Monroe,  231;  John 
Quincy  Adams,  of  Mass.,  1— Total,  232.  Twenty-four  States 
voted.  For  Vice-President,  Daniel  D.  Tompkins,  218;  Richard 
Stockton,  8;  Robert  G.  Harper,  1;  Richard  Rush,  1;  Daniel  Rod- 
nev.  1. 


604  APPENDIX. 

[Elected  by  the  House  of  Representatives — Democratic.] 

1825  to  1829. — John  Quincy  Adams,  of  Massachusetts,  Presi 
dent,  inaugurated  March  4th,  1825.  Born  in  Mass.,  July  llth, 
1767;  died  February  23d,  1848.  Vice-President,  John  C.  Cal- 
houn,  of  South  Carolina.  Born  in  South  Carolina,  March  18th, 
1782;  died  March  31st,  18£0. 

Electoral  Vote. — For  President,  Andrew  Jackson,  99;  John 
Quincy  Adams,  84;  Win.  H.  Crawford,  41;  Henry  Clay,  37 — 
Total,  261.  Twenty-four  States  voted. 

There  being  no  election,  the  vote  was  carried  to  the  House  of 
Kepresentatives.  Adams  received  the  vote  of  thirteen  States, 
Jackson  that  of  seven  States,  and  Crawford  of  four  States. 
Adams  was  therefore  chosen  President. 

Electoral  vote  for  Vice-President. — John  C.  Calhoun,  182; 
Nathan  Sanford,  30:  Nathaniel  Macon,  24;  Andrew  Jackson,  13; 
Martin  Van  Buren,  9;  Henry  Clay,  2. 

[Elected  by  the  Democrats— then  called  Republicans.] 

1829  to  1833. — Andrew  Jackson,  of  Tennessee,  President,  in 
augurated  March  4th,  1829.  Born  in  North  Carolina,  March 
15th,  1767;  died  June  8th,  1845.  Vice-P::e  'dent,  John  C.  Cal 
houn,  until  his  resignation,  December  28th,  1832. 

Electoral  Vote. — For  President,  Andrew  Jackson,  178;  John 
Q.  Adams,  83— Total,  261.  Twenty-four  States  voted. 

Popular  Vote. — Jackson,  650,028;  Adams,  512,158. 

[Elected  by  the  Democrats.] 

1833  to  1837. — Andrew  Jackson,  President,  inaugurated  March 
4th,  1833.  Vice-President,  Martin  Van  Buren.  Born  in  New 
York,  December  5th,  1782. 

Electoral  Vote.^ — For  President,  Andrew  Jackson,  219:  Henry 
Clay,  49;  John  Floyd,  11;  Wra.  Wirt,  7— Total,  288.  Twenty- 
four  States  voted. 

Popular  Vote.—  Jackson,  687,502;  Henry  Clay,  550,189;  Wirt 
and  Floyd  combined,  33,108. 

Electoral  vote  for  Vice-President. — Martin  Van  Buren,  189; 
John  Sargent,  49;  Win.  Wilkins,  30;  Henry  Lee.  11;  Amos  Ell- 
maker,  7. 

[Elected  by  the  Democrats.] 

1837  to  1841. — Martin   Van   Buren,  President,  inaugurated 
March   4th,    1837.     Vice-President,    Richard    M.    Johnson,    of 
Kentucky.     Born  in  1780;  died  November  19th,  1850. 
•  Electoral  Vote.— For  President,  Martin  Van  Buren,  170;  W 
H.  Harrison,  73;  Hugh  L.  White,  26;  Daniel  Webster,  14;  W, 
P.  Mangum,  11 — Total,  294.     Twenty-six  States  voted. 

Popular  Vote.— Van  Buren,  762,149.  Daniel  Webster,  W.  P. 
Mangum,  and  H.  L.  White  combined,  736,736. 

Electoral  vote  for  Vice-President. — Richard  M.  Johnson,  147; 
Francis  Granger,  77;  John  Tyler,  47;  Wm.  Smith,  23. 


APPENDIX.  605 


[Elected  by  the  Whigs.] 

1841  to  1845.— President,  William  H.  Harrison,  of  Ohio,  in 
augurated  March  4th,  1841.  Born  in  Virginia,  February  9th, 
1773;  died  at  Washington,  April  4th,  1841,  just  one  month  after 
he  took  his  seat  as  President.  John  Tyler,  who  was  elected 
Vice-President  with  Harrison,  became  President  on  the  death 
of  the  former.  He  took  the  oath  of  office  April  6th,  1841. 

Electoral  Vote. — For  President,  Harrison,  234;  Van  Buren,  60 
— Total,  294.  Twenty-six  States  voted.  For  Vice-President, 
John  Tyler,  234;  E.  M.  Johnson,  48;  L.  W.  Tazwell,  11;  James 
K.  Polk,  1. 

Popular  Vote.—  Harrison,  1,274,783;  Van  Buren,  1,128,702; 
James  G.  Birney,  (Abolitionist,)  7,609. 

[Elected  by  the  Democrats.] 

1845  to  1849. — President,  James  K.  Polk,  of  Tennessee,  in 
augurated  March  4th,  1845.  Born  in  North  Carolina,  Novem 
ber  2d,  1795;  died  June  15th,  1849.  Vice-President,  George  M. 
Dallas,  of  Pennsylvania. 

Electoral  Vote.— For  President,  James  K.  Polk,  170;  Henry 
Clay,  105— Total,  275.  Twenty-six  States  voted.  For  Vice- 
Pre'sident,  George  M.  Dallas,  170;  Theodore  Frelinghuysen, 
105. 

Popular  Vote.—  Polk,  1,335,834;  Clay,  1,297,033;  Birney,  62,- 
290. 

[Elected  by  the  Whigs.] 

1849  to  1853. — President,  Zachary  Taylor,  of  Louisiana,  inau 
gurated  March  4th,  1849.  Born  in  Virginia,  in  1784;  died  July 
9th,  1850.  Vice-President,  Millard  Fillmore,  of  New  York. 
Born  in  New  York,  January  7th,  1800.  Taylor  having  died 
about  one  year  after  taking  his  seat  as  President,  was  succeeded 
by  Mr.  Fillmore,  who  was  elected  Vice-President  with  him. 

Electoral  Vote.—  For  President,  Z.  Taylor,  163;  Lewis  Cass, 
127— Total,  290.  Thirty  States  voted.  For  Vice-President, 
Millard  Fillmore,  163;  W.  O.  Butler,  127. 

Popular  Vote.—  Taylor,  1,362,031;  Cass,  1,222,445;  Van  Buren, 
291,455.  The  latter  run  as  a  "  Free  Soiler." 

[Elected  by  the  Democrats.] 

1853  to  1857. — President,  Franklin  Pierce,  of  New  Hamp 
shire,  inaugurated  March  5th,  1853.  Born  in  New  Hampshire, 
November  23d, '1804.  Vice-President,  Wm.  B.  King,  of  Ala 
bama.  Born  in  North  Carolina,  April  7th,  1786;  died  April 
18th,  1853. 

Electoral  Vote.—  Franklin  Pierce,  254;  Winfield  Scott,  42— 
Total,  296.  Thirty-one  States  voted.  For  Vice-President,  W. 
K.  King,  254;  W.  A.  Graham,  42. 

Popular  Vote.—  Franklin  Pierce,  1,590,490;  Winfield  Scott, 
1,378,589;  John  P.  Hale,  (Abolitionist,)  157,296. 

39 


606  APPENDIX. 

[Elected  by  the  Democrats.] 

1857  to  1861. — President,  James  Buchanan,  of  Pennsylvania, 
inaugurated  March  4th,  1857.  Born  in  Pennsylvania,  April  22d, 
1791;  died  June  2d,  1868.  Vice-President,  John  C.  Breckin- 
ridge,  of  Kentucky.  Born  in  Kentucky,  January  21st,  1820. 

Electoral  Vote. — For  President,  James  Buchanan,  174;  John 
C.  Fremont,  109;  Millard  Fillmore,  8— Total,  291.  Thirty-one 
States  voted.  For  Vice-President,  John  C.  Breckinridge,  174; 
W.  L.  Dayton,  109;  A.  J.  Donalson,  8. 

Popular  Vote.—  Buchanan,  (Democrat,)  1,832,232;  Fremont, 
(Eepublican,)  1,341,514;  Millard  Fillmore,  (American,)  874,707. 

[Elected  by  the  Republicans.] 

1861  to  1865. — President,  Abraham  Lincoln,  of  Illinois,  in 
augurated  March  4th,  1861.  Born  in  Hardin  county,  Kentucky, 
February  12th,  1809;  died  April  14th,  1865.  Vice-President, 
Hannibal  Hamlin,  of  Maine.  Born  in  Maine,  August  27th, 
1809. 

Electoral  Vote. — For  President,  Abraham  Lincoln,  180;  John 
C.  Breckinridge,  72;  John  Bell,  39;  Stephen  A.  Douglas^  12— 
Total,  291.  Thirty-three  States  voted.  For  Vice-President,  H. 
Hamlin,  180;  Joseph  Lane,  72;  Edward  Everett,  39;  H.  V.  John 
son,  12. 

Popular  Vote. — Abraham  Lincoln,  (Republican,)  1,857,610; 
Stephen  A.  Douglas,  (Democrat,)  1,365,976;  John  C.  Breckin 
ridge,  (Democrat,)  847,953;  John  Bell,  (Constitutional  Union,) 
590,631. 

[Elected  by  the  Republicans.] 

1865  to  1869. — President,  Abraham  Lincoln,  of  Illinois,  inau 
gurated  March  4th,  1865.  Vice-President,  Andrew  Johnson,  of 
Tennessee.  Abraham  Lincoln  was  assassinated  at  Washington 
City,  by  J.  Wilkes  Booth,  on  the  14th  day  of  April,  1865,  a  lit 
tle  more  than  one  month  after  he  had  taken  his  seat  as  Presi 
dent  for  the  second  term.  Andrew  Johnson,  who  was  elected 
Vice-President  with  him,  succeeded  to  the  Presidency. 

Electoral  Vote. — For  President,  Abraham  Lincoln,  212;  George 
B.  McClellan,  21.  For  Vice-President,  Andrew  Johnson,  212; 
Geo.  H.  Pendleton,  21. 

Popular  Vote.  —  Lincoln,  2,223,035;  McClellan,  1,811,754. 
Total  vote,  4,034,789.  McClellan,  in  the  Electoral  College, 
carried  but  three  States,  casting  in  all,  21  votes — New  Jersey, 
7;  Delaware,  3;  Kentucky,  11.  Mr.  Lincoln  carried  all  the 
other  States — 23.  The  States  in  rebellion  did  not  participate  in 
this  election.  The  following  were  the  only  ones  voting:  Maine, 
New  Hampshire,  Vermont,  Massachusetts,  Rhode  Island,  Con 
necticut,  New  York,  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Delaware, 
Maryland,  Kentucky,  Ohio,  Indiana,  Illinois,  Missouri,  Michi 
gan,  Wisconsin,  Iowa,  California,  Minnesota,  Oregon,  Kansas, 
West  Virginia,  and  Nevada,  making  twenty-five  States  in  all. 


APPENDIX. 


607 


[Elected  by  the  Republicans.] 

1869  to  1873.—  Ulysses  S.  Grant,  of  Illinois,  President,  inau 
gurated  March  4th,  1869.  Born  in  Ohio,  April  27th,  1822. 
Vice-President,  Schuyler  Colfax,  of  Indiana.  Born  in  New 
York  City,  March  23d,  1823. 

Electoral  Vote. — For  President,  (Eepublican,)  Grant,  214;  Sey 
mour,  (Democrat,)  80.  For  Vice-President,  Colfax,  214;  Blair,  80. 

Popular  Vote. — Grant  and  Colfax,  3,021,020;  Seymour  and 
.Blair,  2,716,475.  Total,  5,737,495.  Thirty-four  States  voted. 
The  Legislature  of  Florida  elected  the  Electors  of  that  State. 
Virginia,  Mississippi,  and  Texas  not  having  adopted  Constitu 
tions  in  conformity  with  tlie  requirements  of  Congress,  did  not 
participate  in  the  election  of  1868. 

PRESIDENTIAL  ELECTION  OF  1868— (34  STATES.) 

The  following  table  will  show  the  total  vote  cast  at  the  Presi 
dential  election  in  1868 — the  vote  by  States  for  Grant  and  Sey 
mour,  the  majorities  for  each,  the  total  Electoral  vote,  as  cast 
by  the  several  States,  total  number  of  Senators  and  Representa 
tives  in  the  XLIst  Congress,  with  numbers  to  which  each  State 
is  entitled,  and  the  political  party  which  they  represent: 


STATES. 

ELE 
COLL 

Q 

\ 

:T'L 

EGE. 

T 

H 

POPULAB  VOTE. 

XLIst  CONGRESS. 

I 

: 

I 

0 
"-I 

Grant's  Major 
ity  

Senators,  No.. 

Republican..  .  . 

d 
1 

Congressmen, 
No  

Republican  — 

o 

c* 

8 

£76,366 
$33,000 
Mft75 
50,898 

7,(il5 
15,000 
57,134 
250,293 
176,518 
119,289 
29,708 
39,569 
34,224 
70,426 
30,43=) 
130.582 
126901 
43,413 
[No 
95,000 
9,729 
6,476 
37,718 
79,871 
41!>,894 
96,488 
280,322 
10,961 
342,280 
12,993 
t62,300 
52,016 
[No 
44.167 
[No 
*27,000 
108,293 

72086 
23,<'0l) 
54,069 
47,902 
10,960 
12,000 
WJ.8-22 
199,143 
166,960 
73,420 
13,400 
115,889 
74,672 
42,396 
62,340 
59,221 
95.929 
28,030 
Vote.  1 
70,569 
5,439 
5,215 
30,571 
82,725 
429,857 
85,311 
239,032 
11,125 
313,382 
6,548 
45,137 
25,652 
Vote.  1 
12,045 
Vote.  ] 
18.000 
84,707 

2,719  613 

4.280 
10,000 
CM 
3,013 
*3,315 
3,000 
*45,688 
51,150 
9,588 
45,869 
16,3(18 
*76,320 
*40,448 
28,030. 
*31.913" 
77.361 
30,972 
15,383 

"'24,43i' 
4,290 
1.261 
7,147 
*2.854 
•9.'  963 
11,177 
41,290 
*164 
28.898 
6,445 
17,163 
26,364 

"'32,122' 

2 
2 
2 
2 
2 
2 
2 
2 
2 
2 
2 
2 
2 
2 
2 
2 
2 

[Va 

2 
2 
2 
2 
2 
2 
2 
2 
2 
2 
2 
2 
tVa 

[T. 

2 
74 

2 
1 

2 

"  2" 
1 

2 
2 
2 

2 

'"2" 
2 

'"2" 
2 
1 
cant] 
2 
2 
2 
2 
1 
2 
2 

2 
2 

2 
2 
2 
cant 
2 
cant 
•     2 
2 

57 


1 

'"2" 

6 
3 
3 
4 
1 
1 

?.  .  .  . 
1 
1 
11 

"i" 

...... 

I 

1 

5 

California  
Connecticut.   .. 
De'aware  

5 
6 

'"3" 

...... 

ii 

tTiorida  

3 

1 

'"2" 
...... 

'"i" 

""i" 
""i" 

7 
14 
11 
6 

5 

5 
5 

5 
10 
6 
2 
15 
9 
1 
1 
3 
5 
31 
7 
19 
1 
24 
1 

4 

T8 
3 

2 
10 

6 

1 
1 

"5" 
1 
10 
6 
2 
[No 
5 
1 
1 
3 
2 
18 
8 
13 

'i«" 
i 

3 
9 

[No 

[No 

5 
4 

4 

"  "a" 

.  5 

'"4" 

Mbvrs 
4 

'"V 
11 

6 
1 

8 

'"i" 

Mb'Vs 
Mb'Vs 

Illinois  
Indiana  
Iowa  

10 
13 
8 
3 

Kansas  
Kentucky  
Louisiana  
Maine 

1 

Massachusetts... 

12 

8 

Minnesota  
Mississippi  
Missouri  
Nebraska  
Nevada  
New  Hampshire 

4 

'  ii* 

3 
3 
ft 

7 
3 

North  Carolina 
Ohio 

9 
21 

Oregon  
Pennsylvania  
Rhode  Is'.and  
South  Carolina.. 
Tennessee  

"26" 
4 
6 
11 

3 

Texas 

Vermont  
Virginia  

5 

80 

West  Virginia.  .  . 
Wisconsin  

5 
8 

214 

9.000 
23,585 

6 

8 

1 

77~~ 

3,037,581 

317,968 

11 

220 

141 

*  Democratic  majority,    t  Electors  chosen  by  Legislature.    :}:  Unofficial.    §No  Election  Feb 
ruary,  1869 ;  at  present  all  Republican.    ||  Election  in  April,  1869.    1  Vacant. 


608 


APPENDIX. 


Whole  number  in  Congress  when  Mississippi,  Texas  and  Vir 
ginia  are  represented,  243. 

Grand  total,  5,757,194.  Total  Electoral  vote,  294,  (34  States.) 
The  Electoral  College,  when  Virginia,.  Mississippi,  and  Texas 
are  added,  will  be  318.  The  Federal  Constitution  regulates  and 
defines  the  number  of  Senators  and  Representatives  that  each 
State  shall  have  in  Congress.  Each  State  shall  have  two  Sena 
tors  only,  however  large  or  small  her  population,  and  shall  be 
entitled  to  one  Representative  in  the  lower  House,  however 
small  her  population,  and  as  many  in  addition  as  will  not  exceed 
in  all  one  for  every  thirty  thousand  of  her  population.  Each 
Territory  is  entitled  to  one  Representative  in  the  lower  House, 
but  is  not  entitled  to  representation  in  the  Senate.  Senators 
are  elected  for  six  years,  and  Representatives  for  two  years. 

Salaries  of  Federal  Officers. — President,  $25,000  per  annum; 
Vice-President,  $8,000.  The  Cabinet— Secretary  of  State,  Sec 
retary  of  the  Treasury,  Secretary  of  War,  Secretary  of  the  Navy, 
Secretary  of  the  Interior,  Attorney-General,  and  Postmaster- 
General,  $8,000  each.  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States — 
Chief  Justice,  $6,500;  eight  Associate  Justices,  $6,000  each. 
Senators,  $5,000;  Representatives,  $5,000,  and  20  cents  per  mile 
as  mileage.  $8  per  diem  is  deducted  from  the  salary  for  each 
day's  absence,  unless  caused  by  sickness. 

POPULATION  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

First  census,  in  1790,  was  3,929,827,  as  follows:  £,231,927 
whites,  and  697,897  blacks.  The  eight  Northern  States  had  40,- 
370  blacks,  and  the  eight  Southern  States  657,527  blacks,  as  fol 
lows: 


NORTHERN.  White. 

New  Hampshire*^, ..-».,.  ~141,741 

Vermont -....% 85,399 

Bhode  Island 68,158 

Connecticut 235,382 

Massac  h'leetts 378,717 

NewYoik 318,796 

New  Jersey 172,716 

Pennsylvania .430,636 

Territory  of  Maine 96,540 


Slave. 

158 

17 

952 

2,759 

none 

21,324 

11,423 

3,737 

none 


1,928,085        40,370 


SOUTHERN.  White, 

Delaware „  „..„  -.  *>-. . .  50,209 

Maryland 216,693 

Virginia 454,881 

North  Carolina 293,179 

South  Carolina 141,979 

Georgia .~~~ 53,284 

Kentucky 61,247 

32,374, 


Slave. 

8,887 

103,036 

293,427 

100,572 

107,094 

29,264 

11,830 

3,417 


1,303,845        657,527 


The  Territory  of  Maine  had  a  population  of  96,540  of  all 
classes,  which  is  added  in  the  population -of  white.  Total  black 
and  white  in  the  eight  Northern  States,  1,968,455.  Total  black 
and  white  in  the  eight  Southern  States,  1,961,372. 

An  enumeration  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  United  States,  by 
law  of  Congress,  is  taken  at  the  end  of  each  ten  years.  The  first 
enumeration  was  taken  in  1790;  the  last  in  1860.  The  following 
table  will  show  the  entire  population,  black  and  white,  free  and 
slave,  in  1860,  in  all  the  States  a./.d  Territories  of  the  Union. 
The  total  population  in  1700,  was  262,000;  in  1750,  1,000,000; 
in  1775,  2,389,300;  in  1790  it  had  reached  3,929,827;  and  in 
1860,  31,443,790.  Of  this  number  the  fifteen  Slave  States  had 


APPENDIX. 


609 


12,996,459,  and  the  nineteen  Free  States  18,947,331.  The  pop 
ulation  of  the  eleven  rebellious  States  was  9,056,930,  being  5,- 
449,463  whites,  and  3,607,467  colored. 


CENSUS  OF  1860. 


States. 

Area, 
Square  Miles 

White. 

Free 
Colored. 

Slave. 

Total. 

Alabama  

50,722 

526,534 

2,630 

435,132 

964,296 

52,198 

324,186 

137 

111,104 

435,427 

188  981 

376  200 

3  816 

380,016 

Connecticut  

4,750 

451,  G09 

8,542 

4GO,lol 

2  120 

90  697 

19,723 

1  798 

112.218 

Florida  ......,,.  ,..*. 

69,248 

77,778 

908 

61,753 

140,439 

58  000 

591  638 

3459 

462,232 

1,057,329 

Illinois      

55,410 

1,704,684 

7,069 

1,711,753 

33  809 

1,340  072 

10869 

1,350,941 

Iowa         

55,045 

673,925 

1,023 

674,948 

81  318 

106  487 

623 

107,110 

37,080 

920  077 

10,146 

235,490 

1,155.713 

41  346 

357  652 

18  G38 

333  010 

709,290 

Maine  

35,000 

627,081 

1,195 

628,276 

11  124 

516  128 

83  718 

87  188 

687,034 

7  800 

1  °°1  611 

9  454 

1,231  065 

56451 

742  289 

6  823 

759,112 

83  531 

171  793 

229 

172,022 

Mississippi.           

47  156 

353  9G9 

731 

436,696 

791,396 

65  350 

1  064  369 

2  983 

114  965 

1,182,317 

Nebraska        

75,995 

28  G96 

82 

38,778 

9,°80 

32u  622 

450 

326,072 

New  Jersey  

8,320 

647  084 

24947 

672,031 

New  York 

47  000 

3  831  730 

49  005 

3,880  735 

Nevada  

81,539 

6  813 

45 

6,857 

North  Carolina 

50  704 

631  489 

30  097 

331  081 

992  667 

Ohio    

39,964 

2,303  374 

36  225 

2,339,599 

Oregon 

95  274 

52  343 

121 

52464 

Pennsylvania  

46,000 

2,849  997 

56  373 

2,906,370 

Khode  Island 

1  306 

170  703 

3  918 

174,621 

South  Carolina  

34,000 

291  623 

9648 

402  541 

703,812 

Tennessee  . 

45  600 

8°6  828 

7  235 

275  784 

1,109  847 

Texas  

274,356 

421  411 

339 

180  682 

602,432 

Vermont 

10  212 

314  534 

582 

315,116 

Virginia  

38,352 

West  Virginia  . 

23000 

|    1,047,613 

57,579 

490,887 

1,596,079 

53,924 

774  392 

1  481 

775,873 

Total 

26  727  512 

470  716 

3  950  343 

31  148  571 

.Territories. 

105,818 

34  153 

44 

34197 

Dakota  ?  

152,500 

4  839 

4,839 

Arizona  •  

130,800 

Idaho  

300,000 

Indian  

71,000 

Montana  

TTnknr>Wr>, 

New  Mexico  

124,450 

93  447 

70 

24 

93  541 

Utah.                    

109  GOO 

40  236 

30 

29 

40  295 

Washington  

71,300 

11  548 

30 

11,578 

District  of  Columbia. 

50 

60  788 

11  107 

3  181 

75  076 

Total... 

27  008  081 

482  122 

3  953  587 

31  443  790 

Alaska 

578  000 

2  000 

too  ooo 

St.  John's          

22 

*2  500 

27 

*14,000 

Total  area... 

3.590.062 

*  All  classes. 


t  Indians. 


The  enumeration  of  population  in  all  the  above  cases  is  made 
from  the  census  of  1860,  with  the  exception  of  Alaska,  St.  John's 
and  St.  Thomas,  which  is  calculated  in  1868.  The  area  of  the 
Territories  is  as  it  was  in  1868. 

COMPOSITION  OF  THE  AMERICAN  POPULATION. 

The  composition  of  the  American  population  here  given  is 


610 


APPENDIX. 


based  upon  the  census  of  1860,  and  will  not  include  its  increase 
since  that  period.  There  were  in  1860,  4,181,812  white  foreign 
t>orii  (including  Indians  and  Chinese)  and  4,363  free  colored  for 
eigners,  making  a  total  of  4,136,175.  There  were  22,869,679 
white  native  born  (including  Indians  and  Chinese)  and  483,707 
free  colored,  making  a  total  of  23,353,386  native  born,  and 
3,952,801  slaves — making  the  grand  total  population  31,429,891. 
The  following  table  will  show  the  numbers  of  foreign  nation 
alities  in  the  United  States  in  1860 : 


German  States  total  . 

1,301.130 

Holland  

28,281 

Australia 

1  419 

Germany  not  spec'd 

598,382 

Mexico 

27  446 

1  403 

431  G9*> 

25  061 

1  006 

Brit  ish  America.  .  .•  . 

249,970 

Sweden  

18  G2r 

Atlantic  Isles 

1  3G1 

227  GG1 

Italy 

10  518 

1  931 

Bavaria  

150,165 

Nassau     

10233 

Sardinia 

1  159 

Baden  

112,834] 

Denmark  

9,96:2 

Africa  

526 

France  

109,870 

Belgium  

9,072 

Sandwich  Islands. 

435 

Scotland 

103  518 

West  Indies 

7  353 

3°8 

Hesse  

95,46 

Poland  

7,298 

Pacific  Isles 

286 

Wirtemberg 

81  336" 

4  244 

233 

Switzerland  

53,327 

Portugal  ,  . 

4,11G 

Turkey     ^ 

128 

3  °63 

43,995 

Russia  

3',160 

Total  4,1 

jo,175 

The  total  number  of  foreign  passengers  who  arrived  by  sea  in 
the  United  States,  from  September  30th,  1819,  to  December  31st, 
1860,  was  5,062,414.  Of  these  2,977,603  were  males,  2,035,536 
were  females,  and  49,275,  sex  not  stated. 

An  interesting  feature  of  our  population  in  1860  was  the  fact 
that  within  the  Union  there  were  440  white  persons  living  over 
the  age  of  one  hundred  years.  Of  these  73  were  101,  65  were 
102,  56  were  103,  47  were  104,  52  were  105,  36  were  106,  28  were 
107,  14  were  108,  9  were  109,  28  were  110,  3  were  111,  4  were 
112,  2  were  113,  1  was  114,  6  were  115,  3  were  116,  1  was  117,  1 
was  118,  2  were  119,  2  were  120,  1  was  121,  1  was  124,  2  were 
125,  1  was  126,  1  was  135,  a  male,  and  one  was  140,  a  female. 
Of  this  total  number,  184  were  males  and  256  females. 

There  were  also  t>88  blacks  in  the  United  States-  over  one  '  1111- 
dred  years  of  age,  295  males  and  393  females — the  oldest  being 
130  years.  There  were  five  persons  of  that  age — two  males  and 
three  females. 

There  were  also  in  the  United  States,  in  1860,  46  mulattoes 
over  one  hundred  years  of  age  — 13  males  and  33  females;  the 
oldest  was  117 — there  were  two  of  this  age,  1  male  and  1  female. 

There  were  also  at  this  period  26  native  Indians  (so  far  as 
known)  over  one  hundred  years  of  age — 15  males  and  11  females. 
The  oldest  male  was  115  years;  there  was  one  female  of  120,  one 
of  125,  and  1,  the  oldest  of  all,  of  140  years. 

It  will  be  seen  from  these  tables  that  women  in  general  attain 
a  greater  age  than  men. 

Of  the  American  population  there  were  730,000  more  males 
than  females,  while  in  Great  Britain,  at  the  same  time,  there 
were  877,000  more  females  than  males,  in  a  population  of  about 
twenty-nine  million. 


APPENDIX. 


611 


The  following  table  will  show  the  whole  number  of 'native  born 
citizens  contributed  by  each  State  to  the  whole  United  States,  up 
to  1860: 


p   "      ".'••• 

9  862  510  '  Maryland 

618,319 
612,034 

20-4  847 

Ohio 

2'l22  C03  '  New  Jersey  

.  .    .      228  683 

1  401  410^  IMicisrmri 

564,289 
476,310 
470,257 
457,766 
413,852 
382,521 
49,205 
37,615 
2,618 
330,023 
278,362 

Texas 

160  399 

1  053  474 

1  Connecticut     

^SJlhode  Island 

155  204 

Massachusetts    .  . 

.  .  1,040,585 

South  Carolina  
Alabama  

;  Arkansas  
i  Delaware  . 

148,376 
.  .    .      117  362 

1  005  345 

Indiana 

.  .      990,202 

Vermont  

i  Territories  

110.578 

900  820 

New  Hampshire  .... 
Not  stated  

District  of  Columbia       42,484 
Oregon  17.910 

Illinois     

..      841,601 

California 

81  597 

Minnesota  
At  sea 

Total 

42  372 

*  23  353  386 

13  050 

Michigan  

Maine  .  .  . 

676,066 

Wisconsin... 

The  following  table  will  show  the  number  of  native  born  in 
habitants  contributed  by  each  State  to  all  the  other  States,  up 
to  1860: 


Ohio     

.  593,043 

New  Jersey  

143,019 

i  Wisconsin  

31,185 

582  512 

Alabama         .   . 

.  137  740 

Louisiana 

26  974 

Virginia  

399,700 

Maryland  

137,258 

'  Arkansas  

24,333 

Tennessee. 

344  756 

Illinois      

134  536 

1  District  of  Columbia. 

8  479 

331  904 

125  539 

Texas 

7  356 

North  Carolina 

.  272,000 

Maine        

.  .     116  036 

Florida 

6  770 

Massachusetts.  .  . 

235,039 

Missouri  

89,043 

California  

3  890 

Indiana 

.     .  215  541 

Mississippi 

69  041 

Minnesota 

3  310 

South  Carolina. 

193,389 

Rhode  Island  

45,299 

Territories  

2  750 

Georgia 

.     190  *>23 

Iowa 

37  535 

Kansas 

2  059 

Vermont  .  .  . 

..  174,765 

.     35,195 

Oregon.  .  . 

1,346 

The  following  table  will  show  the  number  of  native  born  popu 
lation  which  each  State  has  received  from  all  the  other  States, 
up  to  1860: 


Ohio        .  .     . 

491  697 

155  759 

New  Hampshire  
Vermont  

48,153 
42,268 
41,263 
39,768 
30,796 
30,779 
27,261 
25,406 
24,044 
16,384 
14,448 

the 

1,143 
1,078 
815 
765 
576 
572 
569 
478 
454 
412 
384 
219 
158 
22 

Indiana  

..  457,523 
.  431  294 

Tennessee  

152  267 

Missouri     .   .   . 

150  310 

..  377,684 

Kentucky.. 

148  832 

Florida 

Michigan  

.     305  193 

107  921 

New  York  

..  279,635 

Kansas  

.83  516 

Oregon 

Wisconsin  

251  777 

80  953 

Ehode  Island  
District  of  Columbia.  . 
North  Carolina.     . 

Texas  
Alabama  

..  225,184 
..  196,743 

New  Jersey.  .  .  . 

.  .   .  .        80  212 

1  Minnesota  

78,990 

196  551 

[Territories  

76,847 
68  685 

Delaware  

Srm+.Ti    rtn.roli-na 

Pennsylvania  

The  follow! 
several  States 

}sew  York  

..  195,706 

ng  tabL 
andTe 

..  256,252 

3  will  show 
rritories  in 

Texas  

the"  German  inhabitants  in 
1860: 

20,553    Arl-flTiKfls  . 

Ohio  

.  .  168  210 

Minnesota 

18  400 

..  138,244 

Virginia  

10,512 

'Rhode  Island 

Illinois  

.  .  130  804 

Massachusetts. 
Connecticut  .  .  . 

9  961 

North  Carolina 

..  123,879 

8,525 

Colorado 

Missouri  

.  .     88  487 

Kansas 

4  318 

Washington  Territory. 

66  705 

a  sr.n 

Maryland  

.  .     43,884 

District  of  Columbia.  .      3,254 
South  Carolina  2,947 
Alabama       9  fim 

Florida  

.  .     38,705 

Nevada 

Iowa  

38  555 

New  Jersey  

.  .     33,772 

Georgia  

2,472 

Maine 

Kentucky  

.  .     27,227 

Mississippi..  .  . 

.  .   .     .       2  008 

Louisiana 

24  614 

Nebraska  
Delaware  

1,742 
1,263 

Utah  

Dakota... 

California  

.     21,646 

Total  number  of  Germans  in  the  United  States,  1,899,518; 
total  number  of  Irish,  1,611,304— showing  288,214  more  Ger 
mans  than  Irish.  Computing  the  Germans  from  all  the  States 
and  Kingdoms  of  Europe,  who  are  generally  known  as  Germans 


612 


APPENDIX. 


in  America,  they  show  2,772,593,  making  the  Germans  in  Amer 
ica  more  than  double  the  Irish  population.  The  increase  since 
1860  in  the  German  population  has  been  very  great,  and  will,  at 
the  taking  of  the  census  in  1870,  show  about  three  Germans  to 
one  Irish  in  the  United  States. 

The  following  table  will  show  the  foreign  born  population  in 
the  several  States  and  Territories  in  1860 — total,  4,136,175: 

Maryland 77,53"' 'Georgia 11,671 

Kentucky 59,7°!>! ,  South  Carolina 9,286 

Minnesota 53,723' ! Delaware 9,10? 

Texas 43.4221  i  Mississippi 8.55J 

Maine 3V ,45C|!  New  Mexico 6,72? 

j Nebraska 6,351 


New  York 998,640 

Pennsylvania 430,505 

Ohio 328,254 

niinois 324.64:; 

Wisconsin 271,927 

Massachusetts 260,o41 

Missouri 160,541 

Michigan 149,092 

California 146,623 

New  Jersey «-. . .  122,790 

Indiana , 118,184 

Iowa 106,081 

Louisiana 81,029 

Connecticut 80,696 


i  Rhode  Island 37 .304 

i  Virginia 3£,0->S 

|  Vermont 32,743 

Tennessee 21,226 

New  Hampshire 20,938 

Utah 12,754 

Kansas 12,691 

District  of  Columbia...  12,484 
Alabama 12,352 


Oregon 6,125 


Arkansas .. 


3,741 


,-ida 3,30? 

North  Carolina 3,29? 

Washington 3,144 

Colorado 2,666 

Nevada 2,064 

Dakota 1,774 


The  following  table  will  show  the  Irish  in  the  several  States 
and  Territories  in  1860— making  a  total  of  1,611,304: 


New  York 498,072 

Pennsylvania 201,939 

Massachusetts 185,434 

niinois 87,573 

Ohio 76,826 

New  Jersey 62,003 

Connecticut 55,445 

Wisconsin 49,961 

Missouri 43,464 

California 33,147 

Michigan 30,049 

Louisiana 28,207 

Iowa 28,072 

Rhode  Island 25,285 


[Maryland 24,872 

I  Indiana 24,495 

Kentucky 22,249 

Virginia 16,501 

Maine 15,290 

Vermont 13,480 

Minnesota 12,831 

New  Hampshire 12,737 

Tennessee 12,498 

District  of  Columbia...  7,258 

Georgia 6,586 

Delaware 5,832 

Alabama 5.C64 

South  Carolina 4,906 


Mississippi 3,89? 

Kansas 3,88? 

Texas 3,48C 

Nebraska 1,431 

|  Arkansas 1,312 

1  Oregon l,26e 

Washington  Territory...  1,217 

!  North  Carolina 889 

'Florida '. 827 

I  New  Mexico 827 

Nevada 651 

i  Colorado 624 

I  Utah 27S 

iDakota...  42 


How- completely  Slave  labor  retarded  the  settlement  of  the 
industrious  foreigners  in  the  Slave  States  may  be  seen  from  the 
foregoing  tables,  which  show  that  within  the  fifteen  Slave  States 
and  the  District  of  Columbia  there  were  in  1860  but  188,448 
Irish,  while  the  population  of  these  States  was  12,496,459 — 
with  a  vast  and  fertile  soil  and  genial  climate.  At  this  same 
period  Massachusetts,  with  her  contracted  limits,  rigid  winters, 
and  a  population  of  only  1,231,065,  had  within  her  limits  185,434 
Irish,  almost  as  many  as  were  within  the  fifteen  Slave  States  and 
.the  District  of  Columbia. 

PAUPERS  AND   CRIME  IN   THE  UNITED   STATES. 

[Some  startling  facts  in  reference  to  the  great  preponderance 
/of  pauperism  and  crime  among  the  foreign  population  of  the 
.United  States  will  here  be  given,  based  upon  the  census  of  1860. 
jAt  that  jtimo  the  whole  population  of  the  Union  was  31,429,891. 
Of  this  number  27,206,187  were  native  born,  including  all  classes, 
1  free  and  slave.  There  were  at  the  same  time  4,136.175  of  foreign 
birth  of  all  classes  in  the  Republic;  thus  it  will  be  seen  that  about 
one-eighth  of  the  whole  American  population  was  of  foreign 
birth. 

The  whole  number  of  paupers  supported  during  the  year  1860 


APPENDIX. 


613 


was  321,665,  of  whom  160,213  were  native,  and  161,452  were  of 
foreign  birth,  showing  more  than  eight  times:  as  many  paupers 
among  the  foreign  as  among  the  native  population.  The  annual 
cost  of  the  support  of  this  total  number  was  $5,445,143. 

The  whole  number  of  criminals  convicted  within  the  year  was 
98,836,  of  whom  32,933  were  natives,  and  65,903  were  foreigners, 
showing  that  among  the  foreign  population  more  than  sixteen 
criminals  were  convicted  to  one  among  the  native  born.  Several 
causes  contribute  to  this  state  of  affairs — ignorance  of  our  lan 
guage,  customs  and  laws;  but  the  greatest  of  all,  and  the  one 
most  disastrous  to  America,  and  disgraceful  to  those  nations 
practicing  the  evil,  is  the  transportation  of  paupers  and  convicts 
to  the  United  States,  long  and  extensively  practiced  by  Great 
Britain,  Germany,  France  and  other  countries. 


TEOOPS  FURNISHED  DURING  THE  WAE  OF  1776. 


SOUTHERN  STATES. 

Continentals. 

Delaware 2,317 

Maryland 13,912 

Virginia 26,668 

North  Carolina 7,263 

South  Carolina 6,417 

Georgia 2,679 

Total 59,256 


Militia. 

376 

4127 

5  620 


10,123 


NOKTHEEN  STATES. 

Continentals.  Militia. 

New  Hampshire 12,496  2,093 

Massachusetts 68,007  15,155 

Rhode  Island 5,878  4,284 

Connecticut 32,039  7,792 

New  York 18,331  3,304 

New  Jersey 10,726  6,055 

Pennsylvania 25,608  7,357 

Total 173,085  46,040 

Total  furnished  by  the  Northern  States,  219,125;  by  the  South 
ern  States,  69,377,  The  whole  number  of  troops  in  the  Revolu 
tionary  "War  was  288,504 — there  being  232,341  Continentals  and 
56,163  Militia. 

The  tables  of  the  population  of  the  States  engaged  in  the  war 
of  1776  will  show  that  the  population  of  what  are  known  as  the 
Northern  and  Southern  States  was  at  that  time  about  equal  in 
the  aggregate;  but  the  share  that  they  took  in  the  war  of  Inde 
pendence  was  very  unequal  indeed.  The  Northern  States,  with 
a  population  aboiit  equal  with  that  of  the  South,  sent  into  the 
field  219,125,  while  the  South  sent  only  69,379;  and  Massachu 
setts  alone,  with  a  population  equal  to  half  that  of  the  State  of 
Virginia,  sent  83,162,  or  13,783  more  than  all  the  South. 

See  "American  Conflict,"  vol.  1,  page  36;  also,  "Collection 
of  New  Hampshire  Historical  Society,"  for  the  year  1824,  vol.  1, 
page  236. 

UNITED   STATES  ARMY— 1861-5. 

Total  number  of  men  furnished  by  each  State  and  Territory 
to  put  down  the  Slaveholders'  Rebellion,  from  its  commence 
ment  in  1861  to  its  close  in  April,  1865 : 


Maine  

71,745 
34,605 
35,246 
151,785 
23,711 
57,270 

District  of  Columbia. 
Ohio  

New  Hampshire  

Massachusetts           . 

Illinois  

Connecticut  .  .  . 

New  York 464,156  .Minnesota 

New  Jersey 79,511  \  !  Iowa. 


Pennsylvania 366,326 

Delaware 13,651 1 

Maryland 49,731 , 

West  Virginia 32,003 1 


Missouri . , 
Kentucky 
Kansas.... 


16,872  r 

317,133  j 

Nevada     .   .                         216 

195,147 

Oregon  617 

258,217 
90,119 
96,118 
25,034 
75,860 
108  773 

Washington  Terrify.           895 
Nebraska  Territory  .  .        1,279 
Colorado  Territory..        1,762 
Dakota  Territory  181 
New  Mexico  Terrify.       2,395 

78*540 

Total  ...  2  688  543 

20,097 
12,077 

614  APPENDIX. 

Add  to  the  above  the  forces  under  arms  by  the  Rebels,  amount 
ing  to  about  1,400,000,  and  we  see  that  there  were  over  4,000,000 
of  men  in  arms  during  the  war — a  greater  number  than  ever  was 
engaged  in  any  single  war  at  any  age,  in  any  country.  To  illus 
trate:  The  fabled  army  of  Sesostris,  with  which  he  overran  the 
greater  part  of  Asia,  was  but  1,137,000.  The  greatest  strength 
of  the  armies  raised  under  Bhamses  II,  in  Egypt,  was  410,000. 
The  total  forces  sent  against  Syracuse  numbered  65,000.  Alex 
ander  achieved  his  victories  with  an  army  of  about  56,000.  Na 
poleon's  grand  army  of  1812  was  200,000  in  Spain;  200,000  in 
France,  Italy,  Germany  and  Poland,  and  450,000  in  Russia — 
making  a  total  of  850,000.  The  army  of  450,000,  then  in  Russia, 
was  the  largest  army  in  one  country.  When  Hannibal  crossed 
the  Rhone,  his  army  was  46,000.  In  May,  1854,  the  allied  army, 
consisting  of  English,  French,  Turks  and  Sardinians,  operating 
in  the  Crimean  war,  was  200,000. 

Composition  of  the  Army. — Of  the  2,688,523  soldiers  in  the 
Federal  Army,  from  the  commencement  of  the  war  to  its  close, 
494,900  were  of  foreign  birth,  as  follows:  Germans,  176,800; 
Irish,  144,200;  British  Americans,  53,500;  English,  45,500;  other 
foreigners,  nationalities  unknown,  74,900 — leaving  the  native 
Americans  enlisted  at  2,193,623. 

The  total  population  of  the  loyal  States  and  Territories  in  1860 
was  22,372,961.  Of  this  number  3,901,534  were  of  foreign  birth, 
leaving  the  native  population  in  these  States  18,471,427.  From 
this  number  they  raised  an  army  of  2,193,623,  as  shown  above. 
Those  of  foreign  birth  in  these  States,  from  a  population  of 
3,901,534,  raised  an  army  of  494,900.  Thus,  it  will  be  seen  that 
the  honors  of  the  patriotism  and  success  of  the  arms  of  the  Re 
public  are  equally  divided  among  all  classes  in  the  twenty-three 
loyal  States  that  were  in  the  Union  at  the  commencement  of  the 
Rebellion. 

The  proportion  furnished  in  men  by  the  native  population, 
was  about  twelve  per  cent.,  while  those  of  foreign  birth  furnished 
about  thirteen  per  cent,  of  their  numbers,  showing  that  the  adopted 
citizens  of  the  Republic  are  not  behind,  when  the  laws  and  the 
flag  that  give  them  liberty  are  assailed.  The  fact  that  there  are 
more  males  in  the  foreign  population ,  in  proportion  to  its  numbers 
than  in  the  native  population,  will  account,  no  doubt,  for  the 
large  proportion  that  they  furnished  to  the  army. 

Of  what  material  the  army  of  the  Confederacy  was  composed 
is  not  definitely  ascertained.  It  is  fair  to  conclude,  however, 
that  its  ranks  were  made  up  chiefly  of  native  born — White  and 
Black.  Jefferson  Davis'  order  of  banishment  of  all  foreigners 
from  his  dominions,  would  not  indicate  any  very  great  desire 
even  to  have  them  in  his  army;  besides,  but  few  foreigners  had 
made  their  homes  at  the  South.  At  the  breaking  out  of  the 
Rebellion  there  were  within  the  limits  of  the  eleven  States  that 
entered  the  Confederacy  but  234,641  foreigners  of  all  classes — 
25,900  less  than  were  in  the  State  of  Massachusetts. 


APPENDIX. 


615 


The  total  population  of  the  eleven  States  forming  the  Con 
federacy  in  1860  was  9,056,930  of  all  classes;  of  this  number, 
5,449,463  were  whites,  and  3,607,467  blacks,  showing  but  1,761,- 
996  more  whites  than  blacks.  From  these  numbers  they  raised 
an  army  of  about  1,400,000 — about  fifteen  per  cent,  of  their  entire 
population. 

It  must  be  remembered  that  .parts  of  Virginia  and  Tennessee 
and  other  States  in  rebellion  furnished  considerable  numbers  of 
troops  to  the  Union  Army,  and  perhaps  some  of  the  States  not 
in  rebellion  furnished  some  of  the  Confederate  army,  but  these 
are  not  easily  ascertained. 

The  following  table  will  show  the  number  of  newspapers  cir 
culated  by  the  several  States  in  the  year  1860 ; 


FBEE  STATES. 

California 26,111,788 

Connecticut 9,555,672 

Illinois 27,464,764 

Indiana 10,090,310 

Iowa 6,589,360 

Kansas 1,565,540 

Maine 8,333,278 

Massachusetts  ...  * 102,000,760 

Michigan 11,606,596 

Minnesota 2,344,000 

New  Hampshire 1,024,400 

New  Jersey 12,801,412 

New  York 320,930,8Si 

Ohio 71,767,742 

Oregon   1,074,640 

Pennsylvania 116,094,480 

Bhode  Island 5,289.280 

Vermont 2,579,080 

Wisconsin 10,798,670 

Nebraska  Territory 519,000 

New  Mexico  Territory 59,800 

Utah  Territory 327,600 

Washington  Territory 122 ,200 


Total 749,051 ,256 


SLAVE-STATES. 

Alabama -.„  7,175,444 

Arkansas 2,122,224 

Delaware 1,010,776 

Florida 1,081,600 

Georgia 13,415,444 

Kentucky 13,504,044 

Louisiana 16,948,000 

Maryland 20,721 ,472 

Mississippi 9,099,784 

Missouri 29,741,464 

NortU  Carolina 4,862,572 

South  Carolina 3,654,840 

Tennessee 10,053,152 

Texas 7,855,808 

Virginia 26,772,568 

District  of  Columbia^ 10,881,100 


Total ,.....,* 178,900,292 


Total,  Free  States,.,....^ 749,051,256 

Grand  Total «  ..  927,951,548 


FINANCE  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

The  total  resources  and  payments  of  the  Federal  G-overnment 
from  its  commencement,  March  4th,  1789,  to  July  1st,  1861,  were 
—total  revenue,  $1,846,275,863.48;  total  expenditures  during 
the  same  period,  $1,453,790,786.00 — leaving  an  excess  of  revenue 
unexpended  of  $392,485,077.48. 

The  demands  of  the  war  called  largely  upon  the  National  Treas 
ury,  imposing  a  burden  of  taxation  amounting,  in  a  single  year, 
to  a  larger  sum  than  was  necessary  to  defray  the  whole  expenses 
of  the  Government  from  its  commencement  to  1861. 

The  public  debt  on  the  1st  day  of  July,  1860,  was  $64,769,703.08; 
July  1st,  1861,  $90,867,828.68;  July  1st,  1862,  $514,211,371.92; 
July  1st,  1863,  $1,098,793,181.37;  July  1st,  1864,  $1,740,690,- 
489.49;  July  1st,  1865,  $2,682,593,026.53;  October  31st,  1866, 
$2,681,636,966.34.  There  was  at  this  time,  $130,326,960.60  cash 
in  the  Treasury;  this  would  leave  the  actual  debt  only  $2,551,- 
310,005.72.  Total  debt  unprovided  for  November  1st,  1867,  was 
$2,491,504,450.00.  Total  debt,  October  1st,  1868,  $2,534,643,- 
718.95.  The  debt  of  Great  Britain,  in  1860,  was  £894,644,060 


616  APPENDIX. 

sterling,  or  $4,473,220,300— almost  double  that  of  the  debt  of 
the  United  States  in  1867. 

The  total  debt  of  the  United  States,  on  the  first  day  of  Decem 
ber,  18C8,  was  $2,645,711,164.81.  Cash  in  the  Treasury,  $106,- 
679,320.67;  of  which  $88,425,374.54  was  coin. 

The  great  financial  resources  of  the  Republic  of  America,  as 
developed  under  the  pressure  of  the  late  war,  and  the  good 
grace  with  which  the  people  respond  to  the  payments  of  the 
large  sums  requisite  to  defray  the  expenses  of  the  Rebellion 
thrust  upon  them  by  the  Democratic  slaveholders  of  the  South, 
is  another  illustration  of  the  influence  of  Republican  Government 
in  tempering  the  public  mind  to  respond  to  all  things,  even  the 
burdens  of  increased  taxation,  in  order  to  perpetuate  their  free 
dom. 

No  Government  of  the  magnitude  of  the  American  Republic 
has  at  any  period  of  the  history  of  the  world,  conducted  the 
affairs  of  government  with  such  small  outlays  and  rigid  economy 
as  has  that  of  the  United  States.  In  all  governments,  whatever 
they  be,  the  whole  expenditure  has  to  emanate  from  the  produc 
ing  masses;  the  wealthy  are  but  the  receivers  of  the  labor  and 
industry  of  the  producer. 

The  officials  of  the  United  States  receive  smaller  compensation 
than  do  those  of  any  other  nation,  of  its  magnitude,  on  the 
globe.  The  seven  cabinet  officers  receive  $8,000  per  annum, 
each — $56,000  in  all.  The  President  of  the  Republic  receives 
$25,000  per  annum.  The  President  and  Cabinet  receiving  but 
a  fraction  more  than  it  costs  the  people  of  Great  Britain  annu 
ally  for  coachmen,  postilions  and  footmen  for  her  Britannic 
majesty* 

BANKS. 

The  first  Bank  in  America  was  established  in  Massachusetts,  in 
1740,  called  the  "  Land  Bank;"  this  bank  was  soon  dissolved  by 
a  royal  edict.  Up  to  the  year  1781,  there  were  but  two  banks  in 
America— one  in  Boston,  and  one  in  New  York.  In  1811,  they 
had  increased  to  88;  in  1830,  there  were  330;  in  1840,  there 
were  910;  in  1843  there  were  691;  in  1850,  there  were  872,  with 
a  capital  of  $227,000,000;  and  in  1860  there  were  1,562  with  a 
capital  of  $421,000,000;  since  which  time  the  National  Banks 
established  by  Congress,  have  superseded  to  a  great  extent  the 
private  banking  institutions  of  the  country. 

NATIONAL  BANKS. 

An  Act  of  Congress  to  establish  a  general  national  banking 
system  was  passed  February  25th,  1863,  and  another  on  June- 
Ski,  1864.  Under  this  law,  there  were  in  operation  on  January 
1st,  1866, 1579  banks,  with  an  aggregate  capital  of  $403,357,346. 
There  were  also  at  the  close  of  the  year  1866,  351  State  Banks, 
making  a  total  of  1,930  in  all. 

There  were  on  January  1st,  1867,  1644  banks  existing  under 
the  National  Bank  Acts  of  the  United  States;  also  297  under  State 
laws.  The  combined  capital  of  these  1,941  institutions  was,  at 


APPENDIX.  617 

the  same  time,  $486,258,464.  The  number  .of  National  Banks 
on  the  1st  day  of  October,  1867,  was  1,639,  with  a  capital  of 
$424,394,861.  There  were  at  the  same  time  262  State  banks,  with 
a  capital  of  $66,354,033,  making  the  aggregate  of  1,901  banks, 
with  a  combined  capital  of  490,748,894. 

RAILROADS. 

The  first  attempt  at  anything  resembling  railroads,  is  supposed 
to  have  been  the  roads  constructed  of  stone,  upon  which  the 
Egyptians  moved  the  great  stones  for  the  pyramids.  The  ancient 
Romans  made  an  attempt  at  railroads,  by  the  laying  of  stones 
closely  fitted  together,  upon  which  wheels  were  run. 

Sometime  about  the  year  1676,  the  first  instance  of  the  use  of 
rails  was  at  the  collieries,  near  Newcastle-upon-Tyne,  England; 
and  at  the  same  time  a  suggestion  of  the  possibility  of  construct 
ing  steam  carriages  was  made  by  James  I.  Watt,  the  Scottish 
engineer.  As  early  as  1782,  Oliver  Eyans,  of  Philadelphia,  pat 
ented  a  steam  wagon,  and  Watt  patented  a  locomotive  carriage 
in  1784. 

In  October,  1829,  the  first  steam  locomotive  was  put  in  opera 
tion,  in  England,  and  was  manufactured  by  Messrs.  Stephenson 
&  Booth;  soon  followed  the  general  use  of  locomotives  and 
stearn  carriages. 

The  first  railroad  in  America,  was  built  from  Quincy  to  the 
Neoponset  River,  Massachusetts;  it  was  begun  in  1826,  and  com 
pleted  in  1827,  a  distance  of  three  miles;  the  carriages  were 
drawn  by  horses. 

The  first  locomotive  used  on  railroads  in  America,  was  one 
manufactured  by  George  Stephenson,  of  England,  imported  to 
America,  and  placed  upon  the  road  built  by  the  Delaware  and 
Hudson  Canal  Company,  in  1829 — from  this  date  the  progress 
in  rai' roads  in  America  went  ahead  with  great  energy  and  success. 

In  1860,  there  were  30,793  miles  of  railroad  in  the  United  States, 
at  a  cost  of  $1,151,560,829;  besides  402  miles  of  city  street  car 
railroads,  at  a  cost  of  $14,862,840.  The  great  overland  railroad 
from  New  York  to  San  Francisco,  California,  to  be  completed 
by  July,  1869,  will  of  itself  add  1,840  miles  to  the  above,  from 
San  Francisco  to  Omaha,  Nebraska;  besides  which,  there  have 
been  many  hundreds  of  miles  of  railroad  built  in  other  States, 
since  1860,  and  the  miles  in  street  railroads  alone  must  have 
doubled  since  that  time. 

The  Pacific  railroad  is  calculated  to  cost  about  one  hundred 
million  of  dollars.  The  United  States  gives  the  companies 
building  the  road  the  use  of  fifty  million  dollars  of  United 
States  six  per  cent,  bonds  for  thirty  years;  also  the/be  simple  of 
12,800  acres  of  land  per  mile,  along  the  road,  which  in  the  ag 
gregate  amounts  to  about  220,000,000  of  acres.  This  is  the  most 
munificent  donation  made  by  any  Government  to  any  enterprise 
in  any  age. 

The  total  distance  from  New  York  to  San  Francisco,  Cal.,  by 
this  great  national  highway,  will  be  about  3,390  miles. 


618 


APPENDIX. 


INSURANCE   COMPANIES. 


The  first  Insurance  Company  in  America  was  established  at 
Boston,  Massachusetts,  in  the  year  1724;  in  1860,  they  had  in 
creased  to  294,  besides  47  Life  Insurance  Companies. 

CANALS. 

The  first  canal  in  America,  was  constructed  in  1789,  from 
Boston  harbor  to  the  Concord  river,  a  distance  of  twenty-seven 
miles,  at  a  cost  of  $550,000.  In  1861,  there  were  118  canals 
in  the  United  States,  of  a  total  length  of  5,462  miles. 

TOTAL  VALUE  OF  HEAL  ESTATE  AND  PERSONAL  PROPERTY  IN  THE  UNITED 

STATES. 


States  and  Territories. 

Real  Estate  and  Personal  Property. 

Increase. 

IB- 
crease 
per 

cent. 

1850. 

1860. 

Alabama     

$228,204,332 
39,841,025 
22,101,872 
155,707,980 
21,032,556 
22,802,270 
335,425,714 
15G,2G5,006 
202,050,204 
23,714,038 

$495,237,078 
219,256,473 
207,874,613 
444,274,114 
46,242,181 
73,101,500 
645,895,237 
871,860,282 
528,835,371 
247,338,265 
31,327,895 
666,043,112 
602,118,568 
190,211,600 
376,919,944 
815,237,433 
257,163,983 
52,294,413 
607,324,911 
501,214,398 
156,310,860 
467,918,324 
1,843,338,517 
358,739,399 
1,193,898,422 
28,930,037 
1,416,501,818 
135,337,588 
548,138,754 
493,903,892 
365,200,614 
122,477,170 
793,249,081 
273,671,668 
41,084,945 
9,131,056 
20,813,768 
5,596,118 
5,601,466 

$207,032,746 
179,415,443 
185,712,741 
288,566,134 
25,179,025 
50,239,230 
310,439,523 
715,595,276 
326,105,107 
223,623,627 

117.01 
450.32 
837.98 
185.32 
119.54 
219.74 
92.56 
457.93 
1G0.95 
9-12.97 

California  

Delaware    

Florida                                    ...   . 

Georgia  

Illinois 

Io\va                  

Kentucky       

301,628,456 
233,998,764 
122,777,571 
219,217,364 
573,342,286 
59,787,255 

334,414,656 
368,119,804 
67,443,029 
157,702,580 
241,895,147 
197,376,728 

120.81 
157.31 
54.92 
71.93 
42.19 
330.13 

Maine  

Massachusetts  

228,951,130 
137,247,707 
103,052,835 
200,000,000 
1,080,309,_16 
226,800,472 
504,726,120 
5,033,474 
722,486,120 
80,503,794 
288,257,694 
201,246,680 
52,740,473 
92,205,049 
430,701,082 
42,053,595 
14,018,874 

378,373,781 
363,960,691 
52,658,025 
267,918,324 
763,029,301 
131,938,927 
689,172,302 
23,867,163 
694,015,698 
54,828,794 
259,881,030 
292,057,206 
312,400,141 
30,272,121 
362,548,599 
231,615,073 
27,066,071 

105.26 
265.18 
50.80 
133.95 
70.63 
58.17 
136.54 
471.35 
•  9(5.05 
68.10 
90.15 
145.42 
592.44 
32.83 
84.17 
550.72 
193.06 

New  York  
North  Carolina                   

Ohio                  

Ehode  Island          

Virginia                         

District  of  Columbia.        

New  Mexico  Territory      

5,174,471 
986,083 

15,639,298 
4,610,035 

302.24 
467.50 

Total  '  

$7,135,780,228 

$16,159,616,068 

$8,925,481,011 

126.45 

The  above  table  is  based  upon  the  true  valuation;  the  returns 
made  by  the  several  States,,  at  the  periods  above  mentioned,  show 
a  larger  assessed  value  than  the  above.  It  will  be  seen  by  the 
annexed  table  how  far  the  Free  States  run  ahead  of  the  Slave 
States  in  the  increase  of  property. 

SENTIMENTS   OF  THE  FRIENDS   OF  REPUBLICAN  GOVERNMENT. 

The  following  extracts  from  speeches,  letters,  addresses,  ora 
tions,  and  resolutions  will  illustrate  the  sentiments  and  positions 


APPENDIX.  619 

of  prominent  public  men  of  America  and  Europe  in  relation  to 
the  political  affairs  of  the  American  [Republic 

WILLIAM  H    SEWARD. 

In  March,  1858,  William  H.  Seward,  in  the  United  States 
Senate,  said: 

"The  question  of  Slavery  in  the  Federal  Territories,  which  are  now  the 
nurseries  of  future  States,  independent  of  its  moral  and  human  elements, 
involves  a  dynastical  struggle  of  two  antagonist cal  systems  —  the  labor  of 
slaves  and  the  labor  of  freemen — for  mastery  in  the  Federal  Union. 

' '  There  is  a  higher  law  than  the  Constitution  which  regulates  our  authority 
over  the  domain.  Slavery  must  be  abolished,  and  we  must  do  it. 

"  Slavery  is  not  and  never  can  be  perpetual.  It  will  be  overthrown  peace 
fully  and  lawfully  under  this  Constitution,  or  it  will  work  the  subversion  of 
the  Constitution,  together  with  its  own  overthrow." 

Iii  a  speech  made  by  Mr.  Seward  at  Eochester,  New  York, 
October  25th,  1858,  he  said: 

"These  antagonistic  systems  are  continually  coming  into  closer  contact, 
and  collision  results. 

"Shall  I  tell  you  what  this  collision  means?  They  who  think  that  it  is 
accidental,  unnecessary,  the  work  of  interested  or  fanatical  agitators,  and 
therefore  ephemeral,  mistake  the  case  altogether.  It  is  an  irrepressible  conflict 
between  opposing  and  enduring  forces ;  and  it  means  that  the  United  States 
must  and  will,  sooner  or  later,  become  either  entirely  a  slaveholding  Nation, 
or  entirely  a  free  labor  Nation.  Either  the  cotton  and  rice  fields  of  South 
Carolina,  and  the  sugar  plantations  of  Louisiana,  will  ultimately  be  tilled  by 
free  labor,  and  Charleston  and  New  Orleans  become  marts  for  legitimate  mer 
chandise  alone,  or  else  the  rye  fields  and  wheat  fields  of  Massachusetts  and 
New  York  must  again  be  surrendered  by  their  farmers  to  slave  culture  and  to 
the  production  of  slaves,  and  Boston  and  New  York  become  once  more  mar 
kets  for  trade  in  the  bodies  and  souls  of  men.  It  is  the  failure  to  apprehend 
this  great  truth  that  induces  so  many  unsuccessful  attempts  at  final  compro 
mise  between  the  Slave  and  Free  States;  and  it  is  the  existence  of  this  great 
fact  that  renders  all  such  pretended  compromises,  when  made,  vain  and 
ephemeral." 

JOSHUA  E.  GIDDINGS. 

Few  men  in  America  have  been  so  closely  identified  with  the 
interests  of  the  down-trodden  African  and  his  posterity  in  the 
United  States,  as  has  this  able  defender  of  the  rights  of  man. 
Nor  do  his  efforts  to  extirpate  human  Slavery  from  his  country 
date  from  the  period  when  "  Abolitionists"  were  "  respectable/' 
but  from  the  time  when  death  penalties  were  inflicted  by  the 
chivalry  of  the  South  for  the  advocacy  of  the  doctrines  of  the 
Declaration  of  Independence,  and  when  in  the  Free  States 
"constitutional"  Democrats  hunted  down-,  like  wild  beasts, 
those  who  were  bold  enough  to  advocate  emancipation. 

In  the  House  of  Representatives,  as  early  as  1850,  in  response 
to  the  declaration  of  members  from  the  South  to  disrupt  the 
Union,  Mr.  Giddings,  in  a  speech,  used  the  following  prophetic 
language : 

"When  that  contest  shall  come,  when  the  thunder  shall  roll  and  the  light 
nings  flash;  when  the  slaves  of  the  South  shall  rise  in  the  spirit  of  Freedom, 
actuated  by  the  soul-stirring  emotion  that  they  are  men,  destined  to  immortal 
ity,  entitled  to  the  rights  which  God  besto\7cd  upon  them ;  when  the  masters 


620  APPENDIX. 


shairturn  pale  and  tremble;  when  their  dwellings  shall  smoke,  and  dismay  sit- 
on  each  countenance;  then,  Sir,  I  do  not  say  we  will  'laugh  at  your  calamity, 
and  mock  when  your  fear  cometh, '  but  I  do  say  the  lover  of  our  race  will  then 
stand  forth  and  exert  the  legitimate  powers  of  this  Government  of  Freedom.  We 
shall  then  have  constitutional  power  to  aot  for  the  good  of  our  country,  and  to  do 
justice  to  the  slave.  WE  WILL  THEN  STEIKE  OFF  THE  SHACKLES  FROM  HIS  LIMBS. 
The  Government  will  then  have  power  to  act  between  Slavery  and  Freedom;  and 
it  can  best  make  peace  by  giving  liberty  to  the  slaves.  And  let  me  tell  you,  Mr. 
Speaker,  that  time  hastens;  the  President  is  exerting  a  power  that  will  hurry  it 
on;  and  I  shall  hail  it  as  the  approaching  dawn  of  that  Millennium  which  I 
know  must  come  upon  the  earth." 

CHARLES   SUMNEB. 

Among  the  many  living  champions  of  civil  and  religious  lib 
erty,  few  equal  this  eminent  American  statesman,  who  has  had 
the  honor  to  represent  the  State  of  Massachusetts  in  the  Senate 
of  the  Nation  for  so  many  years.*  The  lead  of  the  progressive 
political  party  of  the  Nation,  was  for  years  conceded  to  him; 
and  if  for  a  short  time  the  reins  were  held  by  Thaddeus  Stevens, 
Mr.  Sumner  may  but  feel  proud  of  his  competitor.  As  a  clear 
headed  statesman,  with  a  forecast  of  mind  grasping  principles 
and  anticipating  emergencies,  Mr.  Sumner  has  few  living  equals. 
As  an  industrious  and  faithful  public  servant,  he  has  no  equal. 
His  persistent  opposition  to  Slavery,  made  him  an  object  of  attack 
by  the  "  chivalry,"  while  that  party  had  control  of  the  Capitol. 

Throughout  the  Slaveholders'  Rebellion,  and  during  the  mem 
orable  conflict  between  the  National  Congress  and  Andrew  John 
son,  Mr.  Sumner  stood  foremost  and  faithful  in  opposition  to 
treason  and  venality,  and  directed  the  current  of  National  legis 
lation  to  its  present  happy  condition,  more  than  did  any  one 
man  in  America.  The  public  measures  and  laws  presented  to 
Congress  by  him,  and  which  are  now  leading  features  of  our 
National  legislative  enactments,  outnumber  those  promulgated 
by  any  living  man  within  the  same  period.  And  to  his  efforts 
and  genius,  may  we  in  a  large  measure  feel  indebted  for  the 
equality  of  all  mon  before  the  law  in  America.  His  proposition  of 
the  following  clause  of  a  law,  pending  the  discussion,  in  the 
Senate,  of  a  draft  of  a  law  pertaining  to  witnesses,  on  the  15th  of 
July,  18G2,  was  the  forerunner  of  the  right  of  the  colored  man 
to  obtain  justice  in  American  Courts : 

"  Provided,  That  there  shall  be  no  exclusion  of  any  witnesses  on  account 
of  color." 

He  offered  the  following  resolution,  May  26th,  18G2,  which 
subsequently  led  to  the  employment  and  protection  of  colored ' 
soldiers : 

"  Resolved,  That  in  the  prosecution  of  the  present  war  for  the  suppression 
of  a  wicked  Rebellion,  the  time  has  come  for  the  Government  of  tho  United 
Stater  to  appeal  to  the  loyalty  of  the  whole  people  everywhere,  but  especially 
in  the  rebel  districts,  and  to  invite  all,  without  distinction  of  color  or  class,  to 
make  their  loyalty  manifest  by  ceasing  to  fight  or  labor  for  the  rebels,  and  also 
by  rendering  every  assistance  in  their  power  to  the  cause  of  the  Constitution 

•Elected  in  lSi>9,  for  the  fourth  time  in  succession. 


APPENDIX.  621 

and  the  Union,  according  to  their  ability,  whether  by  arms,  or  labor,  or  infor 
mation,  or  in  any  other  way;  and,  since  protection  and  allegiance  are  recipro 
cal  duties,  dependent  upon  each  other,  it  is  the  further  duty  of  the  Government 
of  the  United  States  to  maintain  all  such  loyal  people,  without  distinction  of 
color  or  class,  in  their  rights  as  men,  according  to  the  principles  of  the  Decla 
ration  of  Independence." 

The  following  extracts  from  a  set  of  resolutions  offered  by  Mr. 
Sumner,  in  the  United  States  Senate,  on  the  llth  of  February, 
1862,  relating  to  the  rebellious  States,  present  a  clear,  legal, 
and  logical  exposition  of  the  status  of  those  Territories,  upon 
the  cessation  of  hostilities: 

"1.  Resolved,  That  any  vote  of  secession  or  other  act  by  which  any  State 
may  undertake  to  put  an  end  to  the  supremacy  of  the  Constitution  within  its 
territory  is  inoperative  and  void  against  the  Constitution,  and  when  sustained 
by  force  it  becomes  a  practical  abdication  by  the  State,  of  all  rights  under  the 
Constitution,  while  the  treason  which  it  involves  still  further  works  an  instant 
forfeiture  of  all  those  functions  and  powers  essential  to  the  continued  exist 
ence  of  the  State  as  a  body  politic,  so  that  from  that  time  forward  the  territory 
falls  under  the  exclusive  jurisdiction  of  Congress  as  other  territory,  and  the 
State  being,  according  to  the  language  of  the  law,  felo-de-se,  ceases  to  exist. 

"2.  That  any  combination  of  men  assuming  to  act  in  the  place  of  such 
State,  attempting  to  ensnare  or  coerce  the  inhabitants  thereof  into  a  confeder 
ation  hostile  to  the  Union  is  rebellious,  treasonable,  and  destitute  of  all  moral 
authority;  and  that  such  combination  is  a  usurpation  incapable  of  any  consti 
tutional  existence  and  utterly  lawless,  so  that  everything  dependent  upon  it  is 
without  constitutional  or  legal  support. 

"3.  That  the  termination  of  a  State  under  the  Constitution  necessarily 
causes  the  termination  of  those  peculiar  local  institutions  which,  having  no 
origin  in  the  Constitution  or  in  those  natural  rights  which  exist  independent 
of  the  Constitution,  are  upheld  by  the  sole  and  exclusive  authority  of  the 
State. 

"4.  That  Slavery,  being  a  peculiar  local  institution,  derived  from  local  laws, 
without  any  origin  in  the  Constitution  or  in  natural  rights,  is  upheld  by  the 
sole  and  exclusive  authority  of  the  State,  and  must  therefore  cease  to  exist 
legally  or  constitutionally  when  the  State  on  wrhich  it  depends  no  longer 
exists;  for  the  incident  cannot  survive  the  principle. 

"5.  That  in  the  exercise  of  its  exclusive  jurisdiction  over  the  territory  once 
occupied  by  the  States,  it  is  the  duty  of  Congress  to  see  that  the  supremacy  of 
the  Constitution  is  maintained  in  its  essential  principles,  so  that  everywhere 
in  this  extensive  territory  Slavery  shall  cease  to  exist  practically,  %as 

already  ceased  to  exist  constitutionally  or  legally. 

"6.  That  any  recognition  of  Slavery  in  such  territory,  or  any  surren. 
slaves  under  the  pretended  laws  of  the  extinct  States  by  any  officer  ol 
United  States,  civil  or  military,  is  a  recognition  of  the  pretended  Govei. 
ments,  to  the  exclusion  of  the  jurisdiction  of  Congress  under  the  Constitu 
tion,  and,  is  in  the  nature  of  aid  and  comfort  to  the  Rebellion  that  has  been 
organized. 

"7.  That  any  such  recognition  of  Slavery  or  surrender  of  pretended  slaves, 
besides  being  a  recognition  of  the  pretended  Governments,  giving  them  aid 
and  comfort,  is  a  denial  of  the  rights  of  persons  who,  by  the  extinction  of  the 
States  have  become  free,  so  that  under  the  Constitution  they  cannot  again  be 
enslaved. 

"8.  That  allegiance  from  the  inhabitant  and  protection  from  the  Govern 
ment  are  corresponding  obligations,  dependent  upon  each  other,  so  that  while 
the  allegiance  of  every  inhabitant  of  this  territory,  without  distinction  of  color 
or  class,  is  due  to  the  United  States,  and  cannot  in  any  way  be  defeated  by 
the  action  of  any  pretended  Government,  or  by  any  pretense  of  property  or 
claim  to  service,  the  corresponding  obligation  of  protection  is  at  the  same  time 
due  by  the  United  States  to  every  such  inhabitant,  without  distinction  of  color 
or  class;  and  it  follows  that  inhabitants  held  as  slaves,  whose  paramount  alle- 

40 


622  *  APPENDIX. 

glance  is  due  to  the  United  States,  may  justly  look  to  the  National  Government 
for  protection. 

"9.  That  the  duty  directly  cast  upon  Congress  by  the  extinction  of  the 
State,  is  reinforced  by  the  positive  prohibition  of  the  Constitution  that  '  no 
State  shall  enter  into  any  confederation, '  or  '  without  the  consent  of  Congress 
keep  troops  or  ships-of-war  in  time  of  peace,  or  enter  into  any  agreement  or 
compact  with  another  State, '  or  '  grant  letters  of  marque  and  reprisal, '  or  '  coin 
money,'  or  'emit  bills  of  credit,'  or  'without  the  consent  of  Congress  lay  any 
duties  on  imports  or  exports, '  all  of  which  have  been  clone  by  these  pretended 
Governments,  and  also  by  the  positive  injunction  of  the  Constitution  addressed 
to  the  Nation:  that  'the  United  States  shall  guarantee  to  every  State  In  this 
Union  a  Eepublican  form  of  Government,  and  that  in  pursuance  of  this  duty 
cast  upon  Congress,  and  further  enjoined  by  the  Constitution,  Congress  will 
assume  complete  jurisdiction  of  such  vacated  territory  where  such  unconsti 
tutional  and  illegal  things  have  been  attempted,  and  will  proceed  to  establish 
therein  Eepublican  forms  of  Government  under  the  Constitution,  and  in  the 
execution  of  this  trust  will  provide  carefully  for  the  protection  of  all  the 
inhabitants  thereof,  for  the  security  of  families,  the  organization  of  labor,  the 
encouragement  of  industry,  and  the  welfare  of  society,  and  will  in  every  way 
discharge  the  duties  of  a  just,  merciful  and  paternal  Government." 

On  the  8th  of  February,  1863,  Mr.  Sumner,  among  other  reso 
lutions,  introduced  the  following,  which  embraces  the  views  of 
the  Republican  party  throughout  the  country  upon  the  subject 
of  Reconstruction,  presenting  the  powers  and  duties  of  Congress, 
and  at  once  exploding  the  assumptions  and  heresies  of  Andrew 
Johnson  and  the  Democratic  party,  that  the  Executive  possesses 
exclusive  control  over  these  people  and  Territories: 

' '  That  in  dealing  with  the  rebel  war  the  National  Government  is  invested 
with  two  classes  of  rights — one  the  rights  of  sovereignty,  inherent  and  indefeas 
ible  everywhere  within  the  limits  of  the  United  States,  and  the  other  the  rights 
of  war,  or  belligerent  rights,  which  have  been  superinduced  by  the  nature  and 
extent  of  the  contest;  that,  by  virtue  of  the  rights  of  sovereignty,  the  rebel  and 
belligerent  region  is  now  subject  to  the  National  Government  as  its  only  right 
ful  Government,  bound  under  the  Constitution  to  all  the  duties  of  sovereignty 
and  by  special  mandate  bound  also  '  to  guarantee  to  every  State  a  Eepublican 
form  of  Government,  and  to  protect  it  against  invasion;'  that,  by  virtue  of 
the  rights  of  wrar,  this  same  region  is  subject  to  all  the  conditions  and  inci 
dents  of  war,  according  to  the  established  usages  of  Christian  nations,  qut  of 
which  is  derived  the  familiar  maxim  of  public  duty,  'Indemnity  for  the  past 
and  security  for  the  future.' 

"That,  in  the  exercise  of  this  essential  supremacy  of  the  National  Govern 
ment,  a  solemn  duty  is  cast Upon  Congress  to  see  that  no  rebel  State  is  prema 
turely  restored  to  its  constitutional  functions  until,  within  its  borders,  all 
proper  safeguards  are  established,  so  that  loyal  citizens,  including  the  new 
made  freedmen,  cannot  at  any  time  be  molested  by  evil-disposed  persons,  and 
especially  that  no  man  there  may  be  made  a  slave;  that  this  solemn  duty 
belongs  to  Congress  under  this  Constitution,  whether  in  the  exercise  of  rights 
of  sovereignty  or  rights  of  war,  and  that  in  its  performance  that  system  of 
*  reconstruction'  will  be  found  the  best,  howsoever  it  may  be  named,  which 
promises  most  surely  to  accomplish  the  desired  end,  so  that  Slavery,  which  is 
the  synonym  of  the  Eebellion,  shall  absolutely  cease  throughout  the  whole 
rebel  and  belligerent  region,  and  the  land  which  it  has  maddened,  impover 
ished  and  degraded,  shall  become  safe,  fertile  and  glorious  from  assured  eman 
cipation. 

"  That  in  addition  to  the  guarantees  stipulated  by  Congress,  and  as  the  cap 
stone  to  its  work  of  restoration  and  reconciliation,  the  Constitution  itself  must 
be  so  amended  as  to  prohibit  Slavery  everywhere  within  the  limits  of  the 
Bepublic;  that  such  a  prohibition,  leaving  all  personal  claims,  whether  of 
slave  or  master,  to  the  legislation  of  Congress  and  of  the  States,  will  be  in 


APPENDIX.  623 

itself  a  sacred  and  inviolable  guarantee,  representing  the  collective  will  of  the 
people  of  the  United  States,  and  placing  universal  emancipation  under  the 
sanction  of  the  Constitution,  so  that  freedom  shall  be  engraved  on  every  foot 
of  {ho  National  soil,  and  be  woven  into  every  star  of  the  National  flag,  while 
it  elevates  and  inspires  our  whole  National  existence,  and  the  Constitution,  so 
often  invoked  for  Slavery,  but  at  last  in  harmony  with  the  Declaration  of 
Independence,  will  become,  according  to  the  holy  aspirations  of  its  founders, 
the  sublime  guardian  of  the  inalienable  right  of  every  human  being  to  life, 
liberty  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness;  all  of  which  must  be  done  in  the  name 
of  the  Union,  in  duty  to  humanity,  and  for  the  sake  of  permanent  peace." 

WILLIAM  LLOYD   GAKKISON. 

In  connection  with  the  many  advocates  of  manhood  rights, 
few  have  labored  with  more  zeal  and  self-sacrifice  than  William 
Lloyd  Garrison.  His  speeches,  letters  and  editorial  labors  have 
largely  contributed  to  giving  vitality  and  shape  to  the  early  efforts 
of  the  "Abolitionists"  who  pioneered  the  way  through  the  dreary 
night  of  Democratic  barbarism  into  the  pure  light  01  Republican 
liberty. 

The  list  of  the  band  of  Freedom's  Defenders,  beginning  with 
the  earliest  history  of  the  Republic,  might  be  swelled  by  thou 
sands  of  names,  that  will  serve  to  illuminate  the  path  of  the  op 
pressed  so  long  as  liberty  has  inspiration  for  man.  And,  as  future 
generations  will  read  of  the  great  conflict  in  America  between 
Slavery  and  Freedom,  dating  from  the  proceedings  in  the  Conven 
tion  which  framed  the  Constitution  to  the  time  of  the  end  of  the 
Slaveholders'  Rebellion  in  1865,  they  will  pause  in  mute  respect 
and  generous  admiration  over  the  names  of  George  Washington, 
Benjamin  Franklin,  Lafayette,  John  Adams,  John  Hancock,  John 
Quincy  Adams,  Abraham  Lincoln,  Benjamin  Lundy,  Daniel 
Webster,  Thaddeus  Stevens,  Thomas  Starr  King,  William  Lloyd 
Garrison,  Joshua  R.  Giddings,  Wendell  Phillips,  Owen  Lovejoy 
and  Charles  Snmner.  Not  forgetting  Horace  Greeley,  whose  fame 
as  a  patriot  and  journalist  is  co-extensive  with  modern  reform  and 
progressive  liberty,  and  who  in  the  columns  of  his  widely  cir 
culated  journal,  the  New  York  .Tribune,  has  done  more  to  educate 
the  American  people  in  modern  Republicanism  than  any  man  in 
America. 

THADDEUS  STEVENS. 

Thaddeus  Stevens  was  born  in  Caledonia  county,  Vermont,  on 
April  4th,  1792.  He  died  at  Washington,  D.  C. ,  on  August  llth, 
1868,  aged  76  years.  At  the  time  of  his  death  he  was  a  member 
of  the  Fortieth  Congress  of  the  United  States  from  Pennsylvania, 
of  which  State  he  had  been  a  citizen  for  many  years.  He  grad 
uated  at  Dartmouth  College  in  1814,  in  which  year  he  moved  to 
Pennsylvania,  where  he  studied  law,  and  was  admitted  to  prac 
tice  in  1816.  He  soon  rose  to  great  eminence  in  his  profession. 
At  an  early  age  he  became  an  avowed  enemy  of  Slavery.  His 
views  of  the  Dred  Scott  decision  may  be  learned  from  his  remarks 
upon  learning  of  the  death  of  its  author,  Chief  Justice  Taney. 
While  delivering  a  speech  in  Congress,  he  said:  "  The  Dred  Scott 
decision  has  damned  the  Chief  Justice  to  everlasting  infamy/' 


624  APPENDIX. 


His  love  of  human  liberty  was  the  inspiring  theme  of  his  whole 
life;  and  his  withering  sarcasm  and  sharp  invective  made  him  a 
most  formidable  antagonist  in  debate.  Always  on  the  side  of 
mercy,  and  always  the  enemy  of  tyranny,  he  became  a  piercing 
thorn  in  the  side  of  the  Democratic  body  politic,  and  from  the  clay 
of  their  attack  upon  Fort  Sumter,  to  the  close  of  his  life,  stood 
in  the  National  Congress  as  a  giant  of  terror  to  their  perfidy,  and 
a  master  spirit  at  the  head  of  the  great  national  progressive  Re 
publican  party. 

Mr.  Stevens  entered  public  life  in  1833,  by  being  elected  to  the 
Pennsylvania  Legislature.  He  subsequently  held  many  import 
ant  offices  in  that  State.  In  1838  he  was  the  champion  of  uni 
versal  suffrage,  and  did  more  to  establish  free  schools  in  the  State 
of  Pennsylvania  than  any  other  man.  In  this  he  had  the  Democ 
racy  as  a  unit  against  him,  and  in  the  Pennsylvania  Legislature 
they  made  the  most  strenuous  efforts  to  expel  him.  A  Democratic 
committee  was  appointed  ' '  to  inquire  whether  Thaddeus  Stevens, 
a  member  elect  from  the  county  of  Adams,  had  not  forfeited  his 
right  to  a  seat  in  the  House."  He  was  first  elected  to  Congress 
in  1848,  and  was  Chairman  of  the  Committee  of  Eeconstruction 
in  the  Thirty-ninth  and  Fortieth  Congress,  his  last  position  being 
Chairman  of  the  Board  of  Managers  on  the  impeachment  trial  of 
Andrew  Johnson. 

In  peaceful  repose,  at  a  ripe  old  age,  he  passed  away,  to  join 
the  hosts  of  the  pure  and  just.  His  last  hours  of  pain  were  allevi 
ated  by  the  angelic  voices  of  the  Sisters  of  Charity,  who  had  for 
months  before  his  death  watched  at  his  bedside,  when  ill;  their 
pure  hearts  had  clung  to  him;  they  appreciated  his  noble  nature, 
and  had  not  forgotten  the  material  aid  he  had  secured  to  them  in 
obtaining  an  appropriation  of  over  $60,000  from  Congress,  to 
help  in  building  their  edifice  of  charity,  the  "Providence  Hos 
pital,"  in  the  city  of  Washington. 

Few  men  in  any  age  have  achieved  for  themselves -so  enviable 
a  name  as  did  Thaddeus  Stevens;  he  was  indeed  worthy  of  the 
title  of  the  great  American  Commoner;  fit  to  be  associated  with 
the  champion  of  freedom  of  the  British  Parliament,  the  great 
Commoner  of  England,  John  Bright. 

Mr.  Stevens'  industry  and  fidelity  in  legislation  has  been  un 
surpassed.  In  many  of  his  positions  he  has  been  considered 
"radical"  and  impracticable,  even  by  many  of  his  own  party. 
Doubtless  his  views  were  a  little  in  advance  of  those  of  the  ma 
jority  of  -the  people;  but  less  than  a  quarter  of  a  century  from 
his  decease  will  find  the  great  mass  of  the  American  people  up 
to,  if  not  in  advance,  of  his  views.  Then  will  those  who  shall  be 
in  the  enjoyment  of  the  blessings  of  America's  free  institutions 
appreciate  the  untiring  energy  with  which  this  hero  of  human 
rights  pursued  a  venal  Executive,  and  rebellious  political  factions, 
and  fought  them,  inch  by  inch,  as  he  battled  with  death,  down 
to  the  very  brink  of  the  grave. 

The  following  extract,  from  a  speech  delivered  by  Mr.  Stevens, 


APPENDIX.  625 

at  Lancaster,  Pennsylvania,  a  few  days  before  his  death,  and 
while  suffering  with  disease,  will  show  the  true  spirit  of  this  great 
man.  He  said: 

"What  is  this  world  but  a  world  of  progress,  and  what  is  the  statesman 
worth  who  is  afraid  to  fight  in  the  front  ranks?  The  liberty  of  the  world  is 
not  yet  effected.  Half  the  world  is  yet  in  chains— half  the  world  is  yet  under 
kingly  government.  We  must  go  ahead,  and,  though  I  can  do  but  little,  I 
shall  do  what  I  can;  and  if,  when  I  am  dead,  there  sprouts  any  vigor  from  my 
bones  and  my  grave  to  help  forward  posterity  to  proclaim  the  same  doctrines 
of  universal  liberty,  and  universal  suffrage,  and  universal  disenthrallment  from 
kings,  I  shall  be  satisfied.  The  Goddess  of  Liberty  is  represented  in  ancient 
statues  as  a  very  nice  little  goddess,  but  very  small.  I  want  her  to  grow — to 
put  on  the  habiliments  of  mature  age — until  she  can  embrace  within  her  folds 
every  nation,  and  every  tribe,  and  every  human  being  within  God's  canopy. 
I  care  not  what  you  say  of  negro  equality;  I  care  not  what  you  say  of  radical 
ism;  these  are  my  principles,  and  with  the  help  of  God  I  shall  die  with  them. 
I  ask  no  epitaph.  I  shall  have  none ;  but  I  shall  go  with  a  pure  consciousness 
of  having  tried  to  serve  the  whole  human  race,  and  never  having  injured  a, 
human  being." 

EDWARD  D.  BAKER. 

This  illustrious  champion  of  human  freedom,  one  of  America's 
ablest  orators,  was  born  in  England,  about  the  year  1800.  He 
came  to  America  when  five  years  of  age.  His  father  died,  leav 
ing  him  friendless  and  in  poverty.  His  earlier  days  were  spent 
as  a  weaver  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia.  When  he  arrived  at 
manhood  he  moved  to  Illinois,  where  he  commenced  the  study 
and  practice  of  the  law,  in  which  profession  he  soon  took  a  lead 
ing  position.  He  soon  attached  himself  to  the  Whig  party,  and 
in  1846-7  was  elected  to  Congress  from  Illinois.  On  the  break 
ing  out  of  the  Mexican  war  he  raised  a  regiment,  at  the  head  of 
which  he  distinguished  himself  throughout  the  war.  He  returned 
to  Illinois,  and  was  again  elected  to  Congress,  where  he  served 
until  1850.  In  1851  he  arrived  in  California,  where  he  resided 
until  1859,  when  he  removed  to  Oregon,  where,  in  1860,  he  was 
elected  United  States  Senator.  He  was  in  this  position  when,  in 
1861,  the  rebels  fired  on  Fort  Sumter.  He  soon  after  received 
a  commission  as  Colonel  in  the  Union  army,  at  the  head  of  which 
he  was  killed  at  the  battle  of  Ball's  Bluff,  Virginia,  October  21st, 
1861.  (Baker  was  commissioned  a  Brigadier-General  after  his 
death.) 

The  following  extract  is  from  a  speech  delivered  by  him  in  the 
United  States  Senate,  December  31st,  1860,  in  reply  to  Mr.  Ben 
jamin,  of  Louisiana — the  subject  of  the  Union  being  under  dis 
cussion  : 

"The  entire  object  of  the  speech  is,  as  I  understand  it,  to  offer  a  philosoph 
ical  and  constitutional  disquisition  to  prove  that  the  Government  of  these 
United  States  is,  in  point  of  fact,  no  Government  at  all— that  it  has  no  princi 
ple  of  vitality,  that  it  is  to  be  overturned  by  a  touch,  dwindled  into  insignifi 
cance  by  a  doubt,  dissolved  by  a  breath,  not  by  maladministration  merely,  bat 
in  consequence  of  organic  defects  interwoven  with  its  very  existence. 

"But,  Sir,  this  purpose — strange  and  mournful  in  anybody,  still  more  so  in 
him — this  purpose  has  a  terrible  significance  now  and  here.  In  the  judgment 
of  the  honorable  Senator,  the  Union  is  this  day  dissolved;  it  is  broken  and 


626  APPENDIX. 


disintegrated;  civil  war  is  a  consequence  at  once  necessary  «urt  inevitable. 
Standing  in  the  Senate  chamber,  he  speaks  like  a  prophet  of  woe.  The  bur 
den  of  the  prediction  is  the  echo  of  what  the  distinguished  gentleman  now 
presiding  in  that  chair  has  said  before — (Mr.  Iverson  in  the  chair) — 'Too  ]ate! 
too  late!'  The  gleaming  and  lurid  lights  of  war  flash  around  his  brow,  even 
while  he  speaks.  And,  Sir,  were  it  not  for  the  exquisite  amenity  of  his  tone 
and  manner,  we  could  easily  persuade  ourselves  that  we  saw  the  flashing  of 
the  armor  of  the  soldier  beneath  the  robe  of  the  Senator. 

"My  purpose  is  far  different,  Sir.  I  think  it  is  far  higher.  I  desire  to  con 
tribute  my  poor  argument  to  maintain  the  dignity,  the  honor  of  the  Govern 
ment  under  which  I  live,  and  beneath  whose  august  shadow  I  hope  to  die.  I 
propose,  in  opposition  to  all  that  has  been  said,  to  show  that  the  Government 
of  the  United  States  is  in  very  deed  a  real,  substantial  power,  ordained  by  the 
people,  not  dependent  upon  States — sovereign  in  its  sphere;  a  Union,  and  not 
a  compact  between  sovereign  States;  that,  according  to  its  true  theory,  it  has 
the  inherent  capacity  of  self-protection;  that  its  Constitution  is  a  perpetuity, 
beneficent,  unfailing,  grand;  and  that  its  powers  are  equally  capable  of  exer 
cise  against  domestic  treason  and  against  foreign  foes.  Such,  Sir,  is  the  main 
purpose  of  my  speech;  and  what  I  may  say  additional  to  this,  will  be  drawn 
from  me  in  reply  to  the  speech  to  which  I  propose  now  to  address  myself. ' ' 

The  following  is  an  extract  from  a  speech  delivered  by  him  at 
a  Union  mass  meeting  at  Union  Park,  New  York  City.  April  20th, 
1861-: 

"And  if,  from  the  far  Pacific,  a  voice  feebler  than  the  feeblest  murmur  upon 
its  shores,  may  be  heard  to  give  you  courage  and  hope  in  the  contest,  that 
voice  is  yours  to-day;  and  if  a  man  whose  hair  is  gray,  who  is  well-nigh  worn 
out  in  the  battle  and  toil  of  life,  may  pledge  himself  on  such  an  occasion  and 
in  such  an  audience,  let  me  say,  as  my  last  word,  that  when,  amid  sheeted 
fire  and  flame,  I  saw  and  led  the  hosts  of  New  York  as  they  charged  in  contest 
upon  a  foreign  soil  for  the  honor  of  your  flag,  so  again,  if  Providence  shall 
will  it,  this  feeble  hand  shall  draw  a  sword,  never  yet  dishonored — not  to  fight 
for  distant  honor  in  a  foreign  land— but  to  fight  for  country,  for  home,  for 
law,  for  Government,  for  Constitution,  for  light,  for  freedom,  for  humanity, 
and  in  the  hope  that  the  banner  of  my  country  may  advance,  and  wheresoever 
that  banner  waves,  there  glory  may  pursue  and  freedom  be  established." 

ANDREW  JACKSON. 

Extracts  from  the  address  to  the  army  at  New  ^Orleans,  De 
cember  18th,  1814,  by  Andrew  Jackson: 

"  Fellow  Citizens  and  Soldiers:  The  General  Commanding-in-Chief  would  not 
do  justice  to  the  noble  ardor  that  has  animated  you  in  the  hour  of  danger,  he 
would  not  do  justice  to  his  own  feelings,  if  he  suffered  ths  example  you  have 
shown  to  pass  without  public  notice.  Inhabitants  of  an  opulent  commercial 
town,  you  have,  by  a  spontaneous  effort,  shaken  off  the  habits  which  are  cre 
ated  by  wealth,  and  shown  that  you  are  resolved  to  deserve  the  blessings  of 
fortune,  by  bravely  defending  the:n.  Long  strangers  to  the  perils  of  war,  you 
have  emboldened  yourselves  to  face  them  with  the  cool  countenance  of  vet 
erans.  With  motives  of  disunion  that  might  have  operated  on  some  minds, 
you  have  forgotten  the  differences  of  language  and  prejudice  of  national  pride, 
and  united  with  a  cordiality  that  does  honor  to  your  understanding  as  well  as 
to  your  patriotism. 

"Natives  of  the  United  States!  They  are  the  oppressors  of  your  infant 
political  existence,  with  whom  you  are  to  contend  —  they  are  the  men  your 
fathers  fought  and  conquered,  whom  you  are  now  to  oppose. 

"Descendants  of  Frenchmen!  Natives  of  France!  They  are  English— the 
hereditary,  the  eternal  enemies  of  your  ancient  country,  the  invaders  of  that 
you  have  adopted— who  are  your  foes. 

"  Spaniards!  Eemember  the  conduct  of  your  allies  at  St.  Sebastian's,  and 
recently  at  Pensacola,  and  rejoice  that  you  have  an  opportunity  of  avenging 
the  brutal  injuries  inflicted  by  men  who  dishonor  the  human  race. 


APPENDIX.  627 


"Citizens  of  Louisiana!  The  General  Commanding-in-Chief  rejoices  to  see 
the  spirit  that  animates  you,  not  only  for  your  honor,  but  for  your  safety,  for 
whatever  had  been  your  conduct  or  wishes,  his  duty  would  have  led,  and  will 
now  lead  him,  to  confound  the  citizen  unmindful  of  his  rights  with  the  enemy 
he  ceases  to  oppose.  Now,  leading  men  who  know  their  rights  and  who  are 
determined  to  defend  them,  he  salutes  you  as  brethren  in  arms,  and  has  now 
a  new  motive  to  exert  all  his  faculties,  which  shall  be  strained  to  the  utmost 
in  your  defense.  Continue  with  the  energy  you  have  begun  with,  and  he 
promises  you  not  only  safety,  but  victory  over  the  insolent  enemy,  who  insulted 
you  by  an  affected  doubt  of  your  attachment  to  the  Constitution  of  your 
country. 

"Soldiers!  The  President  of  the  United  States  shall  be  informed  of  your 
conduct  on  the  present  occasion,  and  the  voice  of  the  Bepresentatives  of  the 
American  Nation  shall  applaud  your  valor,  as  your  General  now  praises  your 
ardor.  The  enemy  is  near.  His  sails  cover  the  lakes.  But  the  brave  are 
united,  and  if  he  finds  us  contending  among  ourselves,  it  will  be  for  the  prize 
of  valor,  and  fame,  its  noblest  reward." 

Extract  from  President  Jackson's  proclamation  to  the  people 
of  South  Carolina,  in  1832: 

"  Fellow  Citizens  of  my  native  Stale:  Contemplate  the  condition  of  that  coun 
try  of  which  you  form  an  important  part.  Consider  its  Government,  uniting 
in  one  bond  of  common  interest  and  general  protection  so  many  different 
States,  giving  to  all  their  inhabitants  the  proud  title  of  American  citizens,  pro 
tecting  their  commerce,  securing  their  literature  and  their  arts,  facilitating 
their  intercommunication,  defending  their  frontiers,  and  making  their  name 
respected  in  the  remotest  parts  of  the  earth.  Consider  the  extent  of  its  terri 
tory,  its  increasing  and  happy  population,  its  advance  in  arts  which  render  life 
agreeable,  and  the  sciences  which  elevate  the  mind. 

"See  education  spreading  the  light  of  religion,  humanity,  and  general 
information  into  every  cottage  in  this  wide  extent  of  our  Territories  and  States. 
Behold  it  as  the  asylum  where  the  wretched  and  the  oppressed  find  a  refuge 
and  support.  Look  on  this  picture  of  happiness  and  honor,  and  say:  'We, 
too,  are  citizens  of  America!'  *  *  The  laws  of  the  United  States  must 

be  executed.  I  have  no  discretionary  power  on  the  subject;  my  duty  is  em 
phatically  pronounced  in  the  Constitution.  Those  who  told  you  that  they 
might  peaceably  prevent  their  execution,  deceived  you;  they  could  not  have 
been  deceived  themselves.  They  knew  that  a  forcible  opposition  could  alone 
prevent  the  execution  of  the  laws,  and  they  knew  that  such  opposition  must 
be  repelled.  Their  object  is  disunion,  but  be  not  deceived  by  names;  disunion 
by  armed  force  is  treason.  Are  you  really  ready  to  incur  its  guilt?  If  you 
are,  on  the  heads  of  tho  instigators  of  the  act  be  the  dreadful  consequences — 
on  their  heads  be  the  dishonor — but  on  yours  may  fall  the  punishment.  On 
your  unhappy  State  will  inevitably  fall  all  the  evils  of  the  conflict  you  force 
upon  the  Government  of  your  country.  Its  enemies  have  beheld  our  prosper 
ity  with  a  vexation  they  could  not  conceal;  it  was  a  standing  refutation  of 
their  slavish  doctrines,  and  they  will  point  to  our  discord  with  the  triumph  of 
malignant  joy." 

JOSIAH  QUINCY. 

The  following  is  an  exhortation  to  self-defense,  delivered  by 
Josiah  Quincy,  at  Boston,  in  1768: 

"If  there  ever  was  a  time,  this  is  the  hour  for  Americans  to  rouse  them 
selves,  and  exert  every  ability.  Their  all  is  at  hazard,  and  the  die  of  fate  spins 
doubtful.  British  taxations,  suspensions  of  Legislatures,  and  standing  armies, 
are  but  some  of  the  clouds  which  overshadow  the  northern  world.  Now  is 
the  time  for  this  people  to  summon  every  aid,  human  and.  divine ;  to  exhibit 
every  moral  virtue,  and  call  forth  every  Christian  grace.  The  wisdom  of  the 
serpent,  the  innocence  of  the  dove,  and  the  intrepidity  of  the  lion,  with  the 
blessing  of  God,  will  yet  save  us  from  the  jaws  of  destruction.  By  the  sweat 
of  our  brow  we  earn  the  little  we  possess;  from  nature  we  derive  the  common 


628  APPENDIX. 


rights  of  man,  and  by  charter  we  claim  the  liberties  of  Britons.  Shall  we, 
dare  we,  pusillanimously  surrender  our  birthright? 

"Be  not  deceived,  my  countrymen.  Believe  not  those  venal  hirelings  who 
would  cajole  you  by  their  subtleties  into  submission,  or  frighten  you  by  their 
vaporings  into  compliance.  When  they  strive  to  flatter  you  by  the  terms 
*  moderation  and  prudence, '  tell  them  that  calmness  and  deliberation  are  to 
guide  the  judgment,  courage  and  intrepidity  command  the  action.  When  they 
endeavor  to  make  us  'perceive  our  inability  to  oppose  our  mother  country,' 
let  us  boldly  answer :  '  In  defense  of  our  civil  and  religious  rights,  we  dare 
oppose  the  world!  With  the  God  of  armies  on  our  side,  even  the  God  who 
fought  our  fathers'  battles,  we  fear  not  the  hour  of  trial,  though  the  hosts  of 
our  enemies  should  cover  the  field  like  locusts.  If  this  be  enthusiasm,  we 
will  live  and  die  enthusiasts.' 

' '  O  my  countrymen !  What  will  our  children  say  when  they  read  the  his 
tory  of  these  times,  should  they  find  that  we  tamely  gave  way,  without  one 
noble  struggle,  the  most  inestimable  of  earthly  blessings?  As  they  drag  the 
galling  chain,  will  they  not  execrate  us?  If  we  have  any  respect  for  things 
sacred,  any  regard  to  the  dearest  treasure  on  earth;  if  we  have  one  tender 
sentiment  for  posterity,  if  we  would  not  be  despised  by  the  whole  world,  let 
us,  in  the  most  open,  solemn  manner,  and  with  determined  fortitude,  swear — 
*We  will  die,  if  we  cannot  live  freemen!'  " 

COL.  ISAAC  BARRfi. 

A  "Protest  against  Injustice/5  being  a  speech  delivered  in  the 
British  Parliament  in  1765,  by  Col.  Isaac  Bane: 

"Sir,  I  have  listened  to  the  honorable  member,  who  spoke  last,  with  aston 
ishment.  Has  he  forgotten  the  history  of  the  Colonies?  'Will  these  Ameri 
cans,  children  planted  by  our  care,  nourished  by  our  indulgence,  protected  by 
our  arms,  refuse  their  mite?' 

"They  planted  by  your  care!  No;  your  oppression  planted  them  in  Amer 
ica.  They  fled  from  your  tyranny,  to  a  then  uncultivated  and  inhospitable 
country,  where  they  exposed  themselves  to  almost  all  the  hardships  to  which 
human  nature  is  liable,  and,  among  others,  to  the  cruelty  of  a  savage  foe — the 
most  subtle,  and,  I  will  take  upon  me  to  say,  the  most  formidable  of  any  peo 
ple  upon  the  face  of  the  earth — and  yet,  actuated  by  principles  of  true  English 
liberty,  they  met  all  hardships  with  pleasure,  compared  with  those  they  suf 
fered  in  their  own  country  from  the  hands  of  those  who  should  have  been 
their  friends. 

" They  nourished  up  by  your  indulgence!  They  grew  by  your  neglect  of 
them.  As  soon  as  you  began  to  care  about  them,  that  care  was  exercised  in 
sending  persons  to  rule  them,  in  one  department  or  another,  who  were,  per 
haps,  the  deputies  of  deputies  to  some  members  of  this  House,  sent  to  spy  out 
their  liberties,  to  misrepresent  their  actions,  and  to  prey  upon  them.  —  men 
whose  behavior,  on  many  occasions,  has  caused  the  blood  of  those  sons  of  lib 
erty  to  recoil  within  them;  men  promoted  to  the  highest  seat  of  justice,  some 
who,  to  my  knowledge,  were  glad,  by  going  to  a  foreign  country,  to  escape 
being  brought  to  the  bar  of  a  Court  of  justice  in  their  own. 

"They  protected  by  your  arms!  They  have  nobly  taken  up  arms  in  your 
defense, 'have  exerted  a  valor,  amidst  their  constant  and  laborious  industry, 
for  the  defense  of  a  country  whose  frontier  was  drenched  in  blood,  while  its 
interior  parts  yielded  all  its  little  savings  to  your  emoluments. 

"And,  believe  me — remember  I  this  day  told  you  so— that  the  same  spirit  of 
freedom  which  actuated  that  people  at  first  will  accompany  them,  still.  But 
prudence  forbids  me  to  explain  myself  further.  Heaven  knows,  I  do  not  at 
this  time  speak  from  motives  of  party  heat.  What  I  deliver  are  the  genuine 
sentiments  of  my  heart. 

"However  superior  to  me  in  general  knowledge  and  experience  the  respect 
able  body  of  this  House  may  be,  yet  I  claim  to  know  more  of  America  than 
most  of  you,  having  seen  and  been  conversant  in  that  country.  The  people, 
I  believe,  are  as  truly  loyal  as  any  subjects  the  king  has,  but  a  people  jealous 
of  their  liberties,  and  who  will  vindicate  them  if  ever  they  should  be  violated. 
But  the  subject  is  too  delicate;  I  will  say  no  more." 


APPENDIX.  629 


DANIEL  WEBSTER, 

"The  Union  must  be  preserved,"  speech  in  Congress,  deliv 
ered  January  26th,  1830,  by  Daniel  Webster: 

"  Mr.  President:  I  have  thus  stated  the  reasons  of  my  dissent  to  the  doc 
trines  which  have  been  advanced  and  maintained.  I  am  conscious  of  having 
detained  you  and  the  Senate  much  too  long.  I  was  drawn  into  the  debate 
with  no  previous  deliberation,  such  as  is  suited  to  the  discussion  of  so  grave 
and  important  a  subject.  But  it  is  a  subject  of  which  my  heart  is  full,  and  I 
have  not  been  willing  to  suppress  the  utterance  of  its  spontaneous  sentiments. 
I  cannot,  even  now,  persuade  myself  to  relinquish  it  without  expressing  once 
more  my  deep  conviction  that,  since  it  respects  nothing  less  than  the  union  of 
the  States,  it  is  of  most  vital  and  essential  importance  to  the  public  happi 
ness. 

"I  profess,  sir,  in  my  career  hitherto,  to  have  kept  steadily  in  view  the 
prosperity  and  honor  of  the  whole  country,  and  the  preservation  of  the  Federal 
Union.  I  have  not  allowed  myself  to  look  beyond  the  Union  to  see  what  might 
be  hidden  in  tho  dark  recess  behind.  I  have  not  coolly  weighed  the  chances 
of  preserving  liberty,  when  the  bonds  that  unite  us  together  shall  be  broken 
asunder.  I  have  not  accustomed  myself  to  hang  over  the  precipice  of  disunion 
to  see  whether,  with  my  short  sight,  I  can  fathom  the  depths  of  the  abyss 
below;  nor  could  I  regard  him  as  a  safe  counselor  in  the  affairs  of  this  Gov 
ernment  whose  thoughts  should  be  mainly  bent  on  considering,  not  how  the 
Union  should  be  preserved,  but  how  tolerable  might  be  the  condition  of  the 
people  when  it  shall  be  broken  up  and  destroyed. 

"While  the  Union  lasts,  we  have  high,  exciting,  gratifying  prospects  spread 
out  before  us,  for  us  and  our  children.  Beyond  that,  I  seek  not  to  penetrate 
the  veil.  God  grant  that  in  my  day,  at  least,  the  curtain  may  not  rise!  God 
grant  that  on  my  vision  never  may  be  opened  what  lies  behind  f  When  my 
eyes  shall  be  turned  to  behold,  for  the  last  time,  the  sun  in  heaven,  may  I  not 
see  him  shining  on  the  broken  and  dishonored  fragments  of  a  once  glorious 
Union,  on  States  dissevered,  discordant,  belligerent;  on  a  land  rent  with  civil 
feuds,  or  drenched,  it  may  be,  in  fraternal  blood.  Let  their  last  feeble  and 
lingering  glance  rather  behold  the  gorgeous  ensign  of  the  Republic,  now  known 
and  honored  throughout  the  earth,  still  full  high  advanced,  its  arms  and  tro 
phies  streaming  in  their  original  lustre,  not  a  star  obscured,  not  a  stripe  erased 
or  polluted,  bearing  for  its  motto  no  such  miserable  interrogatory  as,  What  is 
all  this  worih?  or  those  other  words  of  delusion  and  folly,  Liberty ^  first  ^  and 
Union  afterward;  but  everywhere  spread  all  over  in  characters  of  living  light, 
blazing  on  all  its  ample  folds  as  they  float  over  the  sea  and  over  the  land,  and 
in  every  wind  under  the  whole  heavens,  that  other  sentiment,  dear  to  every 
true  American  heart,  Liberty  and  Union,  now  and  forever,  one  and  inseparable." 

JAMES  BUCHANAN. 

On  the  15th  day  of  February,  1859,  in  the  National  Congress, 
Mr.  Morris,  Bepresentative  from  Illinois  and  a  Union  Democrat, 
said: 

"The  President,  sir,  has  been  weighed  in  the  balance  and  found  wanting, 
and  no  flower  of  gratitude  will  ever  bloom  upon  his  grave.  If  'the  evil  men 
do,  live  after  them, '  and  '  the  good  is  often  interred  in  their  bones, '  how  unfor 
tunate  for  him.  In  his  efforts  to  lead  others  out  of  the  Democratic  party,  he 
has  not  exactly  gotten  out  himself,  for  he  was  never  really  in  it;  but  he  has 
been  the  means  of  the  forfeiture  of  that  confidence  it  might  otherwise  have 
continued  to  bestow  upon  him  —  in  other  words,  he  has  committed  political 
suicide.  In  his  vain  endeavors  to  inscribe  his  name  high  upon  the  roll  of 
fame,  he  has  written  it  in  sand,  and  the  sporting  winds  will  soon  obliterate 
every  vestige  of  it,  except  the  evil  deeds  connected  with  it." 

In  the  Thirty-sixth  Congress,  January  16th,  1861,  Mr.  Morris 
said: 
"  All  I  have  said  of  Mr.  Buchanan  has  proved  true.     *     *     *     Two  years 


630  APPENDIX. 

ago,  I  proposed  to  bring  articles  of  impeachment  against  the  President;  my 
own  conviction  prompted  me  to  do  so,  but  I  allowed  myself  to  be  persuaded 
to  do  otherwise.  *  f  The  fact,  sir,  is  notorious  that  corruption  has  been 

rank  in  all  the  Executive  Departments  of  the  Government,  that  they  lay  around 
us  a  mass  of  moral  and  political  putrifaction,  that  from  the  highest  to  the  low 
est  they  have  plundered  the  public  coffers — poisoned  the  channels  of  National 
virtue,  prostituted  to  unholy  purposes  the  highest  obligations  of  patriotism, 
tarnished  the  National  honor,  and  destroyed  the  National  credit.  *  *  *  In 
the  history  of  America,  Mr.  Buchanan  will  be  presented  as  the  prescriptive 
tyrant,  the  rewarder  of  perfidy,  the  squanderer  of  the  public  treasure,  and  the 
destroyer  of  public  peace.  In  whatever  picture  may  be  hereafter  drawn  of  his 
administration,  he  will  appear  in  the  foreground  the  anguish  of  guilt  working 
in  the  hard  lines  of  his  face,  yet  with  his  lips  preaching  to  his  countrymen  of 
honesty,  economy,  unity  and  brotherly  love." 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN, 

On  June  17th,  1858,  speaking  of  Slavery,  said: 

"In  my  opinion,  it  will  not  cease  until  a  crisis  shall  have  been  reached  and 
passed.  'A  house  divided  against  itself  cannot  stand.'  I  believe  this  Gov 
ernment  cannot  endure  permanently  half  slave  and  half  free.  I  do  not  expect 
the  Union  to  be  dissolved;  I  do  not  expect  the  house  to  fall;  but  I  do  expect 
it  will  cease  to  be  divided— it  will  become  all  one  thing  or  all  the  other." 

HENRY  CLAY. 

Speaking  of  Slavery  in  the  Territories,  he  said : 

"  But  if,  unhappily,  we  should  be  involved  in  war,  in  civil  war  between  the 
two  parts  of  this  confederacy,  in  which^the  effort  upon  the  one  side  should  be 
to  restrain  the  introduction  of  Slavery  into  the  new  Territories,  and  upon  the 
other  to  force  its  introduction  there,  what  a  spectacle  should  we  present  to  the 
astonishment  of  mankind,  in  an  effort  not  to  propagate  right,  but,  I  must  say 
it,  though  I  trust  it  will  be  understood  to  be  said  with  no  design  to  excite  feel 
ing — a  war  to  propagate  Slavery  in  the  Territories  thus  acquired  from  Mex 
ico.  It  would  be  a  war  in  which  we  should  have  no  sympathies,  no  good 
wishes,  in  which  all  mankind  would  be  against  us;  for,  from  the  commence 
ment  of  the  Revolution  down  to  the  present  time,  we  have  constantly  reproached 
our  British  ancestors  for  the  introduction  of  Slavery  into  this  country." 

PATRICK  HENRY. 

"War  Inevitable,"  speech  in  the  Continental  Congress,  in 
1775,  by  Patrick  Henry: 

"They  tell  us,  sir,  that  we  are  weak — unable  to  cope  wiA  so  formidable  an 
adversary.  But  when  shall  we  be  stronger?  Will  it  be  the  next  week,  or  the 
next  year?  Will  it  be  when  we  are  totally  disarmed,  and  when  a  British  guard 
shall  be  stationed  in  every  house?  Shall  we  gather  strength  by  irresolution 
and  inaction?  Shall  we  acquire  the  means  of  effectual  resistance  by  lying 
supinely  on  our  backs,  and  hugging  the  delusive  phantom  of  hope,  until  our 
enemies  shall  have  bound  us  hand  and  foot?  Sir,  we  are  not  weak  if  we  make 
a  proper  use  of  those  means  which  the  God  of  Nature  hath  placed  in  our 
power. 

"Three  millions  of  people,  armed  in  the  holy  cause  of  Liberty,  and  in  such 
a  country  as  that  which  we  possess,  are  invincible  by  any  force  which  our 
enemy  can  send  against  us.  Besides,  sir,  we  shall  not  fight  our  battles  alone. 
There  is  a  just  God  who  presides  over  the  destinies  of  nations,  and  who  will 
raise  up  friends  to  fight  our  battles  for  us.  The  battle,  sir,  is  not  to  the  strong 
alone;  it  is  to  the  vigilant,  the  active,  the  brave.  Besides,  sir,  we  have  no 
election.  If  we  were  base  enough  to  desire  it,  it  is  now  too  late  to  retire  from 
the  contest.  There  is  no  retreat  but  in  submission  and  slavery !  Our  chains 
are  forged.  Their  clanking  may  be  heard  on  the  plains  of  Boston!  The  war 
is  inevitable,  and  let  it  come!!  I  repeat  it,  sir,  let  it  come!!! 

"  It  is  in  vain,  sir,  to  extenuate  the  matter.    Gentlemen  may  cry  peace,  peace 


APPENDIX.  631 

—but  there  is  no  peace.  The  war  is  actually  begun!  The  next  gale  that 
sweeps  from  the  north  will  bring  to  our  ears  the  clash  of  resounding  arms! 
Our  brethren  are  already  in  the  field!  Why  stand  we  here  idle?  What  is  it 
that  gentlemen  wish?  What  would  they  have?  Is  life  so  dear,  or  peace  so 
sweet,  as  to  be  purchased  at  the  price  of  chains  and  slavery?  Forbid  it, 
Almighty  God!  I  know  not  what  course  others  may  take,  but  as  for  me,  give 
me  liberty,  or  give  me  death!" 

The  return  of  British  fugitives  advocated  by  Patrick  Henry, 
in  a  speech  delivered  in  Congress,  in  the  year  1782 : 

"  I  venture  to  prophecy  that  there  are  now  those  living  who  will  see  this 
favored  land  amongst  the  most  powerful  on  earth  —  able,  sir,  to  take  care  of 
herself,  without  resorting  to  that  policy  which  is  always  so  dangerous,  though 
sometimes  unavoidable,  of  calling  in  foreign  aid.  Yes,  sir,  they  will  see  her 
great  in  arts  and  arms — her  golden  harvests  waving  over  fields  of  immeasura 
ble  extent,  her  commerce  penetrating  the  most  distant  seas,  and  her  cannon 
eilencing  the  vain  boasts  of  those  who  now  proudly  affect  to  rule  the  waves. 
But,  sir,  you  must  have  men;  you  cannot  get  along  without  them.  Those 
heavy  forests  of  valuable  timber,  under  which  your  lands  are  groaning,  must 
be  cleared  away.  Those  vast  riches  which  cover  the  face  of  your  soil,  as  well 
as  those  that  lie  hid  in  its  bosom,  are  to  be  developed  and  gathered  only  by 
the  skill  and  enterprise  of  men.  Your  timber,  sir,  must  be  worked  up  into 
ships  to  transport  the  productions  of  the  soil  from  which  it  has  been  cleared. 
Then,  you  must  have  commercial  men  and  commercial  capital,  to  take  off 
your  productions,  and  find  the  best  markets  for  them  abroad.  Your  great 
•want,  sir,  is  the  want  of  men,  and  these  you  must  have,  and  will  have  speed 
ily,  if  you  are  wise. 

"Dp  you  ask  how  you  are  to  get  them?  Open  your  doors,  sir,  and  they  will 
come  in.  The  population  of  the  Old  World  is  full  to  overflowing.  That  pop 
ulation  is  ground,  too,  by  the  oppressions  of  the  governments  under  which 
they  live.  Sir,  they  are  already  standing  on  tip-toe  on  their  native  shores, 
and  looking  to  your  coasts  with  a  wistful  and  longing  eye.  They  see  here  a 
land  blessed  with  natural  and  political  advantages,  which  are  not  equaled  by 
those  of  any  other  country  upon  earth — a  land  on  which  a  gracious  Providence 
hath  emptied  the  horn  of  abundance  —  a  land  over  which  Peace  hath  now 
stretched  forth  her  white  wings,  and  where  Content  and  Plenty  lie  down  at 
every  door. 

"Sir,  they  see  something  still  more  attractive  than  all  this.  They  see  $ 
land  in  which  Liberty  hath  taken  up  her  abode — that  Liberty  whom  they  had 
considered  as  a  fabled  goddess,  existing  only  in  the  fancies  of  poets.  They 
see  her  here  a  real  divinity,  her  altars  rising  on  every  hand  throughout  these 
happy  States,  her  glories  chanted  by  three  millions  of  tongues,  and  the  whole 
region  smiling  tinker  her  blessed  influence.  Sir,  let  but  this,  our  celestial 
goddess,  Liberty,  stretch  forth  her  fair  hand  toward  the  people  of  the  Old 
World,  tell  them  to  come  and  bid  them  welcome,  and  you  will  see  them  pour- 
Ing  in  from  the  North,  from  the  South,  from  the  East,  and  from  the  West. 
Your  wilderness  will  be  cleared  and  settled,  your  deserts  will  smile,  your  ranks 
•will  be  filled,  and  you  will  soon  be  in  a  condition  to  defy  the  power  of  any 
adversary. 

"JJut  gentlemen  object  to  any  accession  from  Great  Britain,  and  particularly 
to  the  return  of  the  British  refugees.  *  *  *  Even  if  they  be  inimical  in 
point  of  feeling  and  principle,  I  can  see  no  objection,  in  a  poetical  view,  in 
making  them  tributary  to  our  advantage.  And,  as  I  have  no  prejudices  to 
prevent  my  making  this  use  of  them,  so,  sir,  I  have  no  fear  of  any  mischief 
that  they  can  do  us.  Afraid  of  them!  What,  sir,  shall  ice,  who  have  laid  the 
proud  British  lion  at  our  feet,  now  be  afraid  of  his  whelps?" 

FIBST  AMEEICAN  CONSTITUTION. 

At  noon,  on  Friday,  November  10th,  1G20  (Old  Style),  November 
21st  (New  Style),  the  Mayflower  dropped  her  anchor  at  Cape  Cod, 
whereupon  on  the  following  day,  after  prayer  and  thanksgiving, 


632  APPENDIX. 


and  before  a  landing  was  made,  a  compact  was  entered  into  and 
signed  by  all  the  men  on  board  (41),  forming  themselves  into  a 
body  politic  for  the  government  of  the  Colony;  agreeing  to  be 
ruled  in  all  things  by  the  majority.  An  election  was  immedi 
ately  held,  when  JOHN  CARVER  was  unanimously  elected  Gover 
nor  for  one  year.  For  ten  years  succeeding,  the  colonists  held 
their  property  in  common. 

After  exploring  the  coast  in  small  boats  for  one  month,  they, 
Dec.  llth,  1620  (Old  Style),  Dec.  22d  (New  Style),  disembarked. 
In  a  few  clays  the  Mayflower  was  brought  into  the  harbor,  and  on 
the  25th  they  began  building.  "  Plymouth  Rock,"  now  known 
as  "Forefathers'  Rock,"  upon  which  the  pilgrims  first  placed 
their  feet  as  they  stepped,  at  high  tide,  upon  the  American  Con 
tinent,  at  Plymouth,  was  removed  from  its  original  position  and 
placed  in  the  square  of  the  town  of  Plymouth.  On  July  4th, 
1834,  it  was  removed  from  there  and  placed  in  front  of  the 
new  Pilgrim  Hall  in  the  town  of  Plymouth,  under  the  charge  of 
the  Pilgrim  Society,  where  it  now  is  resting  upon  a  base  of 
granite  and  inclosed  with  an  iron  railing,  five  feet  high.  Upon 
an  iron  wreath  ornamenting  the  head  of  the  railing  are  cast  the 
names  of  the  forty-one  pilgrim  fathers  who  signed  the  compact 
on  board  of  the  Mayflower. 

Following  is  a  verbatim  copy  of  this  first  American  Constitu 
tion.  (For  Signers,  see  pages  25  and  26.) 

"  In  the  name  of  God,  Amen.  "VVe,  whose  Names  are  underwritten,  the 
Loyal  Subjects  of  our  dread  Sovereign  Lord,  King  James,  by  the  Grace  of  God, 
of  Great  Britain,  France,  and  Ireland,  King,  Defender  of  the  Faith,  &c.,  Hav 
ing  undertaken,  for  the  Glory  of  God  and  advancement  of  the  Christian  Faith, 
and  Honour  of  our  King  and  country,  a  Voyage,  to  Plant  the  first  Colony  in 
the  Northern  Parts  of  Virginia;  Do,  by  these  Presents,  solemnly  and  mutu 
ally,  in  the  Presence  of  GOD,  and  of  one  another,  Covenant  and  Combine  our 
selves  together  unto  a  Civil  body  Politick,  for  our  better  Ordering  and  Pres 
ervation,  and  Furtherance  of  the  Ends  aforesaid;  and,  by  Virtue  hereof,  to 
enact,  constitute,  and  frame  such  just  and  equal  Laws,  Ordinances,  Acts, 
Constitutions,  and  Offices,  from  Time  to  Time,  as  shall  be  thought  most  meet 
and  convenient  for  the  General  Good  of  the  Colony;  unto  which  we  Promise 
all  due  Submission  and  Obedience.  In  witness  whereoUp  we  have  hereunder 
subscribed  our  Names,  at  Cape  Cod,  the  eleventh  of  November,  in  the  year 
of  the  Eeign  of  our  Sovereign  Lord,  King  James,  of  England,  France,  and 
Ireland,  the  Eighteenth,  and  of  Scotland  the  Fifty-Fourth,  Anno  Domini, 
1620." 

UNITED   COLONIES  OF  NEW  ENGLAND. 

From  the  first  settlement  in  New  England,  in  1620,  up  to 
1643,  the  political  affairs  of  the  Colonies  continued  to  be  con 
ducted  under  the  charters  obtained  by  the  several  Colonies  from 
England. 

The  continued  treachery  and  hostility  of  the  Indians,  together 
with  apprehensions  of  hostility  from  the  Dutch  at  Manhattan, 
and  the  French  and  Dutch  settlers  in  Acadia  (Nova  Scotia)  caused, 
the  four  Colonies — Massachusetts,  Plymouth,  Connecticut  and 
New  Haven  to  form  a  mutual  league  or  confederation,  under 
the  name  of  the  "  United  Colonies  of  New  England."  The  Con 
vention  to  form  the  Confederacy  met  at  Boston,  Mass.,  where, 


APPENDIX.  633 


on  the  19th  of  May,  1643  (Old  Style),  May  30th  (New  Style),  they 
formed  a  compact,  by  the  terms  of  which  each  Colony  waj*  to 
conduct  its  political  affairs  by  two  Cominiswioners  from  each, 
forming  a  Congress  of  the  United  Colonies;  each  Colony  was  to 
furnish  its  quota  of  men  and  arms,  in  case  of  any  of  the  Colo 
nies  being  invaded.  Rhode  Island  made  application  for  admis 
sion  into  the  Confederacy;  but  the  conditions  exacted  did  not 
suit  her  people,  so  she  was  not  admitted. 

In  1672,  the  Confederation  was  reorganized,  in  consequence 
of  the  union  of  the  New  Haven  Colony  with  Connecticut,  in 
1665.  From  this  period,  the  power  of  the  Commissioners  was 
much  restricted.  Their  executive  functions  ceasing  and  their 
office  being  only  advisory,  until  under  the  changed  condition  and 
fast-increasing  population,  each  Colony  assumed  a  separate 
character,  until  the  formation  of  the  Confederation  of  the  Thir 
teen  Colonies  under  the  Articles  of  Confederation  of  1778. 

DECLAKATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE. 

A  Declaration  of  the  Representatives  of  the  United  States  of  America,  in  Congress 
assembled,  July  ±th,  1776. 

When,  in  the  course  of  human  events,  it  becomes  necessary  for  one  people 
to  dissolve  the  political  bands  which  have  connected  them  with  another,  and 
to  assume,  among  the  powers  of  the  earth,  the  separate  and  equal  station  to 
which  the  laws  of  nature  and  of  nature's  God  entitle  them,  a  decent  respect  to 
the  opinions  of  mankind  requires,  that  they  should  declare  the  causes  which 
impel  them  to  the  separation. 

We  hold  these  truths  to  be  self-evident :— that  all  men  are  created  equal; 
that  they  are  endowed  by  their  Creator  with  certain  unalienable  rights;  that 
among  these  are  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness.  That  to  secure 
these  rights,  governments  are  instituted  among  men,  deriving  their  just  pow 
ers  from  the  consent  of  the  governed ;  that  whenever  any  form  of  government 
becomes  destructive  of  these  ends,  it  is  the  right  of  the  people  to  alter  or  to 
abolish  it,  and  to  institute  a  new  government,  laying  its  foundation  on  such 
principles,  and  organizing  its  powers  in  such  form  as  to  them  shall  seem  most 
likely  to  effect  their  safety  and  happiness.  Prudence,  indeed,  will  dictate, 
that  governments  long  established  should  not  be  changed  for  light  and  tran 
sient  causes;  and  accordingly  all  experience  hath  shown,  that  mankind  are 
more  disposed  to  suffer,  while  evils  are  sufferable,  than  to  right  themselves, 
by  abolishing  the  forms  to  which  they  are  accustomed.  But  when  a  long 
train  of  abuses  and  usurpations,  pursuing  invariably  the  same  object,  evinces 
a  design  to  reduce  them  under  absolute  despotism,  it  is  their  right,  it  is  their 
duty,  to  throw  off  such  government,  and  to  provide  new  guards  for  their 
future  security.  Such  has  been  the  patient  sufferance  of  these  Colonies,  and 
such  is  now  the  necessity  which  constrains  them  to  alter  their  former  systems 
of  government.  The  history  of  the  present  king  of  Great  Britain  is  a  history 
of  repeated  injuries  and  usurpations,  all  having  in  direct  object  the  establish 
ment  of  an  absolute  tyranny  over  these  States.  To  prove  this,  let  facts  be 
submitted  to  a  candid  world. 

He  has  refused  his  assent  to  laws  the  most  wholesome  and  necessary  for  the 
public  good. 

He  has  forbidden  his  governors  to  pass  laws  of  immediate  and  pressing  im 
portance,  unless  suspended  in  their  operation,  till  his  assent  should  be  ob 
tained;  and  when  so  suspended,  he  has  utterly  neglected  to  attend  to  them. 
He  has  refused  to  pass  other  laws  for  the  accommodation  of  large  districts  of 
people,  unless  those  people  would  relinquish  the  right  of  representation  in  the 
legislature— a  right  inestimable  to  them,  and  formidable  to  tyrants  only. 


634  APPENDIX. 


He  has  called  together  legislative  bodies  at  places  unusual,  uncomfortable, 
and  distant  from  the  repository  of  their  public  records,  for  the  sole  purpose 
of  fatiguing  them  into  compliance  with  his  measures. 

He  has  dissolved  representative  houses  repeatedly,  for  opposing  with 
manly  firmness,  his  invasions  on  the  rights  of  the  people. 

He  has  refused,  for  a  long  time  after  such  dissolutions,  to  cause  others  to 
be  elected;  whereby  the  legislative  powers,  incapable  of  annihilation,  have  re 
turned"  to  the  people  at  large  for  their  exercise,  the  State  remaining,  in  the 
mean  time,  exposed  to  all  the  dangers  of  invasion  from  without,  and  convul 
sions  within. 

He  has  endeavored  to  prevent  the  population  of  these  States;  for  that  pur 
pose  obstructing  the  laws  of  naturalization  of  foreigners;  refusing  to  pass 
others  to  encourage  their  migration  hither,  and  raising  the  conditions  of  new 
appropriations  of  lands. 

He  has  obstructed  the  administration  of  justice,  by  refusing  his  assent  to 
laws  for  establishing  judiciary  powers. 

He  has  made  judges  dependent  on  his  will  alone,  for  the  tenure  of  their  of 
fices,  and  the  amount  and  payment  of  their  salaries. 

lie  has  erected  a  multitude  of  new  offices,  and  sent  hither  swarms  of  officers^ 
to  harass  our  people,  and  eat  out  their  substance. 

He  has  kept  among  us,  in  times  of  peace,  standing  armies,  without  the  con 
sent  of  our  legislatures. 

He  has  affected  to  render  the  military,  independent  of,  and  superior  to,  the 
civil  power. 

He  has  combined  with  others  to  subject  us  to  a  jurisdiction  foreign  to  our 
Constitutions,  and  unacknowledged  by  our  laws;  giving  his  assent  to  their  acte 
of  pretended  legislation: 

For  quartering  large  bodies  of  armed  troops  among  us: 

For  protecting  them,  by  a  mock  trial,  from  punishment  for  any  murders 
which  they  should  commit  on  the  inhabitants  of  these  States: 

For  cutting  off  our  trade  with  all  parts  of  the  world: 

For  imposing  taxes  on  us  without  our  consent: 

For  depriving  us,  in  many  cases,  of  the  benefits  of  trial  by  jury: 

For  transporting  us  beyond  seas  to  be  tried  for  pretended  offenses : 

For  abolishing  the  free  system  of  English  laws  in  a  neighboring  province, 
establishing  therein  an  arbitrary  government,  and  enlarging  its  boundaries, 
so  as  to  render  it  at  once  an  example  and  fit  instrument  for  introducing  th« 
same  absolute  rule  into  these  Colonies. 

For  taking  away  our  charters,  abolishing  our  most  valuable  laws,  and  alter 
ing,  fundamentally,  the  forms  of  our  governments: 

For  suspending  our  own  legislatures,  and  declaring  themselves  invested 
with  power  to  legislate  for  us  in  all  cases  whatsoever. 

He'has  abdicated  government  here,  by  declaring  us  out  of  his  protection, 
and  waging  war  against  us. 

He  has  plundered  our  seas,  ravaged  our  coasts,  burnt  our  towns,  and  de 
stroyed  the  lives  of  our  people. 

He  is  at  this  time  transporting  large  armies  of  foreign  mercenaries  to  com 
plete  the  works  of  death,  desolation,  and  tyranny,  already  begun  with  circum 
stances  of  cruelty  and  perfidy,  scarcely  paralleled  in  the  most  barbarous  ages, 
and  totally  unworthy  the  head  of  a  civilized  nation. 

He  has  constrained  our  fellow  citizens,  taken  captive  on  the  high  seas,  to 
bear  arms  rgainst  their  country,  to  become  the  executioners  of  their  friends 
and  brethren,  or  to  fall  themselves  by  their  hands. 

He  has  excited  domestic  insurrections  amongst  us,  and  has  endeavored  to 
bring  on  the  inhabitants  of  our  frontiers  the  merciless  Indian  savages,  whose 
known  rule  of  warfare  is  an  undistinguished  destruction  of  all  ages,  sexes,  and 
conditions. 

In  every  stage  of  these  oppressions  we  have  petitioned  for  redress  in  the 
most  humble  terms:  our  repeated  petitions  have  been  answered  only  by  re 
peated  injuries.  A  prince,  Whose  character  is  thus  marked  by  every  act  which 
may  define  a  tyrant,  is  unfit  to  be  the  ruler  of  a  free  people. 

Nor  have  we  been  wanting  in  attentions  to  our  British  brethren.     "We  have 


APPENDIX.  635 

warned  them,  from  time  to  time,  of  attempts  by  their  legislature  to  extend  an 
unwarrantable  jurisdiction  over  us.  "We  have  reminded  them  of  the  circum 
stances  of  our  emigration  and  settlement  here.  We  have  appealed  to  their 
native  justice  and  magnanimity,  and  we  have  conjured  them  by  the  ties  of  our 
common  kindred  to  disavow  these  usurpations,  which  would  inevitably  inter 
rupt  our  connections  and  correspondence.  They  too  have  been  deaf  to  the 
voice  of  justice  and  of  consanguinity.  We  must,  therefore,  acquiesce  in  the 
necessity  which  denounces  our  separation,  and  hold  them,  as  we  hold  the  rest 
of  mankind— enemies  in  war,  in  peace  friends. 

We,  therefore,  the  representatives  of  the  United  States  of  America,  in  Gen 
eral  Congress  assembled,  appealing  to  the  Supreme  Judge-  of  the  world,  for 
the  rectitude  of  our  intentions,  do,  in  the  name  and  by  the  authority  of  the 
good  people  of  these  Colonies,  solemnly  publish  and  declare,  that  these  United 
Colonies  are,  and  of  right  ought  to  be,  free  and  independent  States;  that  they 
are  absolved  from  all  allegiance  to  the  British  crown,  and  that  all  political 
connection  between  them  and  the  State  of  Great  Britain  is,  and  ought  to  be, 
totally  dissolved;  and  that,  as  free  and  independent  States,  they  have  full 
power  to  levy  war,  conclude  peace,  contract  alliances,  establish  commerce,  and 
to  do  all  other  acts  and  things  which  independent  States  may  of  right  do. 
And  for  the  support  of  this  declaration,  with  a  firm  reliance  on  the  protection 
of  Divine  Providence,  we  mutually  pledge  to  each  other  our  lives,  our  for 
tunes,  and  our  sacred  honor.  JOHN  HANCOCK. 

New  Hampshire— Josiah  Bartlett,  William  Whipple,  Matthew  Thornton. 
Massachusetts  Bay— Samuel  Adams,  John  Adams,  Robert  Treat  Paine,  El- 
bridge  Gerry.  Rhode  Island — Stephen  Hopkins,  William  Ellery.  Con 
ned  icut— Roger  Sherman,  Samuel  Huntingdon,  Willian  Williams,  Oliver  Wol- 
cott.  New  York — William  Floyd,  Philip  Livingston,  Francis  Lewis,  Lewis 
Moms.  New  Jersey  —  Richard  Stockton,  John  Witherspoon,  Francis  Hopkin- 
son,  John  Hart,  Abraham  Clark.  Pennsylvania — Robert  Morris,  Benjamin 
Rush,  Benjamin  Franklin,  John  Morton,  George  Clynier,  James  Smith,  Geo. 
Taylor,  James  Wilson,  George  Ross.  Delaware—  Caesar  Rodney,  George  Read, 
Thomas  M'Kean.  Maryland—  Samuel  Chase,  William  Paca,  Thomas  Stone, 
Charles  Carroll,  of  Carrollton.  Virginia— George  Wythe,  Richard  Henry  Lee, 
Thomas  Jefferson,  Benjamin  Harrison,  Thomas  Nelson,  Jr.,  Francis  Light- 
foot  Lee,  Carter  Braxton.  .North  Carolina — William  Hooper,  Joseph  Hewes, 
John  Penn.  South  Carolina — Edward  Rutledge,  Thomas  Hey  ward,  Jr., 
Tnomas  Lynch,  Jr.,  Arthur  Middleton.  Georgia — Burton  Gwinnet,  Lyman 
Hall,  George  Walton. 


ARTICLES   OF  CONFEDERATION. 

Articles  of  Confederation  and  perpetual  Union  between  the  States  of  New  Hamp 
shire,  Massachusetts  Bay,  Ehode  Island  and  Providence  Plantations,  Con 
necticut,  New  York,  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Delaware,  Maryland,  Virginia, 
North  Carolina,  South  Carolina,  and  Georgia. 

ABTICLE  1.  The  style  of  this  confederacy  shall  be,  "  The  United  States  of 
America." 

ART.  2.  Each  State  retains  its  sovereignty,  freedom,  and  independence,  and 
every  power,  jurisdiction,  and  right,  which  is  not  by  this  confederation  ex 
pressly  delegated  to  the  United  States,  in  Congress  assembled. 

AKT.  3.  The  said  States  hereby  severally  enter  into  a  firm  league  of  friend 
ship  with  each  other  for  their  common  defense,  the  security  of  their  liberties, 
and  their  mutual  and  general  welfare,  binding  themselves  to  assist  each  other 
against  all  force  offeree*  to.  or  attacks  made  upon  them,  or  any  of  them,  on 


m- 

among  the  people  of  the  different  States  in  this  Union,  the  free 
inhabitants  of  each  of  these  States,  paupers,  vagabonds,  and  fugitives  from 
justice  excepted,  shall  be  entitled  to  all  privileges  and  immunities  of  free 
citizens  in  the  several  States;  and  the  people  of  each  State  shall  have  free 
ingress  and  regress  to  and  from  any  other  State,  and  shall  enjoy  therein  all 


636  APPENDIX, 


the  privileges  of  trade  and  commerce,  subject  to  the  same  duties,  impositions, 
and  restrictions,  as  the  inhabitants  thereof  respectively;  provided,  that  such 
restrictions  shall  not  extend  so  far  as  to  prevent  the  removal  of  property  im 
ported  into  any  State,  to  any  other  State,  of  -which  the  owner  is  an  inhabitant; 
provided  also,  that  no  imposition,  duties,  or  restriction,  shall  be  laid  by  any 
State  on  the  property  of  the  United  States,  or  either  of  them. 

§  2.  If  any  person  guilty  of,  or  charged  with,  treason,  felony,  or  other  high 
misdemeanor  in  any  State,  shall  flee  from  justice,  and  be  found  in  any  of  the 
United  States,  he  shall,  upon  the  demand  of  the  Governor  or  executive  power 
of  the  State  from  which  he  fled,  be  delivered  up,  and  removed  to  the  State 
having  jurisdiction  of  his  offense. 

§  3.  Full  faith  and  credit  shall  be  given,  in  each  of  these  States,  to  the 
records,  acts,  and  judicial  proceedings  of  the  courts  and  magistrates  of  every 
other  State. 

ART.  5.  §  1.  For  the  more  convenient  management  of  the  general  interests 
of  the  United  States,  delegates  shall  be  annually  appointed  in  such  a  manner 
as  the  Legislature  of  each  State  shall  direct,  to  meet  in  Congress  on  the  first 
Monday  in  November,  in  every  year,  with  a  power  reserved  to  each  State  to 
recall  its  delegates,  or  any  of  them,  at  any  time  within  the  year,  and  to  send 
others  in  their  stead,  for  the  remainder  of  the  year. 

§  2.  No  State  shall  be  represented  in  Congress  by  less  than  two,  nor  more 
than  seven  members ;  and  no  person  shall  be  capable  of  being  a  delegate  for 
more  than  three  years,  in  any  term  of  six  years;  nor  shall  any  person,  being 
a  delegate,  be  capable  of  holding  any  office  under  the  United  States,  for  which 
he,  or  any  other  for  his  benefit,  receives  any  salary,  fees,  or  emolument  of  any 
kind. 

§  3.  Each  State  shall  maintain  its  own  delegates  in  a  meeting  of  the  States, 
and  while  they  act  as  members  of  the  committees  of  these  States. 

§  4.  In  determining  questions  in  the  United  States  in  Congress  assembled, 
each  State  shall  have  one  vote. 

$  5.  Freedom  of  speech  and  debate  in  Congress  shall  not  be  impeached  or 
questioned  in  any  Court  or  place  out  of  Congress,  and  the  members  of  Con 
gress  shall  be  protected  in  their  persons,  from  arrests  and  imprisonments 
during  the  time  of  their  going  to  and  from,  and  attendance  on,  Congress, 
except  for  treason,  felony,  or  breach  of  the  peace. 

AKT.  6.  $  1.  No  State,  without  the  consent  of  the  United  States,  in  Congress 
assembled,  shall  send  any  embassy  to,  or  receive  any  embassy  from,  or  enter 
into  any  conference,  agreement,  alliance,  or  treaty,  with  any  king,  prince,  or 
State ;  nor  shall  any  person  holding  any  office  of  profit  or  trust  under  the 
United  States,  or  any  of  them,  accept  of  any  present,  emolument,  office,  or 
title  of  any  kind  whatever,  from  any  king,  prince,  or  foreign  State;  nor  shall 
the  United  States,  in  Congress  assembled,  or  any  of  them,  grant  any  title  of 
nobility. 

§2.  No  two  or  more  States  shall  enter  into  any  treaty,  confederation,  or 
alliance  whatever,  between  them,  without  the  consent  of  the  United  States,  in 
Congress  assembled,  specifying  accurately  the  purposes  for  which  the  same  is 
to  be  entered  into,  and  how  long  it  shall  continue. 

§  3.  No  State  shall  lay  any  imposts  or  duties  which  may  interfere  with  any 
stipulations  in  treaties,  entered  into  by  the  United  States,  in  Congress  assem 
bled,  with  any  king,  prince,  or  State,  in  pursuance  of  any  treaties  already 
proposed  by  Congress  to  the  Courts  of  France  and  Spain. 

§  4.  No  vessels  of  war  shall  be  kept  up  in  time  of  peace,  by  any  State^ 
except  such  number  only  as  shall  be  deemed  necessary  by  the  United  States, 
in  Congress  assembled,  for  the  defense  of  such  State,  or  its  trade;  nor  shall 
any  body  of  forces  be  kept  up,  by  any  State,  in  time  of  peace,  except  such 
number  only  as,  in  the  judgment  of  the  United  States,  in  Congress  assembled, 
shall  be  deemed  requisite  to  garrison  the  forts  necessary  for  the  defense  of 
such  State ;  but  every  State  shall  always  keep  up  a  regular  and  well-disciplined 
militia,  sufficiently  armed  and  accoutred,  and  shall  provide  and  constantly 
have  ready  for  use,  in  public  stores,  a  due  number  of  field  pieces  and  tents, 
and  a  proper  quantity  of  arms,  ammunition,  and  camp  equipage. 

§  5.  No  State  shall  engage  in  any  war  without  the  consent  of  the  United 
States,  in  Congress  assembled,  unless  such  State  be  actually  invaded  by  ene- 


APPENDIX.  637 

mies,  or  shall  have  received  certain  advice  of  a  resolution  being  formed  by 
some  nation  of  Indians  to  invade  such  State,  and  the  danger  is  so  imminent 
as  not  to  admit  of  delay  till  the  United  States,  in  Congress  assembled,  can  be 
consulted ;  nor  shall  any  State  grant  commissions  to  any  ships  or  vessels  of 
war,  nor  letters  of  marque  or  reprisal,  except  it  be  after  a  declaration  of  war 
by  the  United  States,  in  Congress  assembled,  and  then  only  against  a  King 
dom  or  State,  and  the  subjects  thereof,  against  which  war  has  been  so  declared, 
and  under  such  regulations  as  shall  be  established  by  the  United  States,  in 
Congress  assembled,  unless  such  State  be  infested  by  pirates,  in  which  case 
vessels  of  war  may  be  fitted  out  for  that  occasion,  and  kept  so  long  as  the 
danger  shall  continue,  or  until  the  United  States,  in  Congress  assembled, 
shall  determine  otherwise. 

ART.  7.  When  land  forces  are  raised  by  any  State,  for  the  common  defense, 
all  officers  of,  or  under  the  rank  of  Colonel,  shall  be  appointed  by  the  Legis 
lature  of  each  State  respectively  by  whom  such  forces  shall  be  raised,  or  in 
such  manner  as  such  State  shall  direct,  and  all  vacancies  shall  be  filled  up  by 
the  State  which  first  made  the  appointment. 

ART.  8.  All  charges  of  war,  and  all  other  expenses- that  shall  be  incurred  for 
the  common  defense  or  general  welfare,  and  allowed  by  the  United  States,  in 
Congress  assembled,  shall  be  defrayed  out  of  a  common  treasury,  which  shall 
be  supplied  by  the  several  States,  in  proportion  to  the  value  of  all  land  within 
each  State,  granted  to,  or  surveyed  for,  any  person,  as  such  land  and  the 
buildings  and  improvements  thereon  shall  be  estimated,  according  to  such 
mode  as  the  United  States,  in  Congress  assembled,  shall,  from  time  to  time, 
direct  and  appoint.  The  taxes  for  paying  that  proportion  shall  be  laid  and 
levied  by  the  authority  and  direction  of  the  Legislatures  of  the  several  States, 
within  the  time  agreed  upon  by  the  United  States,  in  Congress  assembled. 

ART.  9.  $  1.  The  United  States,  in  Congress  assembled,  shall  have  the  sole 
and  exclusive  right  and  power  of  determining  on  peace  and  war,  except  in  the 
cases  mentioned  in  the  sixth  Article:  Of  sending  and  receiving  ambassadors; 
entering  into  treaties  and  alliances,  provided  that  no  treaty  of  commerce  shall 
be  made,  whereby  the  legislative  power  of  the  respective  States  shall  be 
restrained  from  imposing  such  imposts  and  duties  on  foreigners,  as  their  own 
people  are  subjected  to,  or  from  prohibiting  the  exportation  or  importation  of 
any  species  of  goods  or  commodities  whatever;  of  establishing  rules  for  de 
ciding,  in  all  cases,  what  captures  on  land  or  water  shall  be  legal,  and  in  what 
manner  prizes  taken  by  land  or  naval  forces  in  the  service  of  the  United 
States,  shall  be  divided  or  appropriated;  of  granting  letters  of  marque  and 
reprisal  in  times  of  peace;  appointing  Courts  for  the  trial  of  piracies  and 
felonies  committed  on  the  high  seas;  and  establishing  Courts  for  receiving  and 
determining  finally  appeals  in  all  cases  of  captures ;  provided  that  no  member 
of  Congress  shall  be  appointed  a  judge  of  any  of  the  said  Courts. 

§  2.  The  United  States,  in  Congress  assembled,  shall  also  be  the  last  resort 
on  appeal,  in  all  disputes  and  differences  now  subsisting,  or  that  hereafter 
may  arise,  between  two  or  more  States  concerning  boundary,  jurisdiction,  or 
any  other  cause  whatever;  which  authority  shall  always  be  exercised  in  the 
manner,  following  :  Whenever  the  legislative  or  executive  authority,  or  lawful 
agent  of  any  State  in  controversy  with  another,  shall  present  a  petition  to 
Congress,  stating  the  matter  in  question,  and  praying  for  a  hearing,  notice 
thereof  shall  be  given,  by  order  of  Congress,  to  the  legislative  or  executive 
authority  of  the  other  State  in  controversy;  and  a  day  assigned  for  the  appear 
ance  of  the  parties  by  their  lawful  agents,  who  shall  then  be  directed  to  ap 
point,  by  joint  consent,  commissioners  or  judges  to  constitute  a  Court  for 
hearing 'and  determining  the  matter  in  question;  but  if  they  cannot  agree, 
Congress  shall  name  three  persons  out  of  each  of  the  United  States,  and  from 
the  list  of  such  persons  each  party  shall  alternately  strike  out  one,  the  peti 
tioners  beginning,  until  the  number  shall  be  reduced  to  thirteen;  and  from 
that  number  not  less  than  seven,  nor  more  than  nine  names,  as  Congress 
shall  direct,  shall,  in  the  presence  of  Congress,  be  drawn  out  by  lot;  and  the 
persons  whose  names  shall  be  so  drawn,  or  any  five  of  them,  shall  be  commis 
sioners  or  judges,  to  hear  and  finally  determine  the  controversy,  so  always  as 
a  major  part  of  the  judges,  who  shall  hear  the  cause,  shall  agree  in  the  deter- 

41 


638  APPENDIX. 


ruination;  and  if  either  party  shall  neglect  to  attend  at  the  day  appointed, 
without  showing  reasons  which  Congress  shall  judge  sufficient,  or  being 
present,  shall  refuse  to  strike,  the  Congress  shall  proceed  to  nominate  three 
persons  out  of  each  State,  and  the  Secretary  of  Congress  shall  strike  in  behalf 
of  such  party  absent  or  refusing;  and  the  judgment  and  sentence  of  the  Court, 
to  be  appointed  in  the  manner  before  prescribed,  shall  be  final  and  conclusive; 
and  if  any  of  the  parties  shall  refuse  to  submit  to  the  authority  of  such  Court, 
or  to  appear  or  defend  their  claim  or  cause,  the  Court  shall  nevertheless  pro 
ceed  to  pronounce  sentence,  or  judgment,  which  shall  in  like  manner  be  final 
and  decisive ;  the  judgment  or  sentence  and  other  proceedings  being  in  either 
case  submitted  to  Congress,  and  lodged  among  the  acts  of  Congress,  for  the 
security  of  the  parties  concerned;  provided,  that  every  commissioner,  before 
he  sits  in  judgment,  shall  take  an  oath,  to  be  administered  by  one  of  the 
judges  of  the  Supreme  ©r  Superior  Court  of  the  State  where  the  cause  shall 
be  tried,  "well  and  truly  to  hear  and  determine  the  matter  in  question, 
according  to  the  best  of  his  judgment,  without  favor,  affection,  or  hope  of 
reward."  Provided,  also,  that  no  State  shall  be  deprived  of  territory  for  the 
benefit  of  the  United  States. 

§  3.  All  controversies  concerning  the  private  right  of  soil  claimed  under 
different  grants  of  two  or  more  States,  whose  jurisdiction,  as  they  may  respect 
such  lands,  and  the  States  which  passed  such  grants  are  adjusted,  the  said 
grants  or  either  of  them  being  at  the  same  time  claimed  to  have  originated 
antecedent  to  such  settlement  of  jurisdiction,  shall,  oil  the  petition  of  either 
party  to  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  be  finally  determined,  as  near  as 
may  be,  in  the  same  manner  as  is  before  prescribed  for  deciding  disputes 
respecting  territorial  jurisdiction  between  different  States. 

§  4.  The  United  States,  in  Congress  assembled,  shall  also  have  the  sole  and 
exclusive  right  and  power  of  regulating  the  alloy  and  value  of  coin  struck  by 
their  own  authority,  or  by  that  of  the  respective  States ;  fixing  the  standard 
of  weights  and  measures  throughout  the  United  States;  regulating  the  trade 
and  managing  all  affairs  with  the  Indians,  not  members  of  any  of  the  States; 
provided  that  the  legislative  right  of  any  State,  within  its  own  limits,  be  not 
infringed  or  violated;  establishing  and  regulating  post  offices  from  one  State 
to  another,  throughout  all  the  United  States,  and  exacting  such  postage  on  the 
papers  passing  through  the  same  as  may  be  requisite  to  defray  the  expenses 
of  the  said  office;  appointing  all  officers  in  the  land  forces  in  the  service  of  the 
United  States,  excepting  regimental  officers;  appointing  all  the  officers  of  the 
naval  forces,  and  commissioning  all  officers  whatever  in  the  service  of  the 
United  States;  making  rules  for  the  government  and  regulation  of  the  said 
land  and  naval  forces,  and  directing  their  operations. 

§  5.  The  United  States,  in  Congress  assembled,  shall  have  authority  to 
appoint  a  committee,  to  sit  in  the  recess  of  Congress,  to  be  denominated, 
"A  Committee  of  the  States,"  and  to  consist  of  one  delegate  from  each  State; 
and  to  appoint  su«h  other  committees  and  civil  officers  as  may  be  necessary 
for  managing  the  general  affairs  of  the  United  States  under  their  direction;  to 
appoint  one  of  their  number  to  preside;  provided;  that  no  person  be  allowed 
to  serve  in  the  office  of  President  more  than  one  year  in  any  term  of  three 
years;  to  ascertain  the  necessary  sums  of  money  to  be  raised  for  the  service 
of  the  United  States,  and  to  appropriate  and  apply  the  same  for  defraying  the 
public  expenses;  to  borrow  money  or  emit  bills  on  the  credit  of  the  United 
States,  transmitting  every  half  year  to  the  respective  States  an  account  of  the 
sums  of  money  so^borrowed  or  emitted;  to  build  and  equip  a  navy;  to  agree 
upon  the  number  of  land  forces,  and  to  make  requisitions  from  each  State  for 
its  quota,  in  proportion  to  the  number  of  white  inhabitants  in  such  State, 
which  requisition  shall  be  binding;  and  thereupon  the  Legislature  of  each 
State  shall  appoint  the  regimental  officers,  raise  the  men,  and  clothe,  arm,  and 
equip  them,  in  a  soldier-like  manner,  at  the  expense  of  the  United  States; 
and  the  officers  and  men  so  clothed,  armed  and  equipped,  shall  march  to  the 
place  appointed,  and  within  the  time  agreed  on  by  the  United  States,  in  Con 
gress  assembled;  but  if  the  United  States,  in  Congress  assembled,  shall,  011 
consideration  of  circumstances,  judge  proper  that  any  State  should  not  raise 
men,  or  should  raise  a  smaller  number  than  its  quota,  and  that  any  other 


APPENDIX.  639 


State  should  raise  a  greater  number  of  men  than  the  quota  thereof,  such  extra 
number  shall  be  raised,  officered,  clothed,  armed,  and  equipped  in  the  same 
manner  as  the  quota  of  such  State,  unless  the  Legislature  of  such  State  shall 
judge  that  such  extra  number  cannot  be  safely  spared  out  of  the  same,  in 
which  case  they  shall  raise,  officer,  clothe,  arm,  and  equip  as  many  of  such 
extra  number  as  they  judge  can  be  safely  spared,  and  the  officers  and  men  so 
clothed,  armed,  and  equipped,  shall  march  to  the  place  appointed,  and  within 
the  time  agreed  on  by  the  United  States,  in  Congress  assembled. 

§  6.  The  United  States,  in  Congress  assembled,  shall  never  engage  in  a  war, 
nor  grant  letters  of  marque  and  reprisal  in  time  of  peace,  nor  enter  into  any 
treaties  or  alliances,  nor  coin  money,  nor  regulate  the  value  thereof,  nor 
ascertain  the  sums  and  expenses  necessary  for  the  defense  and  welfare  of  the 
United  States,  or  any  of  them,  nor  emit  bills,  nor  borrow  money  on  the  credit 
of  the  United  States,  nor  appropriate  money,  nor  agree  upon  the  number  of 
vessels  of  war  to  be  built  or  purchased,  or  the  number  of  land  or  sea  forces  to 
be  raised,  nor  appoint  a  commander-in-chief  of  the  army  or  navy,  unless  nine 
States  assent  to  the  same,  nor  shall  a  question  on  any  other  point,  except  for 
adjonrning  from  day  to  day,  be  determined,  unless  by  the  votes  of  a  majority 
of  the  United  States,  in  Congress  assembled. 

§  7.  The  Congress  of  the  United  States  shall  have  power  to  adjourn  to  any 
time  within  the  year,  and  to  any  place  within  the  United  States,  so  that  110 
period  of  adjournment  be  for  a  longer  duration  than  the  space  of  six  months, 
and  shall  publish  the  journal  of  their  proceedings  monthly,  except  such  parts 
thereof  relating  to  treaties,  alliances,  or  military  operations,  as  in  their  judg 
ment  require  secrecy;  and  the  yeas  and  nays  of  the  delegates  of  each  State, 
on  any  question,  shall  be  entered  on  the  journal,  when  it  is  desired  by  any 
delegate;  and  the  delegates  of  a  State,  or  any  of  them,  at  his  or  their  request, 
shall  be  furnished  with  a  transcript  of  the  said  journal,  except  such  parts  as 
are  above  excepted,  to  lay  before  the  Legislatures  of  the  several  States. 

ART.  10.  The  committee  of  the  States,  or  any  nine  of  them,  shall  be  author 
ized  to  execute,  in  the  recess  of  Congress,  such  of  the  powers  of  Congress  as 
the  United  States,  in  Congress  assembled,  by  the  consent  of  nine  States,  shall, 
from  time  to  time,  think  expedient  to  invest  them  with;  provided,  that  no 
power  be  delegated  to  the  said  committee,  for  the  exercise  of  which,  by  the 
Articles  of  Confederation,  the  voice  of  nine  States,  in  the  Congress  of  the 
United  States  assembled,  is  requisite. 

ART.  11.  Canada  acceding  to  this  Confederation,  and  joining  in  the  measures 
of  the  United  States,  shall  be  admitted  into,  and  entitled  to  all  the  advantages 
of  this  Union;  but  no  other  colony  shall  be  admitted  into  the  same,  unless 
such  admission  be  agreed  to  by  nine  States. 

ART.  12.  All  bills  of  credit  emitted,  monej^s  borrowed,  and  debts  contracted 
by  or  under  the  authority  of  Congress,  before  the  assembling  of  the  United 
States,  in  pursuance  of  the  present  Confederation,  shall  be  deemed  and  con 
sidered  as  a  charge  against  the  United  States,  for  payment  and  satisfaction 
whereof  the  said  United  States  and  the  public  faith  are  hereby  solemnly 
pledged. 

ART.  13.  Every  State  shall  abide  by  the  determination  of  the  United  States, 
in  Congress  assembled,  in  all  questions  which  by  this  Confederation  are  sub 
mitted  to  them.  And  the  Articles  of  this  Confederation  shall  be  inviolably 
observed  by  every  State,  and  the  Union  shall  be  perpetual;  nor  shall  any 
alteration  at  any  time  hereafter  be  made  in  any  of  them,  unless  such  alteration 
be  agreed  to  in  a  Congress  of  the  United  States,  and  be  afterwards  confirmed 
by  the  Legislature  of  every  State. 

And  whereas  it  hath  pleased  the  great  Governor  of  the  world  to  incline  the 
hearts  of  the  Legislatures  we  respectively  represent  in  Congress,  to  approve 
of,  and  to  authorize  us  to  ratify  the  said  Articles  of  Confederation  and  per 
petual  Union :  Know  ye,  that  we,  the  undersigned  delegates,  by  virtue  of  the 
power  and  authority  to  us  given  for  that  purpose,  do,  by  these  presents,  in 
the  name  and  in  behalf  of  our  respective  constituents,  fully  and  entirely 
ratify  and  confirm  each  and  every  of  the  said  Articles  of  Confederation  and 
perpetual  Union,  and  all  and  singular  the  matters  and  things  therein  contained. 
And  we  do  further  solemnly  plight  and  engage  the  faith  of  our  respective  con- 


640  APPENDIX. 


stituents,  that  tliey  shall  abide  by  the  determination  of  the  United  States,  in 
Congress  assembled,  in  all  questions  which  by  the  said  Confederation  are  sub 
mitted  to  them;  and  that  the  articles  thereof  shall  be  inviolably  observed  by 
the  States  we  respectively  represent,  and  that  the  Union  shall  be  perpetual. 
In  witness  whereof,  we  have  hereunto  set  our  hands,  in  Congress. 

Done  at  Philadelphia,  in  the  State  of  Pennsylvania,  the  9th  day  of  July, 
in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  seven  hundred  and  seventy-eight,  and 
in  the  third  year  of  the  Independence  of  America. 

New  Hampshire— Josiah  Bartlett,  John  Wentworth,  Jr.  Massachusetts — John 
Hancock,  Samuel  Adams,  Elbridge  Gerry,  Francis  Dana,  James  Lovel,  Sam 
uel  Holten.  Rhode  Island,  etc. — William  Ellery,  Henry  Marchant,  John 
Collins.  Connecticut  —  Roger  Sherman,  Samuel  Huntingdon,  Oliver  Wolcott, 
Titus  Hosmer,  Andrew  Adams.  New  York—Stis.  Duane,  Fra.  Lewis,  Wm. 
Duer,  Gouv.  Morris.  New  Jersey — Jno.  "Witherspoon,  Nath.  Scudder.  Penn 
sylvania—Robert  Morris,  Daniel  Koberdeau,  Jona.  Bayard  Smith,  William 
Clingan,  Joseph  Reed.  Delaware — Thos.  M'Kean,  John  Dickinson,  Nicholas 
Van  Dyke.  Maryland — John  Hanson,  Daniel  Carroll.  Virginia — Richard 
Henry  Lee,  John  Bannister,  Thomas  Adams,  Jno.  Harvie,  Francis  Lightfoot 
Lee.  North  Carolina— John  Penn,  Cons.  Harnett,  Jno.  Williams.  South  Car- 
olina — Henry  Laurens,  William  Henry  Drayton,  Jno.  Matthews,  Richard  Hut- 
son,  Thomas  Heyward,  Jr.  Georgia — Jno.  Walton,  Edwd.  Telfair,  Edwd. 
Langworthy. 

CONSTITUTION  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

[Went  into  operation  on  the  first  Wednesday  in  March,  1789.    Osgood  v.  Speed,  5  Wh.  420.] 

PREAMBLE. 

WE,  the  people  of  the  United  States,  in  order  to  form  a  more  perfect  union, 
establish  justice,  insure  domestic  tranquillity,  provide  for  the  common  defense, 
promote  the  general  welfare,  and  secure  the  blessings  of  liberty  to  ourselves 
and  our  posterity,  do  ordain  and  establish  this  Constitution  for  the  United 
States  of  America. 

ARTICLE  I. 

OF  THE   LEGISLATIVE   POWEB. 

SECTION  \.  All  legislative  powers  herein  granted  shall  be  vested  in  a  Con 
gress  of  the  United  States,  which  shall  consist  of  a  Senate  and  House  of  Rep 
resentatives. 

OP  THE   HOUSE   OF  EEPEESENTATIVES. 

SEC.  2.  The  House  of  Representatives  shall  be  composed  of  members  chosen 
every  second  year  by  the  people  of  the  several  States,  and  the  electors  in  each 
State  shall  have  the  qualifications  requisite  for  electors  of  the  most  numerous 
branch  of  the  State  Legislature. 

No  person  shall  be  a  Representative  who  shall  not  have  attained  to  the  age 
of  twenty-five  years,  and  been  seven  years  a  citizen  of  the  United  States,  and 
who  shall  not,  when  elected,  be  an  inhabitant  of  that  State  in  which  he  shall 
be  chosen. 

Representatives  and  direct  taxes  shall  be  apportioned  among  the  several 
States  which  may  be  included  within  this  Union,  according  to  their  respective 
numbers,  which  shall  be  determined  by  adding  to  the  whole  number  of  free 
persons,  including  those  bound  to  service  for  a  term  of  years,  and  excluding 
Indians  not  taxed,  three-fifths  of  all  other  persons.  The  actual  enumeration 
shall  be  made  within  three  years  after  the  first  meeting  of  the  Congress  of  the 
United  States,  and  within  every  subsequent  term  of  ten  years,  in  such  man 
ner  as  they  shall  by  law  direct.  The  number  of  Representatives  shall  not  ex 
ceed  one  for  every  thirty  thousand,  but  each  State  shall  have  at  least  one 
Representative ;  and,  until  such  enumeration  shall  be  made,  the  State  of  New 
Hampshire  shall  be  entitled  to  choose  three,  Massachusetts  eight,  Rhode 
Island  and  Providence  Plantations  one,  Connecticut  five,  New  York  six,  New 
Jersey  four,  Pennsylvania  eight,  Delaware  one,  Maryland  six,  Virginia  ten, 
North  Carolina  five,  South  Carolina  five,  and  Georgia  three. 


APPENDIX.  641 

When  vacancies  happen  in  the  representation  fr,om  any  State,  the  execu 
tive  authority  thereof  shall  issue  writs  of  election  to  fill  such  vacancies. 

The  House  of  Representatives  shall  choose  their  speaker  and  other  officers; 
and  shall  have  the  sole  power  of  impeachment. 

OF  THE   SENATE. 

SEC.  3.  The  Senate  of  the  United  States  shall  be  composed  of  two  Senators 
from  each  State,  chosen  by  the  Legislature  thereof,  for  six  years;  and  each 
Senator  shall  have  one  vote. 

Immediately  after  they  shall  be  assembled  in  consequence  of  the  first  elec 
tion,  they  shall  be  divided  as  equally  as  may  be  into  three  classes.  The  seats 
of  the  Senators  of  the  first-  class  shall  be  vacated  at  the  expiration  of  the  sec 
ond  year,  of  the  second  class  at  the  expiration  of  the  fourth  year,  and  of  the 
third  class  at  the  expiration  of  the  sixth  year,  so  that  one- third  may  be  chosen 
every  second  year;  and  if  vacancies  happen  by  resignation,  or  otherwise,  dur 
ing  the  recess  of  the  Legislature  of  any  State,  the  executive  thereof  may  make 
temporary  appointments  until  the  next  meeting  of  the  Legislature,  which 
shall  then  fill  such  vacancies. 

No  person  shall  be  a  Senator  who  shall  not  have  attained  to  the  age  of  thirty 
years,  and  been  nine  years  a  citizen  of  the  United  States,  and  who  shall  not, 
when  elected,  be  an  inhabitant  of  that  State  for  which  he  shall  be  chosen. 

The  Vice-President  of  the  United  States  shall  be  President  of  the  Senate, 
but  shall  have  no  vote,  unless  they  be  equally  divided. 

The  Senate  shall  choose  their  other  officers,  and  have  a  President  pro  tern- 
pore,  in  the  absence  of  the  Vice-President,  or  when  he  shall  exercise  the  of 
fice  of  President  of  the  United  States. 

The  Senate  shall  have  the  sole  power  to  try  all  impeachments.  When  sit 
ting  for  that  purpose,  they  shall  be  on  oath  or  affirmation.  When  the  Presi 
dent  of  the  United  States  is  tried,  the  Chief  Justice  shall  preside;  and  no 
person  shall  be  convicted  without  the  concurrence  of  two-thirds  of  the  mem 
bers  present. 

Judgment  in  cases  of  impeachment  shall  not  extend  further  than  to  removal 
from  office,  and  disqualification  to  hold  and  enjoy  any  office  of  honor,  trust, 
or  profit,  under  the  United  States;  but  the  party  convicted  shall  nevertheless 
be  liable  and  subject  to  indictment,  trial,  judgment,  and  punishment  accord 
ing  to  law. 

MANNER  OF  ELECTING  MEMBERS. 

SEC.  4.  The  times,  places,  and  manner  of  holding  elections  for  Senators 
and  Representatives,  shall  be  prescribed  in  each  State  by  the  Legislature 
thereof;  but  the  Congress  may  at  any  time,  by  law,  make  or  alter  such  regula 
tions,  except  as  to  the  places  of  choosing  Senators. 

CONGRESS  TO    ASSEMBLE    ANNUALLY 

The  Congress  shall  assemble  at  least  once  in  every  year,  and  such  meeting 
shall  be  on  the  first  Monday  in  December,  unless  they  shall  by  law  appoint  a 
different  day. 

POWERS. 

SEC.  5.  Each  house  shall  be  the  judge  of  the  elections,  returns,  and  qualifi 
cations  of  its  own  members,  and  a  majority  of  each  shall  constitute  a  quorum 
to  do  business ;  but  a  smaller  number  may  adjourn  from  day  to  day,  and  may 
be  authorized  to  compel  the  attendance  of  abs'ent  members,  in  such  manner, 
and  under  such  penalties,  as  each  house  may  provide. 

Each  house  may  determine  the  rules  of  its  proceedings,  punish  its  members 
for  disorderly  behavior,  and,  with  the  concurrence  of  two-thirds,  expel  a 
member. 

Each  house  shall  keep  a  journal  of  its  proceedings,  and  from  time  to  time 
publish  the  same,  excepting  such  parts  as  may,  in  their  judgment,  require  se 
crecy;  and  the  yeas  and  nays  of  the  members  of  cither  house  on  any  question 
shall,  at  the  desire  of  one-fifth  of  those  present,  be  entered  on  the  journal. 

Neither  house,  during  the  session  of  Congress,  shall,  without  the  consent 
of  the  other,  adjourn  for  more  than  three  days,  nor  to  any  other  place  than 
that  in  which  the  two  houses  shall  be  sitting 


642  APPENDIX. 


COMPENSATION,    ETC.,    OP  MEMBERS. 

SEC.  6.  The  Senators  and  Representatives  shall  receive  a  compensation  for 
their  services,  to  be  ascertained  by  law,  and  paid  out  of  the  Treasury  of  the 
United  States.  They  shall  in  all  cases,  except  treason,  felony,  and  breach  of 
the  peace,  be  privileged  from  arrest  during  their  attendance  at  the  session  of 
their  respective  houses,  and  in  going  to  and  returning  from  the  same;  and  for 
any  speech  or  debate  in  either  house,  they  shall  not  be  questioned  in  any 
other  place. 

No  Senator  or  Representative  shall,  during  the  time  for  which  he  was 
elected,  be  appointed  to  any  civil  office  under  the  authority  of  the  United 
States,  which  shall  have  been  created,  or  the  emoluments  whereof  shall  have 
been  increased  during  such  time;  and  no  person  holding  any  office  under  the 
United  States,  shall  be  a  member  of  either  house  during  his  continuance  in 
office. 

MANNER  OP  PASSING  BILLS,    ETC. 

SEC.  7.  All  bills  for  raising  revenue  shall  originate  in  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives;  but  the  Senate  may  propose  or  concur  with  amendments  as  on 
other  bills. 

Every  bill  which  shall  have  passed  the  House  of  Representatives  and  the 
Senate,  shall,  before  it  become  a  law,  be  presented  to  the  President  of  the 
United  States;  if  he  approve  he  shall  sign  it,  but  if  not  he  shall  return  it,  with 
his  objections,  to  that  house  in  which  it  shall  have  originated,  who  shall  enter 
the  objections  at  large  on  their  journal,  and  proceed  to  reconsider  it.  If,  after 
such  reconsideration,  two-thirds  of  that  house  shall  agree  to  pass  the  bill,  it 
shall  be  sent,  together  with  the  objections,  to  the  other  house,  by  which  it 
shall  likewise  be  reconsidered,  and  if  approved  by  two-thirds  of  that  house,  it 
shall  become  a  law.  But  in  all  such  cases  the  votes  of  both  houses  shall  be 
determined  by  yeas  and  nays,  and  the  names  of  the  persons  voting  for  and 
against  the  bill  shall  be  entered  on  the  journal  of  each  house  respectively.  If 
any  bill  shall  not  be  returned  by  the  President  within  ten  days  (Sunday  ex- 
cepted)  after  it  shall  have  been  presented  to  him,  the  same  shall  be  a  law,  in 
like  manner  as  if  he  had  signed  it,  unless  the  Congress  by  their  adjournment 
prevent  its  return,  in  which  case  it  shall  not  be  a  law. 

Every  order,  resolution,  or  vote,  to  which  the  concurrence  of  the  Senate  and 
House  of  Representatives  may  be  necessary  (except  on  a  question  of  adjourn 
ment),  shall  be  presented  to  the  President  of  the  United  States;  and  before 
the  same  shall  take  effect,  shall  be  approved  by  him,  or  being  disapproved  by 
him,  shall  be  re-passed  by  two-thirds  of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representa 
tives,  according  to  the  rules  and  limitations  prescribed  in  the  case  of  a  bill. 

POWER  OF  CONGRESS. 

SEC.  8.  The  Congress  shall  have  power  to  lay  and  collect  taxes,  duties,  im 
posts  and  excises,  to  pay  the  debts  and  provide  for  the  common  defense  and 
general  welfare  of  the  United  States;  but  all  duties,  imposts,  and  excises  shall 
be  uniform  throughout  the  United  States; 

To  borrow  money  on  the  credit  of  the  United  States ; 

To  regulate  commerce  with  foreign  nations,  and  among  the  several  States, 
and  with  the  Indian  tribes; 

To  establish  an  uniform  rule  of  naturalization,  and  uniform  laws  on  the 
subject  of  bankruptcies  throughout  the  United  States; 

To  coin  money,  regulate  the  value  thereof,  and  of  foreign  coin,  and  fix  the 
standard  of  weights  and  measures; 

To  provide  for  the  punishment  of  counterfeiting  the  securities  and  current 
coin  of  the  United  States; 

To  establish  post-offices  and  post-roads; 

To  promote  the  progress  of  science  and  useful  arts,  by  securing  for  limited 
times  to  authors  and  inventors  the  exclusive  right  to  their  respective  writings 
and  discoveries; 

To  constitute  tribunals  inferior  to  the  Supreme  Court; 

To  define  and  punish  piracies  and  felonies  committed  on  the  high  seas,  and 
offenses  against  the  law  of  nations; 

To  declare  war,  grant  letters  of  marque  and  reprisal,  and  make  rules  con 
cerning  captures  on  land  and  water; 


APPENDIX.  643 


To  raise  and  support  armies,  but  no  appropriation  of  money  to  that  use 
shall  be  for  a  longer  term  than  two  years; 

To  provide  and  maintain  a  navy; 

To  make  rules  for  the  government  and  regulation  of  the  land  and  naval 
forces; 

To  provide  for  calling  forth  the  militia  to  execute  the  laws  of  the  Union, 
suppress  insurrections  and  repel  invasions; 

To  provide  for  organizing,  arming,  and  disciplining  the  militia,  and  for  gov 
erning  such  part  of  them  as  may  be  employed  in  the  service  of  the  United 
States,  reserving  to  the  States  respectively,  the  appointment  of  the  officers, 
and  the  authority  of  training  the  militia  according  to  the  discipline  prescribed 
by  Congress; 

To  exercise  exclusive  legislation  in  all  cases  whatsoever,  over  such  district 
(not  exceeding  ten  miles  square)  as  may,  by  cession  of  particular  States,  and 
the  acceptance  of  Congress,  become  the  seat  of  the  government  of  the  United 
States,  and  to  exercise  like  authority  over  all  places  purchased  by  the  consent 
of  tho  Legislature  of  the  State  in  which  the  same  shall  be,  for  the  erection  of 
forts,  magazines,  arsenals,  dockyards,  and  other  needful  buildings;  and 

To  make  all  laws  which  shall  be  necessary  and  proper  for  carrying  into  ex 
ecution  the  foregoing  powers,  and  all  other  powers  vested  by  this  Constitution 
in  the  government  of  the  United  States,  or  in  any  department  or  officer 
thereof. 

LIMITATION   OF  THE   POWEES  OF  CONGRESS. 

SEC.  9.  The  migration  or  importation  of  such  persons  as  anj  of  the  States 
now  existing  shall  think  proper  to  admit,  shall  not  be  prohibited  by  the  Con 
gress  prior  to  the  year  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  eight,  but  a  tax  or 
duty  may  be  imposed  on  such  importation,  not  exceeding  ten  dollars  for  each 
person. 

The  privilege  of  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus  shall  not  be  suspended,  unless 
when  in  cases  of  rebellion  or  invasion  the  public  safety  may  require  it. 

No  bill  of  attainder  or  ex  post  facto  law  shall  be  passed. 

No  capitation,  or  other  direct  tax  shall  be  laid,  unless  in  proportion  to  the 
census  or  enumeration  hereinbefore  directed  to  be  taken. 

No  tax  or  duty  shall  be  laid  on  articles  exported  from  any  State. 

No  preference  shall  be  given  by  any  regulation  of  commerce  or  revenue  to 
the  ports  of  one  State  over  those  of  another;  nor  shall  vessels  bound  to,  or 
from,  one  State,  be  obliged  to  enter,  clear,  or  pay  duties  in  another. 

No  money  shall  be  drawn  from  the  treasury,  but  in  consequence  of  appro 
priations  made  by  law ;  and  a  regular  statement  and  account  of  the  receipts 
and  expenditures  of  all  public  money  shall  be  published  from  time  to  time. 

No  title  of  nobility  shall  be  granted  by  the  United  States:  And  no  person 
holding  any  office  of  profit  or  trust  iinder  them,  shall,  without  the  consent  of 
the  Congress,  accept  of  any  present,  emolument,  office,  or  title,  of  any  kind 
whatever,  from  any  king,  prince,  or  foreign  State. 

LIMITATION  OF  THE   POWEBS  OF  THE   INDIVIDUAL  STATES. 

SEC.  10.  No  State  shall  enter  into  any  treaty,  alliance,  or  confederation; 
grant  letters  of  marque  and  reprisal;  coin  money;  emit  bills  of  credit;  make 
anything  but  gold  and  silver  coin  a  tender  in  payment  of  debts ;  pass  any  bill 
of  attainder,  ex  post  facto  law,  or  law  impairing  the  obligation  of  contracts,  or 
grant  any  title  of  nobility. 

No  State  shall,  without  the  consent  of  the  Congress,  lay  any  imposts  or 
duties  on  imports  or  exports,  except  what  may  be  absolutely  necessary  for  ex 
ecuting  its  inspection  laws;  and  the  net  produce  of  all  duties  and  imposts, 
laid  by  any  State  on  imports  or  exports,  shall  be  for  the  use  of  the  treasury 
of  the  United  States;  and  all  such  laws  shall  be  subject  to  the  revision  and 
control  of  the  Congress. 

No  State  shall,  without  the  consent  of  Congress,  lay  any  duty  of  tonnage, 
keep  troops,  or  ships  of  war,  in  time  of  peace,  enter  into  any  agreement  or 
compact  with  another  State,  or  with  a  foreign  power,  or  engage  in  war,  unless 
actually  invaded,  or  in  such  imminent-  danger  as  will  not  admit  of  delay. 


644  APPENDIX. 


AETICLE   II. 

EXECUTIVE   POWER. 

SEC.  1.  The  executive  power  shall  be  vested  in  a  President  of  the  United 
States  of  America.  He  shall  hold  his  office  during  the  term  of  frrar  years, 
and  together  with  the  Vice-President,  chosen  for  the  same  term,  be  elected 
"as  follows: 

MANNER  OP  ELECTING. 

Each  State  shall  appoint,  in  such  manner  as  the  Legislature  thereof  may 
direct,  a  number  of  electors,  equal  to  the  whole  number  of  Senators  and  Rep 
resentatives  to  which  the  State  may  be  entitled  in  the  Congress ;  but  no  Sen 
ator  or  Kepresentative,  or  person  holding  an  office  of  trust  or  profit  under  the 
United  States,  shall  be  appointed  an  elector. 

The-electors  shall  meet  in  their  respective  States,  and  vote  by  ballot  for 
two  persons,  of  whom  one  at  least  shall  not  be  an  inhabitant  with  the  same 
State  as  themselves.  And  they  shall  make  a  list  of  all  the  persons  voted  for, 
and  of  the  number  of  votes  for  each;  which  list  they  shall  sign  and  certify,  and 
transmit  sealed  to  the  seat  of  the  government  of  the  United  States,  directed 
to  the  President  of  the  Senate.  The  President  of  the  Senate  shall,  in  the 
presence  of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives,  open  all  the  certificates, 
and  the  votes  shall  then  be  counted.  The  person  having  the  greatest  number 
of  votes  shall  be  the  President,  if  such  number  be  a  majority  of  the  vdiolc 
number  of  electors  appointed;  and  if  there  be  more  than  one  who  have  such 
majority,  and  have  an  equal  number  of  votes,  then  the  House  of  Representa 
tives  shall  immediately  choose  by  ballot  one  of  them  for  President;  and  if  no 
person  have  a  majority,  then  from  the  five  highest  on  the  list  the  said  House 
shall  in  like  manner  choose  the  President.  But  in  choosing  the  President, 
the  votes  shall  be  taken  by  States,  the  representation  from  each  State  having 
one  vote;  a  quorum  for  this  purpose  shall  consist  of  a  member  or  members 
from  two-thirds  of  the  States,  and  a  majority  of  all  the  States  shall  be  neces 
sary  to  a  choice.  In  every  case,  after  the  choice  of  the  President,  the  person 
having  the  greatest  number  of  votes  of  the  electors  shall  be  the  Vice-presi 
dent.  But  if  there  should  remain  two  or  more  who  have  equal  votes,  the  Sen 
ate  shall  choose  from  them  by  ballot  the  Vice-President. 

TIME   OF   CHOOSING   ELECTORS. 

The  Congress  may  determine  the  time  of  choosing  the  electors,  and  the 
day  011  which  they  shall  give  their  votes;  which  day  shall  be  the  same  through 
out  the  United  States. 

WHO    ELIGIBLE. 

No  person  except  a  natural  born  citizen,  or  a  citizen  of  the  United  States 
at  the  time  of  the  adoption  of  this  Constitution,  shall  be  eligible  to  the  office 
of  President;  neither  shall  any  person  be  eligible  to  that  office  who  shall  not 
.have  attained  the  age  of  thirty-five  years,  and  been  fourteen  years  a  resident 
within  the  United  States. 

WHEN  THE  PRESIDENT'S  POWEE  DEVOLVES  ON  THE  VICE-PRESIDENT. 

In  case  of  the  removal  of  the  President  from  office,  or  of  his  death,  resig 
nation,  or  inability  to  discharge  the  powers  and  duties  of  the  said  office,  the 
same  shall  devolve  on  the  Vice-President,  and  the  Congress  may  by  law  pro 
vide  for  the  case  of  removal,  death,  resignation,  or  inability,  both  of  the 
President  and  Vice-President,  declaring  what  officer  shall  then  act  as  Presi 
dent,  and  such  officer  shall  act  accordingly,  until  the  disability  be  removed, 
or  a  President  shall  be  elected. 

PRESIDENT'S  COMPENSATION. 

The  President  shall,  at  stated  times,  receive  for  his  services  a  compensation, 
which  shall  neither  be  increased  nor  diminished  during  the  period  for  which 
he  shall  have  been  elected,  and  he  shall  not  receive  within  that  period  any 
other  emolument  from  the  United  States,  or  any  of  them. 

OATH. 

Before  he  enter  on  the  execution  of  his  office,  he  shall  take  the  following 
oath  or  affirmation:  "  I  do  solemnly  swear  (or  affirm)  that  I  will  faithfully 


APPENDIX.  645 


execute  the  office  of  President  of  the  United  States,  and  will,  to  the  best  of 
my  ability,  preserve,  protect,  and  defend  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States." 

POWEES   AND  DUTIES. 

SEC.  2.  The  President  shall  be  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  army  and  navy 
of  the  United  States,  and  of  the  militia  of  the  several  States  when  called  into 
the  actual  service  of  the  United  States;  he  may  require  the  opinion,  in  writ 
ing,  of  the  principal  officer  in  each  of  the  executive  departments,  upon  any 
subject  relating  to  the  duties  of  their  respective  offices,  and  he  shall  have 
power  to  grant  reprieves  and  pardons  for  offenses  against  the  United  States, 
except  in  cases  of  impeachment;. 

He  shall  have  power,  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate,  to 
make  treaties,  provided  two-thirds  of  the  Senators  present  concur;  and  he 
shall  nominate,  and  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate,  shall 
appoint  ambassadors,  other  public  ministers  and  consuls,  Judges  of  the  Su 
preme  Coiu't,  and  all  other  officers  of  the  United  States,  whose  appointments 
are  not  herein  otherwise  provided  for,  and  which  shall  be  established  by  law; 
but  the  Congress  may  by  law  vest  the  appointment  of  such  inferior  officers, 
as  they  think  proper,  in  the  President  alone,  in  the  Courts  of  law,  or  in  the 
heads  of  departments. 

The  President  shall  have  power  to  fill  up  all  vacancies  that  may  happen 
during  the  recess  of  the  Senate,  by  granting  commissions  which  shall  expire  at 
the  end  of  their  next  session. 

SEC.  3.  He  shall,  from  time  to  time,  give  to  the  Congress  information  of  the 
state  of  the  Union,  and  recommend  to  their  consideration  such  measures  as 
he  shall  judge  necessary  and  expedient;  hegiiay,  on  extraordinary  occasions, 
convene  both  houses,  or  either  of  them,  and  in  case  of  disagreement  between 
them,  with  respect  to  the  time  of  adjournment,  he  may  adjourn  them  to  such 
time  as  he  shall  think  proper;  he  shall  receive  ambassadors  and  other  public 
ministers;  he  shall  take  care  that  the  laws  be  faithfully  executed,  and  shall 
commission  all  the  officers  of  the  United  States. 

OFFICEES  REMOVED. 

SEC.  4.  The  President,  Vice-President,  and  all  civil  officers  of  the-  United 
States,  shall  be  removed  from  office,  on  impeachment  for,  and  conviction  of, 
treason,  bribery,  or  other  high  crimes  and  misdemeanors. 

AKTICLE  III. 

OF  THE   JUDICIAEY. 

SEC.  1.  The  judicial  power  of  the  United  States  shall  be  vested  in  one  Su 
preme  Court,  and  in  such  inferior  Courts  as  the  Congress  may  from  time  to 
time  ordain  and  establish.  The  Judges,  both  of  the  Supreme  and  inferior 
Courts,  shall  hold  their  offices  during  good  behavior,  and  shall,  at  stated 
times,  receive  for  their  services  a  compensation  which  shall  not  be  diminished 
during  their  continuance  in  office. 

SEC.  2.  The  judicial  power  shall  extend  to  all  cases,  in  law  and  equity,  aris 
ing  under  this  Constitution,  the  laws  of  the  United  States,  and  treaties  made, 
or  which  shall  be  made,  under  their  authority;  to  all  cases  affecting  ambas 
sadors,  other  public  ministers  and  consuls;  to  all  cases  of  admiralty  and 
maritime  jurisdiction;  to  controversies  to  which  the  United  States  shall  be  a 
party;  to  controversies  between  two  or  more  States;  between  a  State  and 
citizens  of  another  State;  between  citizens  of  different  States;  between  citi 
zens  of  the  same  State  claiming  lands  under  grants  of  different  States,  and 
between  a  State,  or  the  citizens  .thereof,  and  foreign  States,  citizens,  or  sub 
jects. 

JURISDICTION  OP   SUPEEME   COUET. 

In  all  cases  affecting  ambassadors,  other  public  ministers  and  consuls,  and 
those  in  which  a  State  shall  be  a  party,  the  Supreme  Court  shall  have  orig 
inal  jurisdiction.  In  all  the  other  cases  before  mentioned,  the  Supreme  Court 
shall  have  appellate  jurisdiction,  both  as  to  law  and  fact,  with  such  exceptions, 
and  under  such  regulations  as  the  Congress  shall  make. 


646  APPENDIX. 


OF  TRIALS   FOE   CRIMES. 

The  trial  of  all  crimes,  except  in  cases  of  impeachment,  shall  be  by  jury; 
and  such  trial  shall  be  held  in  the  State  where  the  said  crimes  shall  have  been 
committed;  but  when  not  committed  within  any  State,  the  trial  shall  be  at  such 
place  or  places  as  the  Congress  may  by  law  have  directed. 

OF  TREASON. 

SEC.  3.  Treason  against  the  United  States  shall  consist  only  in  levying  war 
against  them,  or  in  adhering  to  their  enemies,  giving  them  aid  and  comfort. 

No  person  shall  be  convicted  of  treason  unless  on  the  testimony  of  two  wit 
nesses  to  the  same  overt  act,  or  on  confession  in  open  Court. 

The  Congress  shall  have  power  to  declare  the  punishment  of  treason,  but 
ao  attainder  of  treason  shall  work  corruption  of  blood,  or  forfeiture,  except 
during  the  life  of  the  person  attainted. 

AETICLE  IV. 

STATE   ACTS. 

SEC.  1.  Full  faith  and  credit  shall  be  given  in  each  State  to  the  public  acts, 
Records,  and  judicial  proceedings  of  every  other  State.  And  the  Congress 
may,  by  general  laws,  prescribe  the  manner  in  which  such  acts,  records,  and 
proceedings  shall  be  proved,  and  the  effect  thereof. 

PRIVILEGES  OF  CITIZENS. 

SEC.  2.  The  citizens  of  each  State  shall  be  entitled  to  all  privileges  and  im 
munities  of  citizens  in  the  several  States. 

A  person  charged  in  any  State  with  treason,  felony,  or  other  crime,  who 
shall  flee  from  justice,  and  be  found  in  another  State,  shall,  on  demand  of  the 
executive  authority  of  the  State  from  which  he  fled,  be  delivered  up,  i;o  be  re 
moved  to  the  State  having  jurisdiction  of  the  crime. 

RUNAWAYS  TO   BE   DELIVERED  UP. 

No  person  held  to  service  or  labor  in  one  State,  under  the  laws  thereof,  es 
caping  into  another,  shall,  in  consequence  of  any  law  or  regulation  therein, 
be  discharged  from  such  service  or  labor,  but  shall  be  delivered  up  on  claim 
of  the  party  to  whom  such  service  or  labor  may  be  due 

NEW  STATES. 

SEC.  3.  New  States  may  be  admitted  by  the  Congress  into  this  Union;  but 
no  new  State  shall  be  formed  or  erected  within  the  jurisdiction  of  any  other 
State ;  nor  any  State  be  formed  by  the  junction  of  two  or  more  States,  or  parts 
of  States,  without  the  consent  of  the  Legislatures  of  the  States  concerned  as 
well  as  of  the  Congress. 

TERRITORIAL  AND   OTHER  PROPERTY. 

The  Congress  shall  have  power  to  dispose  of,  and  make  all  needful  rules 
and  regulations  respecting,  the  territory,  or  other  property  belonging  to  the 
United  States;  and  nothing  in  this  Constitution  shall  be  so  construed  as  to 
prejudice  any  claims  of  the  United  States,  or  of  any  particular  State. 

SEC.  4.  The  United  States  shall  guarantee  to  every  State  in  this  Union  a  re 
publican  form  of  government,  and  shall  protect  each  of  them  against  invasion ; 
and,  on  application  of  the  Legislature,  or  of  the  Executive  (when  the  Legisla 
ture  cannot  be  convened),  against  domestic  violence. 

AETICLE  V. 

AMENDMENTS. 

The  Congress,  whenever  two-thiras  ul  !,oth  Houses  shall  deem  it  necessary, 
shall  propose  amendments  to  this  Constitution ;  or,  on  the  application  of  the 
Legislatures  of  two-thirds  of  the  several  States,  shall  call  a  Convention  for 
proposing  amendments,  which,  in  either  case,  shall  be  valid  to  all  intents  and 
purposes,  as  part  of  this  Constitution,  when  ratified  by  the  Legislatures  of 
three-fourths  of  the  several  States,  or  by  Conventions  in  three-fourths  thereof, 
as  the  one  or  the  other  mode  of  ratification  may  be  proposed  by  Congress; 
provided,  that  no  amendment  which  may  be  made  prior  to  the  year  one  thou 
sand  eight  hundred  and  eight,  shall  in  any  manner  affect  the  first  and  fourth 


APPENDIX.  647 


clauses  in  the  ninth  Section  of  the  first  Article ;  and  that  no  State,  without  its 
consent,  shall  be  deprived  of  its  equal  suffrage  in  the  Senate. 

AKTICLE  VI. 

DEBTS. 

All  debts  contracted,  and  engagements  entered  into,  before  the  adoption  of 
this  Constitution,  shall  be  as  valid  against  the  United  States  under  this  Con 
stitution,  as  under  the  Confederation. 

SUPREME   LAW  OF  THE  LAND. 

This  Constitution,  and  the  laws  of  the  United  States  which  shall  be  made 
in  pursuance  thereof,  and  all  treaties  made,  or  which  shall  be  made,  under  the 
authority  of  the  United  States,  shall  be  the  supreme  law  of  the  land;  and  the 
Judges  in  every  State  shall  be  bound  thereby,  anything  in  the  Constitution  or 
laws  of  any  State  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding. 

OATH. — NO   BELIGIOUS   TEST. 

The  Senators  and  Representatives  before  mentioned,  and  the  members  of 
the  several  State  Legislatures,  and  all  executive  and  judicial  officers,  both  of 
the  United  States  and  of  the  several  States,  shall  be  bound  by  oath  or  affirma 
tion  to  support  this  Constitution;  but  no  religious  test  shall  ever  be  required 
as  a  qualification  to  any  office,  or  public  trust,  under  the  United  States. 

ARTICLE  VII. 

The  ratifications  of  the  Conventions  of  nine  States  shall  be  sufficient  for 
the  establishment  of  this  Constitution  between  the  States  so  ratifying  the 
same. 

Done  in  Convention,  by  the  unanimous  consent  of  the  States  present,  the 
seventeenth  day  of  September,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  seven 
hundred  and  eighty-seven,  and  of  the  Independence  of  the  United  States  of 
America  the  twelfth.  In  witness  whereof  we  have  hereunto  subscribed  our 

GEORGE  WASHINGTON, 

President,  and  Deputy  from  Virginia. 

New  Hampshire — John  Langdon,  Nicholas  Gilman.  Massachusetts — Nathan 
iel  Gorham,  Rufus  King.  Connecticut — William  Samuel  Johnson,  Roger  Sher 
man.  New  York — Alexander  Hamilton.  New  Jersey — William  Livingston, 
David  Brearley,  William  Patterson,  Jonathan  Dayton.  Pennsylvania — Benjamin 
Franklin,  Thomas  Miffliii,  Robert  Morris,  George  Clymer,  Thomas  Fitzsim- 
moiis,  Jared  Ingersoll,  James  Wilson,  Governeur  Morris.  Delaware — George 
Read,  Gunning  Bedford,  Jr.,  John  Dickinson,  Richard  Bassett,  Jacob  Broom. 
Maryland — James  M'Henry,  Daniel  of  St.  Tho.  Jenifer,  Daniel  Carroll.  Vir 
ginia — John  Blair,  James  Madison,  Jr.  North  Carolina — William  Blount, 
Richard  Dobbs  Spaight,  Hugh  Williamson.  South  Carolina— John  Rutleclge, 
Chas.  Cotesworth  Pinckney,  Charles  Pinckney,  Pierce  Butler.  Georgia — Wil 
liam  Few,  Abraham  Baldwin. 

Attest  WILLIAM  JACKSON,  Secretary. 


AMENDMENTS  TO  THE  CONSTITUTION. 

[The  first  ten  amendments  were  proposed  by  Congress  at  their  first  sessionrin  1789.  Th& 
eleventh  was  proposed  in  1794,  and  the  twelfth  in  1803.] 

ARTICLE  I. 

:FREE  EXEECTSE  OP  RELIGION. 

Congress  shall  make  no  law  respecting  an  establishment  of  religion,  or  pro 
hibiting  the  free  exercise  thereof;  or  abridging  the  freedom  of  speech,  or  of 
the  press;  or  the  right  of  the  people  peaceably  to  assemble,  and  to  petition 
the  Government  for  a  redress  of  grievances. 


648  APPENDIX. 


AETICLE  II. 

EIGHT  TO   BEAK  ARMS. 

A  well  regulated  militia  being  necessary  to  the  security  of  a  free  State,  the 
right  of  the  people  to  keep  and  bear  arms  shall  not  be  infringed. 

AKTICLE  III. 

NO  SOLDIER   TO  BE   BLLLETED,    ETC. 

No  soldier  shall,  in  time  of  peace,  be  quartered  in  any  house  without  the 
consent  of  the  owner;  nor  in  time  of  war,  but  in  a  manner  to  be  prescribed 
by  law. 

AETICLE  IV. 

UNSEASONABLE   SEARCHES  PROHIBITED. 

The  right  of  the  people  to  be  secure  in  their  persons,  houses,  papers,  and 
effects,  against  unreasonable  searches  and  seizures,  shall  not  be  violated;  and 
no  warrants  shall  issue  but  upon  probable  cause,  supported  by  oath  or  affirm 
ation,  and  particularly  describing  the  place  to  be  searched,  and  the  persons  or 
things  to  be  seized. 

ABTICLE  V. 

CRIMINAL   PROCEEDINGS. 

No  person  shall  be  held  to  answer  for  a  capital  or  otherwise  infamous  crime, 
unless  on  a  presentment  or  indictment  of  a  Grand  Jury,  except  in  cases  arising 
in  the  land  or  naval  forces,  or  in  the  militia,  when  in  actual  service,  in  time  of 
war  or  public  danger;  nor  shall  any  person  be  subject  for  the  same  offense  to 
be  put  twice  in  jeopardy  of  life  or  limb;  nor  shall  be  compelled,  in  any  crim 
inal  case,  to  be  a  witness  against  himself;  nor  be  deprived  of  life,  liberty,  or 
property  without  due  process  of  law;  nor  shall  private  property  be  taken  for 
public  use  without  just  compensation. 

AKTICLE  VI. 

MODE   OF  TRIAL. 

In  all  criminal  prosecutions  the  accused  shall  enjoy  the  right  to  a  speedy 
and  public  trial,  by  an  impartial  jury  of  the  State  and  district  wherein  the 
crime  shall  have  been  committed,  which  district  shall  have  been  previously 
ascertained  by  law,  and  to  be  informed  of  the  nature  and  cause  of  the  accusa 
tion;  to  be  confronted  with  the  witnesses  against  him;  to  have  compulsory 
process  for  obtaining  witnesses  in  his  favor;  and  to  have  the  assistance  of 
counsel  for  his  defense. 

AETICLE  VII. 

EIGHT   OF   TRIAL   BY  JURY. 

In  suits  at  common  law,  where  the  value  in  controversy  shall  exceed  twenty 
dollars,  the  'jight  of  trial  by  jury  shall  be  preserved;  and  no  fact  tried  by  jury 
shall  be  otherwise  re-examined  in  any  Court  of  the  United  States  than  accord 
ing  to  the  roles  of  the  common  law. 

AETICLE  VIII. 

BAIL.  —  FINES. 

Excessive  bail  shall  not  be  required,  nor  excessive  fines  imposed,  nor  cruel 
and  unusual  punishments  inflicted. 

AETICLE  IX. 

EIGHTS  NOT   ENUMERATED. 

The  enumeration  in  the  Constitution  of  certain  rights,,  shall  not  be-  con 
strued  to  deny  or  disparage  others  retained  by  the  people. 

AETICLE  X. 

POWERS  RESERVED. 

The  powers  not  delegated  to  the  United  States  by  the  Constitution,  nor 
prohibited  by  it  to  the  States,  are  reserved  to  the  States  respectively  or  to  the 
people. 


APPENDIX.  649 


ARTICLE  XI. 

LIMITATION   OF   JUDICIAL  POWEB. 

The  judicial  power  of  the  United  States  shall  not  be  construed  to  extend  to 
any  suit  in  law  or  equity  commenced  or  prosecuted  against  one  of  the  United 
States  by  citizens  of  another  State,  or  by  citizens  or  subjects  of  another  State, 
or  by  citizens  or  subjects  of  any  foreign  State. 

ARTICLE  XH. 

ELECTION   OF  PRESIDENT. 

The  electors  shall  meet  in  their  respective  States,  and  vote  by  ballot 
for  President  and  Vice-President,  one  of  whom,  at  least,  shall  not  be  an 
inhabitant  of  the  same  State  with  themselves;  they  shall  name  in  their 
ballots  the  person  voted  for  as  President,  and  in  distinct  ballots  the  person 
voted  for  as  Vice-President;  and  they  shall  make  distinct  lists  of  all  persons 
voted  for  as  President  and  of  all  persons  voted  for  as  Vice-President,  and  of 
the  number  of  votes  for  each,  which  list  they  shall  sign  and  certify,  and  trans 
mit  sealed  to  the  seat  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  directed  to  the 
President  of  the  Senate;  the  President  of  the  Senate  shall,  in  the  presence  of 
the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives,  open  all  the  certificates,  and  the 
votes  shall  then  be  counted;  the  person  having  the  greatest  number  of  votes 
for  President  shall  be  the  President,  if  such  number  be  a  majority  of  the 
whole  number  of  electors  appointed;  and  if  no  person  have  such  a  majority, 
then  from  the  persons  having  the  highest  numbers,  not  exceeding  three,  on 
the  list  of  those  voted  for  as  President,  the  House  of  Representatives  shall 
choose  immediately  by  ballot  the  President.  But  in  choosing  the  President, 
the  votes  shall  be  taken  by  States,  the  representatives  from  each  State  having 
one  vote;  a  quorum  for  this  purpose  shall  consist  of  a  member  or  members 
from  two-thirds  of  the  States,  and  a  majority  of  all  the  States  shall  be  neces 
sary  to  a  choice.  And  if  the  House  of  Representatives  shall  not  choose  a 
President  whenever  the  right  of  choice  shall  devolve  upon  them,  before  the 
fourth  day  of  March  next  following,  then  the  Vice-President  shall  act  as 
President,  as  in  the  case  of  the  death  or  other  Constitutional  disability  of  the 
President. 

The  person  having  the  greatest  number  of  votes  as  Vice-President  shall 
be  the  Vice-President,  if  such  number  be  a  majority  of  the  whole  num 
ber  of  electors  appointed;  and  if  no  person  have  a  majority,  then  from  the 
two  highest  numbers  on  the  list,  the  Senate  shall  choose  the  Vice-President : 
a  quorum  for  the  purpose  shall  consist  of  two-thirds  of  the  whole  number 
of  Senators,  and  a  majority  of  the  whole  number  shall  be  necessary  to  a 
choice. 

But  no  person  Constitutionally  ineligible  to  the  office  of  President  shall 
be  eligible  to  that  of  Vice-President  of  the  United  States. 

[Ratified  in  1835.] 

ARTICLE    Xni. 

SECTION  1.  Neither  Slavery  nor  involuntary  servitude,  except  as  a  pun 
ishment  for  crime,  whereof  the  party  shall  have  been  duly  convicted,  shall 
exist  within  the  United  States,  or  any  place  subject  to  their  jurisdiction. 

SEC.  2.  Congress  shall  have  power  to  enforce  this  article  by  appropriate 
legislation. 

'  [Ratified  in  1868.] 

ARTICLE   XIV. 

SECTION  1.  All  persons  born  or  naturalized  in  the  United  States,  and 
subject  to  the  jurisdiction  thereof,  are  citizens  of  the  United  States,  and  of  the 
State  wherein  they  reside.  No  State  shall  make  or  enforce  any  law  which 
shall  abridge  the  privileges  and  immunities  of  citizens  of  the  United  States. 
Nor  shall  any  State  deprive  any  person  of  life,  liberty,  or  property,  without 
due  process  of  law,  nor  deny  to  any  person  withm  its  jurisdiction  the  equal 
protection  of  the  laws. 

SEC.  2.    Representatives  shall  be  apportioned  among  the  several  States 


650  APPENDIX. 


according  to- their  respective  numbers,  counting  the  whole  number  of  persons 
in  each  State,  excluding  Indians  not  taxed  ;  but  whenever  the  right  to  vote  at 
any  election  for  electors  of  President  and  Vice-President,  or  United  States 
Representatives  in  Congress,  executive  and  judicial  officers,  or  the  members 
of  the  Legislature  thereof,  is  denied  to  any  of  the  male  inhabitants  of  such 
State,  being  twenty-one  years  of  age,  and  citizens  of  the  United  States,  or  in 
any  way  abridged,  except  for  participation  in  rebellion  or  other  crimes,  the 
basis  of  representation  therein  shall  be  reduced  in  the  proportion  which  the 
number  of  such  male  citizens  shall  bear  to  the  whole  number  of  male  citizens 
twenty-one  years  of  age  in  that  State. 

SEC.  3.  No  person  shall  be  a  Senator  or  Representative  in  Congress, 
elector  of  President  and  Vice-President,  or  hold  any  office,  civil  or  military, 
under  the  United  States,  or  under  any  State,  who,  having  previously  taken  an 
oath  as  a  member  of  Congress,  or  as  an  officer  of  the  United  States,  or  as  a 
member  of  any  State  Legislature,  or  as  an  executive  or  judicial  officer  of  any 
State,  to  support  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  shall  have  engaged 
in  insurrection  or  rebellion  against  the  same,  or  given  aid  or  comfort  to  the 
enemies  thereof ;  but  Congress  may,  by  a  vote  of  two-thirds  of  each  House, 
remove  such  disability. 

SEC.  4.  The  validity  of  the  public  debt  of  the  United  States  authorized 
by  law,  including  debts  incurred  for  the  payment  of  pensions  and  bounties 
for  service  in  suppressing  insurrection  or  rebellion,  shall  not  be  questioned  ; 
but  neither  the  United  States  nor  any  State  shall  assume  or  pay  any  debt  or 
obligation  incurred  in  aid  of  insurrection  or  rebellion  against  the  United 
States,  or  any  claim  for  the  loss  or  emancipation  of  any  slave,  but  all  such 
debts,  obligations,  and  claims  shall  be  illegal  and  void. 

SEC.  5.  The  Congress  shall  have  power  to  enforce,  by  appropriate  legis 
lation,  the  provisions  of  this  Article. 


CONSTITUTION  OF  THE  CONFEDEBATE  STATES, 

On  the  Hth  of  March,  1861,  a  "permanent"  Constitution  was 
adopted  by  the  Confederate  Congress.  It  followed  and  adopted 
in  almost  exact  sections  and  language  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States.  The  parts  in  which  it  differs  from  that  instru 
ment,  either  by  variation  from  or  addition  to,  is  here  given, 
which,  by  comparing  with  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States, 
will  present  the  Confederate  Constitution  entire.  In  regulating 
the  basis  of  representation,  "three-fifths  of  all  slaves33  are  enu 
merated: 

"  The  Congress  of  the  Confederate  States  of  America  do  enact:  That  in  order 
to  provide  speedily,  forces  to  repel  invasion,  maintain  the  rightful  possession 
of  the  Confederate  States  of  America  in  every  portion  of  territory  belonging 
to  each  State,  and  to  secure  the  public  tranquillity  and  independence  against 
threatened  assault,  the  President  be  and  he  is  hereby  authorized  to  employ 
the  militia,  military  and  naval  forces  of  the  Confederate  States  of  America, 
and  ask  for  and  accept  the  services  of  any  number  of  volunteers,  not  exceed 
ing  one  hundred  thousand,  who  may  offer  their  services,  either  as  cavalry, 
mounted  rifle,  artillery  or  infantry,  in  such  proportion  of  these  several  arms 
as  he  may  deem  expedient,  to  serve  for  twelve  months  after  they  shall  be 
mustered  into  service,  unless  sooner  discharged — 

"We,  the  people  of  the  Confederate  States,  each  State  acting  in  its  sov 
ereign  and  independent  character,  in  .order  to  form  a  permanent  Federal 
Government,  establish  justice,  insure  domestic  tranquillity,  and  secure  the 
blessings  of  liberty  to  ourselves  and  our  posterity — invoking  the  favor  and 
guidance  of  Almighty  God — do  ordain  and  establish  this  Constitution  for  the 
Confederate  States  of  America. 

"The  House  of  Eepresentatives  shall  be  composed  of  members  chosen 


APPENDIX.  651 


every  second  year  by  the  people  of  the  several  States;  and  the  electors  in  each 
State  shall  be  citizens  of  the  Confederate  States,  and  have  the  qualifications 
requisite  for  electors  of  the  most  numerous  branch  of  the  State  Legislature; 
but  110  person  of  foreign  birth  not  a  citizen  of  the  Confederate  States,  shall 
be  allowed  to  vote  for  any  officer,  civil  or  political,  State  or  Federal. 

"  The  State  of  South  Carolina  shall  be  entitled  to  choose  six,  the  State  of 
Georgia  ten,  the  State  of  Alabama  nine,  the  State  of  Florida  two,  the  State  of 
Mississippi  seven,  the  State  of  Louisiana  six,  and  the  State  of  Texas  six. 

"The  House  of  Eepresentatives  shall  choose  their  Speaker  and  other 
officers,  and  shall  have  the  sole  power  of  impeachment,  except  that  any 
judicial  or  other  Confederate  officer,  resident  and  acting  solely  within  the 
limits  of  any  State,  may  be  impeached  by  a  vote  of  two-thirds  of  both 
branches  of  the  Legislature  thereof. 

"  Congress  may,  by  law,  grant  to  the  principal  officer  in  each  of  the  Execu 
tive  Departments  a  seat  upon  the  floor  of  either  House,  with  the  privilege  of 
discussing  any  measures  appertaining  to  his  Department. 

"The  President  may  approve  any  appropriation  and  disapprove  any  other 
appropriation  in  the  same  bill.  In  such  case  he  shall,  in  signing  the  bill, 
designate  the  appropriations  disapproved,  and  shall  return  a  copy  of  such 
appropriations,  with  his  objections,  to  the  House  in  which  the  bill  shall  have 
originated,  and  the  same  proceeding  shall  then  be  had  as  in  case  of  other  bills 
disapproved  by  the  President. 

"No  bounties  shall  be  granted  from  the  Treasury,  nor  shall  any  duties  or 
taxes  on  importations  from  foreign  nations  be  laid  to  promote  or  foster  any 
branch  of  industry. 

"  Congress  shall  have  power  to  regulate,  commerce  with  foreign  nations  and' 
among  the  several  States,  and  with  the  Indian  tribes ;  but  neither  this  nor 
any  other  clause  contained  in  the  Constitution  shall  ever  be  construed  to 
delegate  the  power  to  Congress  to  appropriate  money  for  any  internal 
improvement  intended  to  facilitate  commerce ;  except  for  the  purpose  of  fur 
nishing  lights,  beacons,  and  buoys,  and  other  aids  to  navigation  upon  the 
coasts,  and  the  improvement  of  harbors,  and  the  removing  of  obstructions  in 
river  navigation,  in  all  of  which  cases  such  duties  shall  be  laid  on  the  naviga 
tion  facilitated  thereby  as  may  be  necessary  to  pay  the  costs  and  expenses 
thereof. 

' '  The  importation  of  negroes  of  the  African  race  from  any  foreign  country, 
other  than  the  slaveholding  States  or  Territories  of  the  United  States  of 
America,  is  hereby  forbidden  ;  and  Congress  is  required  to  pass  such  laws  as 
shall  effectually  prevent  the  same.  Congress  shall  also  have  power  to  pro 
hibit  the  introduction  of  slaves  from  any  State  not  a  member  of  or  Territory 
not  belonging  to  this  Confederacy. 

"No  tax  or  duty  shall  be  laid  on  articles  exported  from  any  State,  except 
by  a  vote  of  two-thirds  of  both  Houses. 

"  Congress  shall  appropriate  no  money  from  the  Treasury  except  by  a  vote 
of  two-thirds  of  both  Houses,  taken  by  yeas  and  nays,  unless  it  be  asked  and 
estimated  for  by  some  one  of  the  Heads  of  Departments,  and  submitted  to  Con 
gress  by  the  President,  or  for  the  purpose  of  paying  its  own  expenses  and 
contingencies,  or  for  the  payment  of  claims  against  the  Confederate  States, 
the  justice  of  which  shall  have  been  judicially  declared  by  a  tribunal  for  the 
investigation  of  claims  against  the  Government,  which  it  is  hereby  made  the 
duty  of  Congress  to  establish. 

"All  bills  appropriating  money  shall  specify  in  Federal  currency  the  exact 
amount  of  each  appropriation,  and  the  purposes  for  which  it  is  made  ;  and 
Congress  shall  grant  no  extra  compensation  to  any  public  contractor,  officer, 
agent,  or  servant,  after  such  contract  shall  have  been  made  or  such  service 
rendered. 

"Every  law  or  resolution  having  the  force  of  law  shall  relate  to  but  one 
subject,  and  that  shall  be  expressed*  in  the  title. 

"No  State  shall,  without  the  consent  of  Congress,  lay  any  duty  on  tonr-ape, 
except  on  sea-going  vessels,  for  the  improvment  of  its  rivers  and  harbors  navv- 
gated  by  the  said  vessels,  but  such  duties  shall  not  conflict  with  any  treaties 
of  the  Confederate  States  with  foreign  nations  ;  and  any  surplus  of  revenue 
tMss  derived  shall,  after  making  such  improvement,  be  paid  into  the  common 


652  APPENDIX. 


ry;  nor  shall  any  State  keep  troops  or  ships-of-war  in  time  of  p 
enter  into  any  agreement  or  compact  with  another  State,  or  with  a  foreign 
power,  or  engage  in  war,  unless  actually  invaded,  or  in  such  imminent  danger 
as  will  not  admit  of  delay.  But  when  any  river  divides  or  flows  through  two 
or  more  States,  they  may  enter  into  compacts  with  each  other  to  improve  the 
navigation  thereof. 

_  ^No  person  except  a  natural  born  citizen  of  the  Confederate  States,  or  a 
citizen  thereof  at  the  time  of  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution,  or  a  citizen 
thereof  born  in  the  United  States  prior  to  the  20th  of  December,  1860,  shall 
be  eligible  to  the  office  of  President  ;  neither  shall  any  person  be  eligible  to 
that  office  who  shall  not  have  attained  the  age  of  thirty-five  years,  and  been 
fourteen  years  a  resident  within  the  limits  of  the  Confederate  States,  as  they 
may  exist  at  the  time  of  his  election. 

"  The  principal  officer  in  each  of  the  Executive  Departments,  and  all  per 
sons  connected  with  the  diplomatic  service,  may  be  removed  from  office  at  the 
pleasure  of  the  President.  All  other  civil  officers  of  the  Executive  Depart 
ment  may  be  removed  at  any  time  by  the  President,  or  other  appointing  power, 
when  their  services  are  unnecessary,  or  for  dishonesty,  incapacity,  inefficiency, 
misconduct,  or  neglect  of  duty;  and  when  so  removed,  the  removal  shall  be 
reported  to  the  Senate,  together  with  the  reasons  therefor. 

"The  President  shall  have  power  to  fill  all  vacancies  that  may  happen  dur 
ing  the  recess  of  the  Senate,  by  granting  commissions  which  shall  expire  at 
the  end  of  their  next  session;  but  no  person  rejected  by  the  Senate,  shall  be 
re-appointed  to  the  same  office  during  their  ensuing  recess. 

'  '  Tho  citizens  of  each  State  shall  be  entitled  to  all  the  privileges  and  immu 
nities  of  citizens  in  the  several  States,  and  shall  have  the  right  of  transit  and 
sojourn  in  any  State  of  this  Confederacy,  with  their  slaves  and  other  property; 
and  the  right  of  property  in  said  slaves  shall  not  be  thereby  impaired. 

'  '  A  person  charged  in  any  State  with  treason,  felony,  or  other  crime  against 
the  laws  of  such  State,  who  shall  flee  from  justice  and  be"  found  in  another 
State,  shall,  on  demand  of  the  Executive  authority  of  the  State  from  which  he 
fled,  be  delivered  up  to  be  removed  to  the  State  having  jurisdiction  of  the 
crime. 

"No  slave  or  other  person  held  to  service  or  labor  in  any  State  or  Territory 
of  the  Confederate  States,  under  the  laws  thereof,  escaping  or  lawfully  car 
ried  into  another,  shall,  in  consequence  of  any  law  or  regulation  therein,  be 
discharged  from  such  service  or  labor,  but  shall  be  delivered  up  on  claim  of 
the  party  to  whom  such  slave  belongs,  or  to  whom  such  service  or  labor  may 
be  due. 

*  '  Other  States  may  be  admitted  into  this  Confederacy  by  a  vote  of  two-thirds 
of  the  whole  House  of  Representatives  and  two-thirds  of  the  Senate,  the 
Senate  voting  by  States;  but  no  new  State  shall  be  formed  or  erected  within 
the  jurisdiction  of  any  other  State,  nor  any  State  be  formed  by  the  junction  of 
two  or  more  States,  or  parts  of  States,  without  the  consent  of  the  Legislatures 
of  the  States  concerned  as  well  as  of  the  Congress. 

"The  Congress  shall  have  power  to  dispose  of  and  make  all  needful  rules 
and  regulations  concerning  the  property  of  the  Confederate  States,  including 
the  laws  thereof. 

"The  Confederate  States  may  acquire  new  territory,  and  Congress  shall 
have  power  to  legislate  and  provide  Governments  for  the  inhabitants  of  all 
territory  belonging  to  the  Confederate  States  lying  without  the  limits  of  the 
several  States,  and  may  permit  them,  at  such  times  and  in  such  manner  as  it 
may  by  law  provide,  to  form  States  to  be  admitted  into  the  Confederacy.  In 
all  such  territory  the  institution  of  negro  Slavery,  as  it  now  exists  in  the  Con 
federate  States,  shall  be  recognized  and  protected  by  Congress  and  by  the  Ter 
ritorial  Government;  and  the  inhabitants  of  the  several  Confederate  States 
and  Territories  shall  have  the  right  to  take  to  such  Territory  any  slaves  law 
fully  held  by  them  in  any  of  the  States  "  or  Territories  of  the  Confederate 
States. 

"Upon  the  demand  of  any  three  States,  legally  assembled  in  their  several 
Conventions,  the  Congress  shall  summon  a  Convention  of  all  the  States  to 
take  into  consideration  such  amendments  to  the  Constitution  as  the  said 
States  shall  concur  in  suggesting  at  the  time  when  the  said  demand  is  made: 


APPENDIX.  653 


and  should  any  of  the  proposed  amendments  to  the  Constitution  be  agreed  on 
by  the  said  Convention,  voting  by  States,  and  the  same  be  ratified  by  the  Leg 
islatures  of  two-thirds  of  the  several  States,  or  by  Conventions  in  two-thirds 
thereof— as  the  one  or  the  other  mode  of  ratification  may  be  proposed  by  the 
General  Convention — they  shall  thenceforward  form  a  part  of  this  Constitu 
tion. 

"The  Government  established  by  this  Constitution  is  the  successor  of  the 
Provisional  Government  of  the  Confederate  States  of  America,  and  all  the 
laws  passed  by  the  latter  shall  continue  in  force  until  the  same  shall  be  repealed 
or  modified;  and  all  the  officers  appointed  by  the  same  shall  remain  in  office 
until  their  successors  are  appointed  and  qualified,  or  the  offices  abolished. 

"All  debts  contracted  and  engagements  entered  into  before  the  adoption  of 
this  Constitution  shall  be  as  valid  against  the  Confederate  States  under  this 
Constitution  as  under  the  Provisional  Government. 

"The  ratification  of  the  Conventions  of  five  States  shall  be  sufficient  for  the 
establishment  of  this  Constitution  between  the  States  so  ratifying  the  same. 

"When  five  States  shall  have  ratified  this  Constitution,  in  the  manner  be 
fore  specified,  the  Congress  under  the  Provisional  Constitution  shall  prescribe 
the  time  for  holding  the  election  of  President  and  Vice-President,  and  for  the 
meeting  of  the  Electoral  College,  and  for  counting  the  votes  and  inaugurating 
the  President.  They  shall  also  prescribe  the  time  for  holding  the  first  elec 
tion  of  Members  of  Congress  under  this  Constitution,  and  the  time  for  assem 
bling  the  same.  Until  the  assembling  of  such  Congress,  the  Congress  under 
the  Provisional  Constitution  shall  continue  to  exercise  the  legislative  powers 
granted  them,  not  extending  beyond  the  time  limited  by  the  Constitution  of 
the  Provisional  Government." 

42 


ANALYTICAL  INDEX. 


ABOLITION,  interest  in,  18;  of  Slavery  in  Mex 
ico,  133-4. 

ABOLITIONISTS  as  a  political  party,  163-7;  nom 
inate  James  G.  Birney  for  the  Presidency, 
164;  vote  of  the  party,  1G5;  nominate  Bir 
ney  a  second  time,  167;  increased  vote, 
167;  in  the  election  of  1848, 173;  National 
Convention  of  1852, 176;  they  merge  into 
the  Republican  party,  179-80, 

ADAMS,  JOHN,  in  Boston,  38;  on  committee  to 
draft  Declaration  of  Independence,  39; 
elected  Vice-President,  64 ;  as  a  Federalist, 
504;  first  and  second  election,  505,  602, 

ADAMS,  SAMUEL,  at  Bunker  Hill,  38. 

ADAMS,  JOHN  QUINCY,  proposes  to  purchase 
Texas,  104;  elected  by  Congress,  549-50; 
elected  President,  604. 

ALABAMA  secedes  from  the  United  States, 
213-14;  Constitution  and  citizenship,  424; 
population  and  newspaper  press,  528;  area 
and  population,  609;  newspapers  in,  615; 
real  and  personal  property,  618. 

ALABAMA  rebel  pirate,  sinking  of  by  the  Kear- 
sarge,  347-8. 

ALASKA,  area  and  population  of,  453;  acquired, 
531,  689. 

ALEXANDER  as  a  slave-dealer,  73;  army  of,  614. 

ALIENS,  rights  of  in  the  United  States;  may 
pre-empt  lands,  480-2;  Davis'  banishment 
of,  571. 

AMERICAN  PARTY,  convention  of  1856  nomi 
nate  Fillmore  and  Donelson,  180;  resolu 
tions  of,  181-2. 

AMNESTY,  proclamations  of  Andrew  Johnson 
of  July  4,  1868,  and  December  25,  1868; 
541-43. 

ANDERSON,  JUSTICE,  on  Slavery  in  California, 
158-9. 

ANDORA,  Republic  of,  591. 

ANGLO-SAXONS  as  slaves,  73. 

ANTI-FEDERLISTS,  origin  of,  504. 

APPENDIX,  601. 

ARCHY,  a  slave  in  California,  159-60. 

ARGENTINE  REPUBLIC,  a  Republic  of  South 
America,  594. 

ARIZONA,  area  and  population,  609. 

ARKANSAS  secedes  from  the  United  States,  214; 
Constitution  and  citizenship,  426-7;  area 
and  population,  609;  newspapers  in,  615; 
real  and  personal  property,  618. 

,ARTICLES  of  Confederation,  635. 

ARMY,  operations,  341-2;  McClellan's  remo 
val  from,  318-19;  his  resignation,  322-3; 
W.  H.  Halleck  Commander-in-Chief,  292; 
of  1776,  38;  Lincoln's  call  for,  262;  second 
call,  265;  troops  furnished  in  1864,  293; 
Grant's  address  to,  293-4;  Grant  Com 
mander-in-Chief,  292;  his  troops,  326; 
strength  of  in  1865,  342;  Generals  of,  350; 
operations  of  1865,  350-78;  total  raised 
during  the  war,  366-7;  Grant's  farewell  to, 
371-2;  of  1776  and  1861-'65,  613;  of  Sesos- 


tris,  Rhamses,  Alexander,  Napoleon,  Haa- 
nibal,  and  of  the  Crimea,  614;  of  the  "Coa-. 
federacy,"  614;  foreigners  in,  614. 

AUSTIN,  MOSES,  operations  in  Texas,  104. 

BANKS  in  America,  from  1740  to  1867,  616-17, 

BAKER,  E.  D.,  life  and  services;  speech  in 
answer  to  Benjamin,  on  the  war,  625-6, 

BARBARIANS  as  slaves  in  ancient  and  modern 
times,  8-3-4. 

"BARNBURNERS"  as  a  political  party,  171-2; 
they  nominate  Van  Buren  for  the  Presi 
dency,  172, 

BARKE,  COL.  ISAAC,  speech  in  the  British  Par 
liament  on  America,  628-9. 

BEAUTIES  OP  DEMOCRACY,  565-79. 

BELL,  JOHN,  nominated  for  the  Presidency, 
202;  vote  for,  206-7. 

BENTON,  THOMAS  H.,  speech  on  the  Oregon 
boundary,  169. 

BENJAMIN,  JUDAH  P.,  in  the  Confederate  Cab 
inet,  218. 

BERRY,  HENRY,  of  Virginia,  speech  opposing 
Slavery,  583. 

BIHNEY,  JAMES  G.,  nominated  for  the  Presi 
dency  by  the  Abolitionists,  164 ;  nominated 
a  second  time,  167, 

BLACK,  JEREMIAH  S.,  Attorney-General,  183; 
his  opinion  upon  Secession,  224-7;  resigns 
his  office,  234-5, 

BLACK  FLAG  to  be  raised,  500-1. 

BLAND,  MR.,  on  removal  from  office,  68-71. 

BOLIVIA,  a  republic  of  South  America,  594. 

BORDNAX,  MR.,  of  Virginia,  speech  opposing 
Slavery,  583. 

BOSTON,  throwing  the  tea  into  the  harbor  of, 
34;  trouble  with  the  British  troops,  37; 
first  newspaper  in  America  published  in, 
524;  convention  to  frame  articles  of  con 
federation,  632. 

BOOTH,  J.  WILKES,  assassinates  Abraham  Lin 
coln,  380-1;  flight,  capture  and  death  of, 
385-6. 

BOTELER,  A.  R.,  speech  on  reconstruction,  267. 

BOUDINOT,  ELIAS,  President  of  the  Continental 
Congress,  601. 

BOYCE,  W.  W.,  of  South  Carolina,  on  Seces 
sion,  209. 

BRAZIL  relaxes  the  chains  of  her  slaves,  536. 

BRECKINRIDGE,  J.  C.,  nominated  for  the  Vice- 
Presidency,  178;  nominated  for  the  Presi 
dency,  203;  vote  of,  in  1860,  206-7;  in  the 
U.  8.  Senate,  219;  elected  Vice-President, 
606. 

BREMEN,  a  free  city  of  Germany,  591. 

BRITISH  AMERICANS  in  the  United  States, 
464-5;  in  the  army,  614. 

BRITISH  rule  in  the  Colonies,  33-7;  troops  at 
Lexington,  Boston  and  Bunker  Hill,  36-7. 

BRIGHT,  JOHN,  advocates  extended  franchise, 
554. 

BROOKS,  PRESTON  S.,  of  South  Carolina,  on 
Secession,  184. 


656 


ANALYTICAL    INDEX. 


BEOOKS,  WAI/TEH,  on  reconstruction,  266. 

BROWN,  ALBERT  G.,  Senator  of  Mississippi, 
wanted  Cuba  and  Mexico,  185;  on  con 
scripting  the  people  of  the  South,  497; 
on  liberty  of  speech  and  the  press,  575. 

BKOWN,  JOHN,  James  Buchanan  offers  a  re 
ward  for,  183. 

BUCHANAN,  JAMES,  Secretary  of  State,  167; 
Commissioner  on  the  Oregon  boundary 
question,  168;  before  the  Democratic  Con 
vention  of  1852,  174;  nominated  in  1856, 
178;  elected  and  inaugurated,  selects  his 
Cabinet,  183, 606;  o<*ers  a  reward  for  John 
Brown,  183;  his  appointments,  194-5 ;  last 
days  of  his  rule,  112, 199;  his  last  message, 
220-22;  vetoes  the  Homestead  Bill,  519-67; 
his  character,  by  Mr.  Morris,  629-30, 

BULL  RUN,  battle  of,  265. 

BUNKER  HILL,  battle  of,  38. 

BURNETT,  JUSTICE,  his  opinion  in  the  case  of 
Archy,  159-60. 

BURR,  AARON,  elected  Vice-President,  549, 602. 

BUTLER,  Senator  of  South  Carolina,  'on  re 
bellion,  184. 

BUTLER,  PIERCE,  moved  for  the  reclamation  of 
slaves  in  the  Constitutional  Convention, 
57. 

CABINET,  salaries  of  officers  of,  608. 

CALIFORNIA  seeks  admission,  85-6;  acquisition 
of,  109  ;  Fremont's  expedition,  110-16 ; 
American  flag  first  raised,  111;  first  pos 
sessed  by  Americans,  112-13;  raising  the 
"Bear  Flag,"  112;  Com.  Sloat  takes  pos 
session,  113-14;  proclaimed  the  property 
of  the  United  States  Government,  115  ; 
John  C.  Calhoun  opposes  her  admission, 
86;  Constitutional  Convention,  115-16; 
Slavery  prohibited  in,  116;  discussion  up 
on  admission,  116-27;  final  vote  upon  her 
admission,  124-5 ;  Southern  Democracy 
protest  against,  125-7,  566;  admission  of, 
127;  Constitution  and  citizenship,  430-1; 
population  and  newspaper  press,  528-29; 
Slavery  abolished  in,  146-7 ;  Fugitive 
Slave  Law  of,  153 ;  area  and  population, 
609;  newspapers  in,  615;  real  and  person 
al  property,  618;  soldiers  furnished  by,  613. 

CALHOUN,  JOHN  C.,  opposes  the  admission  of 
California,  86 ;  will  make  California  the 
test  question,  123-4 ;  death  of,  124  ;  op 
poses  the  settlement  of  the  Oregon  boun 
dary,  167:  elected  Vice-President,  604; 
speech  in  United  States  Senate,  577-8. 

CAMPBELL,  JOHN,  publishes  the  first  newspa 
per  in  America,  524. 

CANAL,  first  in  America,  617. 

CAPITAL  of  each  State  in  the  Union,  434. 

CARSON,  KIT,  with  Fremont  in  California,  110; 
saves  Fremont  and  his  party,  112. 

CARVER,  JOHN,  elected  Governor  of  Plymouth 
Colony,  631-2. 

CASS,  GEN.  LEWIS,  nominated  for  the  Presi 
dency,  171 ;  Secretary  of  State,  183;  re 
signs  his  office,  234. 

CASTRO,  GEN.,  Commander  of  California,  110- 
116. 

CMSA.-R,  JULIUS,  as  a  dealer  in  slaves,  73. 

CENSUS,  from  1790  to  1860,  -608-9 ;  showing 
composition  of  population,  609-12. 

CHASE,  SALMON  P.,  as  the  friend  of  freedom, 
177. 

CHARLESTON,  S.  C.,  surrendered,  350. 

CHARLESTON  MERCURY  upon  dissolution  of  the 
Union,  185. 

CHESNUT,  JAMES  J.,  of  South  Carolina,  on  Se 
cession,  208-9. 

CHEROKEE  INDIANS  as  slave-owners,  142. 

CHICKASAW  INDIANS  as  slave-owners,  142. 
CHILI,  a  Republic  of  South  America,  595. 


CHINESE  in  the  United  States,  467. 

CHOCTAW  INDIANS  as  slave-owners,  142. 

CHRISTIANS,  all  persons  not,  could  be  held  as 
slaves,  84. 

CITIZENS,  negroes  are,  139, 152;  allegiance  to  the 
Union,  403-6;  in  the  several  States,  410- 
34;  in  the  Republic,  443-52;  in  the  South- 
ern  Confederacy,  493-502;  suffrage  of,  551- 
64. 

CIVIL  RIGHTS  Bill,  399-400. 

CIVIL  OFFICERS,  appointment  and  removal, 
65-71;  law  regulating,  66-7. 

CI.AY,  HENRY,  fails  to  get  the  nomination  for 
the  Presidency,  162 ;  nominated  for  the 
Presidency,  166  ;  nominated  by  the  Na 
tional  Republicans,  510;  on  the  admission 
of  Missouri,  87;  on  the  admission  of  Cal 
ifornia,  116-17;  before  the  Convention  in 
1847, 170-1;  defeated  in  PresideTfcial  elec 
tion,  550;  speech  on  Slavery  in  the  Terri 
tories,  630. 

CLAY,  C.  C.,  reward  offered  for,  386. 

CLARK,  MR.,  of  Missouri,  favors  putting  all  to 
death,  500. 

CLEARY,  W.  C.,  reward  offered  for,  387. 

CLINTON,  GEORGE,  elected  Vice-President,  603. 

COBB,  HOWELL,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  183; 
resigns  his  office,  234. 

COBB,  T.  R.  R.,  on  reconstruction,  266. 

COBDEN,  in  the  House  of  Commons,  308. 

COLFAX,  SCHUYLER,  nominated  and  elected 
Vice-President,  534-42,  607. 

COLLEGES  and  schools,  522. 

COLOMBIA,  a  Republic  of  Central  America,  596. 

COLONIES  declared  in  rebellion,  39;  as  sover 
eign  powers,  408. 

COLORADO,  area  and  population,  609. 

COLONIZATION,  first  in  America,  13-14;  Colo 
nial  condition,  23-31. 

CONFEDERATE  CONGRESS,  resolutions  of,  267  ? 
Commissioners,  339;  cruisers  and  pirates, 
344-50 ;  on  aliens,  571 ;  Confiscation  Acts 
of,  572-3. 

CONSTITUTION,  first  in  America,  24-5,  631-32; 
signed  on  board  the  Mayflower,  632;  Con 
vention  to  frame  Federal,  48-58;  slaves 
may  be  captured  under,  57-8 ;  amend 
ments  proposed,  65-71 ;  respecting  Slav 
ery,  130-1 ;  proposition  to  abolish  Slavery, 
326;  thirteenth  amendment,  397-8;  of  the 
several  States,  410-34 ;  amendments  re 
quired,  436-7 ;  adoption  and  ratification 
of,  440;  adopted  by  the  people,  441;  thir 
teenth  and  fourteenth  amendments,  450- 
52;  adoption  of,  503;  of  the  United  States, 
640;  of  the  Confederate  States,  650. 

"-CONSTITUTIONAL  UNION"  party  convention 
of  1860,  202;  platform,  204. 

CONGRESS,  first  in  America,  27 ;  calling  of  a 
general,  35  ;  meeting  of  first  general,  36  ; 
second  Continental,  recommends  war,  37  ; 
preparing  for  war,  39;  adopts  Articles  of 
Confederation,  40-1 ;  meeting  of  ninth 
Continental,  43;  first  under  the  Constitu 
tion,  64;  may  admit  States,  87-8;  requires 
Ohio  to  enter  the  Union  free,  91-2;  favors 
the  acquisition  of  Texas,  107;  meeting  of 
Thirty-sixth,  219;  second  session  of  Thir 
ty-sixth,  232-6 ;  Confederate  resolutions, 
267;  meeting  of  Thirty-eighth,  325;  pow 
ers  over  the  States,  390-410;  views  on  re 
construction,  396;  Chief  Jiistice  Taney  on 
powers  of,  396  ;  Representatives  to,  how 
elected,  435;  first  Congress  under  the  Con 
stitution,  441 ;  Fortieth  Congress,  487-8 ; 
Confederate,  on  Emancipation  Proclama 
tion,  500-4 ;  may  elect  President,  549-50 ; 
members  and  composition  of  Forty-first, 
607;  pay  of  members,  608. 


ANALYTICAL   INDEX. 


657 


CONFEDERATION,  Articles  of,  adopted,  40-1 ; 
Articles  of,  408,  503,  635. 

CONFEDERATE  GOVERNMENT,  formation  of,  217- 
18;  collapse  of,  374-5;  army,  614;  Constitu 
tion  of,  650. 

CONVENTION  to  frame  the  Constitution,  48-58; 
first  political,  in  the  United  States,  509;  to 
frame  articles  for  New  England  Confeder 
ation,  632. 

CONNECTICUT,  Constitution  and  citizenship, 
412;  voter  must  be  able  to  read  and  write, 
500;  area  and  population,  609;  newspapers 
in,  615  ;  real  and  personal  property,  618  ; 
soldiers  furnished  by,  613. 

COPYRIGHT,  first  in  America,  524. 

CORBET,  BOSTON,  shoots  J.  Wilkes  Booth,  386. 

CORNWALLIS,  GEN.,  his  surrender,  43. 

COSTA  RICA,  a  Republic  of  Central  America, 
597. 

CRIMEA,  army  in  the,  614. 

CRIME  and  pauperism,  612-13. 

CREEK  INDIANS  as  slave-owners,  142. 

CROMWELL  sympathizes  with  the  Colonists, 
29. 

CURTIS,  JUSTICE,  dissents  from  theDred  Scott 
decision,  148-50,  152-3. 

CURRY,  J.  L.  M.,  of  Alabama,  speech  in  Con 
gress,  576. 

DAHLGREN,  ADMIRAL,  349. 

DAKOTA,  area  and  population,  609;  soldiers 
furnished  by,  613. 

DALLAS,  GEORGE  M.,  elected  Vice-President, 
605. 

DAVIS,  JEFFERSON,  believes  that  a  fanaticism 
is  abroad,  121 ;  he  wants  Slavery  extended 
to  the  Pacific,  121-2;  elected  President  of 
the  "  Southern  Confederacy,"  217;  his 
Cabinet,  217-18;  in  the  U.  S.  Senate,  219; 
he  presents  a  "  little  bill "  to  the  Senate, 
233-4;  he  issued  his  first  proclamation, 
263;  speech  at  Montgomery,  266;  thinks 
hyenas  preferable,  to  Yankees,  270-1;  still 
hopeful,  295-7;  as  a  Knight,  310-12;  mes 
sage  to  Rebel  Congress  ir>  18G4,  331-2;  his 
message  of  November,  1864,333-9;  evacu 
ates  Richmond,  352;  hour  of  his  depar 
ture,  356;  his  appeal  to  his  subjects  after 
he  evacuates  Richmond,  372-3;  his  flight 
southward  and  his  capture,  373-7;  in  pris 
on,  376;  his  female  attire,  376-7;  charged 
with  complicity  in  Lincoln's  assassina 
tion;  reward  offered  for,  386-7;  his  sub 
jects  made  to  labor,  498;  farewell  speech, 
569-70;  proclamation  of  banishment,  570- 
571. 

DAVIS,  REUBEN,  of  Mississippi,  "will  not  be 
driven  an  inch,"  576. 

DAY,  STEPHEN,  first  printer  in  America,  524. 

DEBT  of  the  United  States,  615-16. 

DEAN,  HENRY  CLAY,  Rev.,  a«  a  Democrat,  320. 

DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE,  503,  633. 

DELAWARE,  Constitution  and  citizenship,  410; 
area  and  population,  609;  soldiers  fur 
nished  by,  613;  newspapers  in,  615;  real 
and  personal  property,  618. 

DEERHOUND  as  an  escort  to  the  Alabama,  3471 

DEMOCRACY.  Southern  protest  against  the 
admission  of  California,  125-7;  as  a  party, 
1G2;  nominate  Van  Buren  for  the  Presi 
dency,  162;  nominate  Polk  for  the  Presi 
dency,  ICG;  weaken  on  the  Oregon  ques 
tion,  167-8;  National  Convention  of  1848, 
170-2;  convention  of  1852,  174-6;  resolu 
tions  of  1852,  175-6;  convention  of  1858, 
178-9;  resolutions  of  1856,  178-9;  their 
glory  departing,  197-8;  meeting  of  con 
vention  of  1800, 199-200;  secession  in  the 
convention,  200;  nominate  Stephen  A. 
Douglas  for  the  Presidency,  203;  platform 


of  1860,  203;  defeated  in  1860,  204-7;  in 
the  Thirty-sixth  Congress,  232-6;  leaders 
sign  a  manifesto,  236;  position  in  the  war, 
289-91;  schemes  to  poison  and  burn, 
289-91;  in  the  campaign  of  18G4,  309-10; 
their  position  in  1864, 315;  convention  of, 
in  1864,  319-20;  nominate  McClellan,  320; 
Platform,  320-2;  legislation  at  the  South, 
446-7;  oppose  13th  and  14th  amendments: 
to  the  Constitution,  450-52;  on  the  im 
peachment  of  Johnson,  489-92;  of  the 
Confederacy  made  to  labor,  498;  reforma 
tion  of,  499;  on  the  Emancipation  Procla 
mation,  499-502;  Origin  of,  504;  former 
Republicans,  505-6 ;-•  adoption  of  the  name 
Democrat,  506-9;  oppose  Washington, 
507-10;  "Democratic  Clubs,"  first  in 
America,  508-9;  Washington  denounces 
the,  509;  as  a  party,  511-16;  evil  origin 
and  practices  of  the,  516;  education  of 
vhe,  518-19;  opposed  to  progress,  518-22; 
tax  on  whisky  to  educate,  519;  oppose  the 
Overland  Railroad  and  Homestead  Bills, 
519;  political  position  in  1868,  531-42; 
Presidential  campaign  of  1868,  534-42; 
nominate  Seymour  and  Blair,  534;  here 
sies  of,  exploded,  557;  beauties  of,  565-79; 
veto  the  Homestead  Bill,  567 ;  oppose  the 
Overland  Railroad,  508;  sustain  Freed- 
men's  Bureau,  508;  caucus  at  Washing 
ton,  574;  True  Democracy,  575;  will  wel 
come  the  Republicans  "with  bloody  hands 
to  hospitable  graves,"  577. 

"DEMOCRATIC  CLUBS"  denounced  by  Wash 
ington,  508-9,  566. 

DISTRICT  OF  COLUMBIA,  area  and  population, 
609. 

DONELSON,  A.  J.,  nominated  for  the  Vice-Pres 
idency,  181. 

DOUGLAS,  STEPHEN  A.,  his  heresy  of  squatter 
sovereignty,  21,  144-5;  before  the  Demo 
cratic  Convention  of  1852,  174;  on  the 
Kansas  question,  177;  before  the  conven 
tion  in  1856,  178 ;  nominated  for  the 
Presidency,  203;  platform,  203;  vote  for, 
in  1860,  207. 

DRED  SCOTT  decision,  148-50. 

DUPONT,  COMMODORE,  in  California,  115. 

ECUADOR,  a  Republic  of  South  America,  595. 

EDWARDS,  REV.  JONATHAN,  sermon  against 
Slavery  in  1791,  59-60. 

EDUCATION  in  America,  517-19;  for  the  Dem 
ocracy,  518-22;  should  be  compulsory,  561. 

ELECTION  of  George  Washington,  61;  of  John 
Adams,  64,  505;  Thomas  Jefferson,  549; 
John  Quincy  Adams,  549  -  50 ;  Andrew 
Jackson,  500-7;  Martin  Van  Buren,  105-6; 
nominations,  162, 172-3;  W.  H.  Harrison, 
10(5, 165;  John  Tyler,  106, 162-65;  James  K. 
Polk,  106-7  ;  Zachary  Taylor,  170-2  ;  Mil- 
lard  Fillmore,  171-2,  175-86;  Franklin 
Pierce,  174-6;  James  Buchanan,  183, 174- 
8;  Abraham  Lincoln  in  18GO,  20G-7;  be 
fore  conventions,  180, 201;  elected  in  1864, 
£23-4;  Ulysses  S.  Grant  in  1S68,  533-42, 
607-8. 

"  ELECTORAL  COLLEGE,"  547-50;  in  1868,  607. 

ELECTIVE  FRANCHISE,  558-64;  for  woman,  661- 
4;  Democrats  on,  566. 

ELECTIONS,  time  of  in  each  State,  434;  changes 
necessary,  437-8. 

EMANCIPATION  agitation,  280-1;  Proclamation, 
281-3;  in  Southern  Confederate  Congress. 
499-504. 

ENGLAND  oppresses  the  Colonies,  32;  endeavor 
to  possess  California,  114-15 ;  builds  pi 
rates  for  the  rebels,  308;  Mr.  Cobden  on 
English  cruisers,  309;  supply  the  rebels 
with  ships,  345-9  ;  cosmopolitan  popula- 


658 


ANALYTICAL   INDEX. 


tion,  455 ;  newspapers  in,  527 ;  railroads 
in,  617. 

ENGLISH  in  the  United  States,  463-4 ;  in  the 
army,  614. 

EQUALITY  before  the  law,  658-64;  for  woman, 
561-4. 

EVENS,  OLIVER,  patents  a  locomotive,  617. 

EVERETT,  EDWARD,  nominated  for  the  Vice- 
Presidency,  202. 

EXPATRIATION,  law  of,  477-9. 
'  FARRAGUT,  ADMIRAL,  349. 

FAULKNER,  C.  F.,  of  Virginia,  speech  opposing 
Slavery,  583. 

FEDERALISTS,  origin  of,  504;  Federal  party, 
510. 

FEMALES  in  the  United  States  and  Great 
Britain,  610. 

FILLMORE,  MILLABD,  elected  Vice-President, 
171-2, 605;  before  the  Whig  Convention  of 
1852,  175;  nominated  for  the  Presidency 
by  the  American  party,  181. 

FINANCE  of  the  United  States  from  1789  to 
1869,  615-7. 

FITZHUGH,  MR.,  believes  Slavery  is  Divine, 
578. 

FLORIDA,  rebel  pirate,  captured,  345. 

FLORIDA  secedes  from  the  Union,  212;  Consti 
tution  and  citizenship,  427-8 ;  area  and 
population,  609;  newspapers  in,  615;  real 
and  personal  property,  618. 

FLOYD,  JOHN  B.,  Secretary  of  War,  183;  ships 
arms  South,  196  ;  resigns  his  office,  196, 
234. 

FOOTE,  SENATOR,  believed  that  Slavery  existed 
in  the  Territories,  119-21. 

FORT  PILLOW,  attack  of  and  massacre,  305-7. 

FORT  FISHER,  fall  of,  343. 

FOREIGNERS  in  the  United  States,  454-68 ;  in 
the  free  schools,  522;  in  all  and  each  of 
the  States  and  Territories,  610-2;  pau 
perism  and  crime,  612-3 ;  in  the  army, 

FRANCE  acquires  Louisiana,  100;  cedes  Louis 
iana  and  Florida  to  the  United  States, 
101-3. 

FRANKLIN,  BENJAMIN,  on  Committee  to  draft 
Declaration  of  Independence,  39;  in  Con 
stitutional  Convention,  48;  as  a  Federalist, 
504 ;  prints  a  newspaper,  525 ;  petition 
against  Slavery,  580-1. 

FRANKFORT,  a  free  city  of  Germany,  591. 

"  FREE  SOIL"  party,  convention  of ,  172;  they 
nominate  Martin  Van  Buren  and  John  P. 
Hale  for  the  Presidency  and  Vice-Presi 
dency,  173. 

"  FREE  SOCIETY,"  a  failure,  578. 

FREMONT,  JOHN  C.,  on  a  tour  of  inspection  to 
the  Pacific,  110 ;  in  California,  110-6  ;  for 
the  Presidency  in  1864,  314-5. 

FRENCH  in  the  United  States,  465-6. 

FREEDMEN  enfranchised,  559. 

FREE  SCHOOLS  in  America,  517-22;  foreigners 
in,  522. 

FREEDMEN'S  BUREAU  sustained  by  the  Democ 
racy,  568. 

FREEDOM  of  the  Territories,  21-2;  declaration 
of,  39. 

GARRISON,  WILLIAM  LLOYD,  the  friend  of  Re 
publicanism,  623. 

GARIBALDI  advocates  freedom,  554. 

GASTON,  JUDGE,  his  opinion  respecting  Slav 
ery,  152-3. 

GENERAL  of  the  American  Army,  grade  and 
rank  of,  585-90. 

GEORGIA,  rebel  pirate,  captured,  346. 

GEORGIA,  delays  in  adopting  the  Constitution, 
65 ;  secedes  from  the  Union,  211 ;  Gen. 
Sherman  in,  295;  Constitution  and  citizen 
ship,  411-2;  area  and  population,  609; 


newspapers  in,  613 ;   real  and  personal 

property,  618. 

GERRY,  MR.,  on  removal  from  office,  69-70. 
GERRY,  ELBRIDGE,  elected  Vice-President,  603. 
GERMANY,  mass  conventions  of  women  held 

in,  562. 
GERMANS  in  America,  457-9,  610;  in  the  army, 

614. 
GIDDINGS,  JOSHUA  R. ,  urges  the  Oregon  claims, 

168;  speech  in  Congress  against  Slavery, 

GILLESPIE,  LIEUT.,  bears  letter  to  Fremont 
from  the  Secretary  of  War,  111. 

GLADSTONE,  advocates  extended  franchise,  554. 

GLOVER,  REV.  JESSE,  introduces  first  printing 
press  in  America,  524. 

GOVERNOR,  salaries  of  each  State,  434. 

GOVERNMENT,  formation  of  the  National,  40. 

GRAHAM,  W.  A.,  nominated  for  the  Vice-Pres 
idency,  175. 

GRANT,  ULYSSES  S.,  appointed  Commander-in- 
Chief,  292;  his  address  to  the  army,  293-4; 
his  letter  to  Washburne,  294-5 ;  in  the 
Electoral  College  of  1804,  315;  encircling 
the  enemy,  326;  before  Richmond — fall  of, 
and  surrender  of  Lee,  351-66;  correspond 
ence  with  Lee,  359-C3 ;  farewell  to  the 
army,  371-2  ;  elected  President  in  1868, 
533-42,  607  ;  personal  history  of,  543-7;  at 
Fort  Donelson,  546 ;  the  first  General 
since  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution, 
585-6  ;  appointed  Lieutenant-General — 
speech  on  acceptance,  587 ;  enters  upon 
his  new  office,  587-9 ;  created  General, 
589-90;  vote  for  in  1868,  607. 

GREEN,  BARTHOLOMEW,  prints  the  first  news 
paper  in  America,  524. 

GREELEY,  HORACE,  a  friend  of  liberty,  623. 

GREAT  BRITAIN,  newspapers  in,  527;  first  pub 
lished  in,  527;  males  and  females  in,  610. 

GRIFFIN,  CYRUS,  President  of  the  Continental 
Congress,  602. 

GRIERSON,  GEN.,  at  Vicksburg,  350. 

GUATEMALA,  a  Republic  of  Central  America, 
597. 

HALLECK,  H.  W.,  in  the  convention  that 
framed  the  Constitution  of  California,  115; 
as  Commander-in-Chief,  292,  586-7;  re 
lieved  as  Commander-in-Chief,  at  his  own 
request,  588. 

HALE,  JOHN  P.,  nominated  by  the  "  Free  Soil 
Party"  for  the  Vice-Presidency,  173;  nom 
inated  for  the  Presidency  by  the  "  Free 
Soil  Democracy,"  176. 

HAMILTON,  ALEXANDER,  leader  of  the  Federal 
party,  505. 

HAMLIN,  HANNIBAL,  nominated  for  the  Presi 
dency,  201;  elected  Vice-President,  606. 

HAMBURG,  a  free  city  of  Germany,  592. 

HANCOCK,  JOHN,  in  the  war  of  1776,  38;  Pres 
ident  of  the  Continental  Congress,  40, 601. 

HANNIBAL,  army  of,  614. 

HANSON,  JOHN,  President  of  the  Continental 
Congress,  601. 

HARDY,  JAMES  H.,  believes  in  the  divinity  of 
Slavery,  160. 

HARDIN,  MR.,  of  Kentucky,  advocates  Slavery, 
92-5. 

HARRISON,  W.  H.,  petitions  for  Slavery  in  the 
Territories,  62-3 ;  elected  President,  106, 
162,  605;  nominated  by  the  Whigs,  162. 

HARVY,  Sm  JOHN,  seized  by  the  people,  31. 

HAYTI,  a  Republic  of  the  West  Indies,  598. 

HEMPHILL,  MR.,  of  Pennsylvania,  favors  Lib 
erty,  95-7. 

HENRY,  MR.,  of  Tennessee,  was  in  favor  of 
the  "black  flag,"  501. 

HENDERSON,  T.  C.,  of  Arkansas,  speech  in 
Congress,  576-7. 


ANALYTICAL   INDEX. 


659 


HENRY,  PATRICK,  war  inevitable,  speech,  630-1 

speech  on  British  fugitives,  631. 
HTLL,  Senator  of  Georgia,  on  citizenship,  494-5 

favors  putting  soldiers  to  death,  501. 
HINKLEY,  THOMAS,   Governor  of  New   Ply 
mouth,  517. 
HOLT,  HON.  JOSEPH,  appointed  Secretary  of 

War,  196. 
HONDURAS,  a  Republic  of  Central  America, 

597. 

HOOD,  GENERAL,  routed  by  Gen.  Thomas,  392. 
HOSPITALS,  patients  in,  308. 
HOUSTON,  SAM.,  becomes  President  of  the  Be- 

public  of  Texas,  105. 
HOWE,  GENERAL,  at  Bunker  Hill,  38. 
HUGHES,  JOHN,  Archbishop,  as  an  American, 

462-3. 

" HUNKERS"  as  a  political  party,  171-2. 
HUNTINGTON,  SAMUEL,  President  of  the  Con 
tinental  Congress,  601. 
HYENAS  preferable  to  Yankees,  270-1. 
IDAHO  TERRITORY,  area  and  population,  609. 
IDE,  WILLIAM  B.,  issues  the  first  proclamation 

in  California,  112. 

ILLINOIS,  Constitution  and  citizenship,  423-4; 
area  and  population,  609;   soldiers  fur 
nished  by,  613;  newspapers  in,  615;  real 
and  personal  property,  618. 
INDIANS,  as  slave-owners  in  America,  141-2. 
INDEPENDENCE,  declaration  of,  adopted,  39-40. 
INDIANA,  Constitution  and  citizenship,  421-2; 
soldiers  furnished  by,  613;  newspapers  in, 
615;  real  and  personal  property,  618. 
INDIAN  TERRITORY,  area  and  population,  609. 
INGLIS,  MR.,  advocates  Secession,  186. 
INSURANCE  COMPANY,  first  in  America,  617. 
IOWA,  Constitution  and  citizenship,  429;  uni 
versal    suffrage  adopted,  541 ;    area  and 
population,  609;    soldiers  furnished  by, 
613;  newspapers  in,  615;  real  and  personal 
property,  618. 

IRELAND,  newspapers  in,  527, 
IRISH  in  America,  457-63,  612;  in  the  army, 

614. 

IRONCLADS,  efficiency  and  effect  of,  343-50. 
ITALIANS  in  the  United-States,  468. 
IVESON,  Senator  of  Georgia,  on  Slavery,  185. 
JACKSON,  MR.,  on  removal  from  office,  69. 
JACKSON,  ANDREW,  advocates  the  purchase  of 
Texas,  104;    elected  by  the  Democrats, 
506-7;  defeated  for  the  Presidency,  549; 
elected  President,  604;  address  to  the  army 
at  New  Orleans,  626;  to  the  people  of  South 
Carolina,  626-7. 

"JACOBIN  CLUBS"  of  the  Democracy,  508-9. 
JAY,  JOHN,  President  of  the  Continental  Con 
gress,  601. 

JEFFERSON,  THOMAS,  on  committee  to  draft 
Declaration  of  Independence,  39;  his  Or 
dinance  of  1784,  44;  advocates  prohibition 
of  slave  trade,  75;  on  the  acquisition  of 
Louisiana,  100;  as  an  Anti-Federalist, 
504-5;  elected  by  Congress,  549;  speech 
on  Slavery,  582;  elected  Vice-President 
and  President,  602-3. 

JEWS  as  slave-owners,  72-3;  made  slaves  by 

the  laws  of  Virginia,  84;   Jews,  Gentiles 

and  Christians  to  be  conscripted,  497. 

JOHNSTON,  rebel  General,  surrenders,  358-9. 

JOHNSON,  RICHARD  M.,  elected  Vice-President, 

604. 

JOHNSON,  ANDREW,  nominated  for  the  Vice- 
Presidency,  315;  becomes  President  on 
the  death  of  Lincoln,  384;  offers  rewards 
for  the  assassins,  386-7 ;  Amnesty  Procla 
mation,  387-8;  views  on  reconstruction, 
391-7;  assumptions  of,  442;  impeachment 
trial  of,  and  vote  upon,  483-92;  pardon  to 
rebels,  537;  Amnesty  Proclamations,  541- 


543;  protests  against  the  "Tenure  of 
Office  Act,"  590;  elected  Vice-President, 
606. 

JULIAN,  GEORGE  W.,  nominated  for  the  Vice- 
Presidency  by  the  "Free  Soil  Democracy," 
176. 

JURY,  Democratic,  liberty  of  trial  by,  575. 

KANSAS  and  Nebraska  difficulties,  177-8;  Con- 
stitution  and  citizenship,  432;  area  and 
population,  609;  soldiers  furnished  by, 
613;  newspapers  in,  615;  real  and  person 
al  property,  618. 

KEARNY,  GEN.,  arrives  in  California,  115. 

KEARSARGE  sinks  the  Alabama,  346-7. 

KEITT,  LAWRENCE  M.,  of  South  Carolina,  on 
disunion,  184;  has  always  been  for  Seces 
sion,  186;  he  will  sustain  Secession,  235- 
236;  speech  in  Congress,  577. 

KENNEDY,  ROBERT,  fires  New  York,  execution 
and  confession,  289-91. 

KENTUCKY,  Constitution  and  citizenship,  418- 
419;  Resolutions  of  1798,  573-4;  area  and 
population,  609;  newspapers  in,  615;  sol 
diers  furnished  by,  613;  real  and  personal 
property,  618. 

KTLPATRICK,  GEN.,  in  the  field,  325. 

KING,  RUFUS,  opposes  the  negro  as  a  basis  of 
representation,  55. 

KING,  THOMAS  STARR,  a  friend  of  liberty,  623. 

KING,  WILLIAM  R.,  elected  Vice-President,  605. 

"  KNIGHTS  OF  THE  GOLDEN  CIRCLE,"  310-2  ;  in 
California,  Oregon  and  Indiana,  311. 

LANDS,  public,  may  be  pre-empted  by  aliens, 
480-2. 

LANGDON,  JOHN,  elected  first  President  of  Con 
gress,  64. 

LAFAYETTE,  a  friend  of  liberty,  623. 

LAHKIN,  THOMAS  O.,  American  Consul  at  Cali 
fornia,  114. 

LAURENS,  HENRY,  President  of  the  Continen 
tal  Congress,  601. 

LAWS  first  published  in  America,  524. 

LEE,  RICHARD  HEMIY,  President  of  the  Conti 
nental  Congress,  601. 

LEE,  R.  E.,  rebel  General,  before  Petersburg 
and  Richmond,  351-66 ;  is  brought  to  a 
halt,  358-63;  his  surrender,  359-63. 

LEGISLATURE,  time  of  meeting  of  each  State, 
434. 

LEMOYNE,    FRANCIS   J.,  nominated   for  tfie"  " 
Vice-Presidency  by  the  Abolitionists,  164. 

LETCHEH,  Governor  of  Virginia,  on  Secession, 
270. 

LETTERS.  Washington  to  Lafayette,  60-1 ; 
George  N.  Sanders  to  Horatio  Seymour, 
268;  of  GoV!  Letcher,  of  Virginia,  270;  R. 
Toombs  to  Dr.  A.  Bees,  272;  Grant's  to 
Washburne,  294-5;  Gen.  W.  T.  Sherman 
to  Gen.  Hood,  299;  to  Gen.  Burbridge, 
300;  to  Abraham  Lincoln,  301;  to  Maj. 
Sawyer,  302-3;  John  C.  Fremont  on  elec 
tion  of  1864,  314-5:  Grant  to  Lee  and  Lee 
to  Grant,  359-62;  Archbishop  Hughes  to 
Union  mass  meeting,  463;  Andrew  John 
son  to  Edwin  M.  Stanton,  489;  Washing 
ton  to  the  "  Democratic  Jacobin  Clubs,'* 
509;  D.  L.  Yulee  to  the  Democracy,  574; 
Washington  to  Lafayette,  581;  to  Robert 
Morris,  581-2. 

LEXINGTON,  battle  of,  36-7. 

LIBERIA  introduces  Republican  liberty,  554; 
Republic  of,  593. 

LIBRARIES  in  the  Union,  522. 

LINCOLN,  ABRAHAM,  before  the  Republican. 
Convention  of  1856,  180;  nominated  for 
the  Presidency  in  1860, 201;  Platform,  203: 
elected  President  in  1860, 206-7,606;  leaver 
Springfield  for  Washington,  260;  inaugur 
ated  President,  260-1;  issues  his  first  pro- 


660 


ANALYTICAL   INDEX. 


clamation,  262;  his  first  call  for  troops, 
262;  second  call,  265 ;  message  of  July, 
1861, 285-8;  nominated  for  the  Presidency 
in  1864,  315-7 ;  removes  MeClellan,  318 ; 
election  of,  in  1864, 323-4, 606 ;  annual  mes 
sage  of  1864,  327-30;  meets  Confederate 
Commissioners,  339;  inauguration  in  1865, 
339-41 ;  enters  the  city  of  Richmond,  357-8 ; 
at  City  Point  and  Richmond,  378  ;  assassi 
nation  of,  379-84;  time  of  his  death,  381 ; 
speech:  "A  house  divided  against  itself 
cannot  stand,"  630. 
LIQUORS  drank  annually,  520-1. 
LIVINGSTON,  MB.,  Minister  to  France,  101. 
LIVINGSTON,  ROBERT  R.,  on  committee  to  draft 

Declaration  of  Independence,  39. 
LIVERMORE,  MB.,  on  removal  from  office,  70. 
LOCOMOTIVES,  first  in  America,  617. 
LONDON,  newspapers  in,  527. 
LONDON  "TIMES"  comments  on  Buchanan's 

last  message,  227-31. 
LONGEVITY  in  the  United  States,  610. 
LOUISIANA  purchased  from  France,  89;  organ 
ized  as  a  Territory,  90;  ceded  to  France, 
100;  secedes  from  the  Union,  212-3;  Con 
stitution  and  citizenship,  421;  area  and 
population,  609;  newspapers  in,  615;  real 
and  personal  property,  618. 
LOVEJOY,  OWEN,  a  friend  of  liberty,  623. 
LOVE,  PETER  E.,  of  Georgia,  speech  in  Con 
gress,  579. 

LUBEC,  a  free  city  of  Germany,  591. 
LUNDY,  BENJAMIN,  a  friend  of  liberty,  623. 
MADISON,  JAMES,  on  the  formation  of  Govern 
ment  departments,  67;  speech  on  Slavery, 
582;  elected  President,  603. 
MAINE,  admission  of,  87;  Constitution  and 
citizenship,  424-5 ;  area  and  population, 
609;  soldiers  furnished  by,  613;    news 
papers  in,  615 ;  real  and  personal  prop 
erty,  618. 
MALES  in  the  United  States,  610;   in  Great 

Britain,  610. 
MANSFIELD,  LORD,  his  views  on  the  Sommer- 

sett  case,  151. 

MARTIN,  LUTHER,  opposes  slaves  in  represen 
tation,  56. 

MARSHALL,  CHIEF  JUSTICE,  his  views  on  Fed 
eral  legislation,  151-2. 
MARSHALL,  THOMAS,  of  Virginia,  speech  op- 

.  posing  Slavery,  583. 

MARYLAND  demands  the  right  to  tax  herself, 
32-3;  Constitution  and  citizenship,  413-4; 
area  and  population,  609;  newspapers  in, 
615;  real  and  personal  property,  618. 
MASON,  JAMES  M.,  opposes  Slavery  in  the  Con 
stitutional  Convention,  56-7. 
MASON,  SENATOR,  believes  Slavery  existed  in 

California,  121. 

MASSACHUSETTS  adopts  representation  Gov 
ernment,  26 ;  General  Court  established, 
28;  demands  the  right  of  self-govern 
ment,  32-3;  people  not  allowed  to  hold 
meetings,  35;  calls  a  general  Congress,  35; 
population,  and  soldiers  furinshed  in  the 
•war  of  1776,  38;  abolishes  Slavery,  45, 128; 
puts  a  duty  on  negroes,  61 ;  soldiers  in  the 
Revolutionary  War,  190;  first  in  putting 
down  the  RebeDion,  263-4;  orders  arms 
from  England,  264;  Constitution  and  citi 
zenship,  412-3;  first  printing  press  in 
America,  524;  first  newspaper  in  America 
published  in,  524;  population  and  newspa 
per  press  of,  527 ;  voters  must  be  able  to 
read  and  write,  560;  female  sxiffrage  agita 
ted,  562-3;  area  and  population,  609;  Irish 
in,  612  ;  more  foreigners  in,  than  in  the 
"  Confederacy,"  614 ;  furnishes  more  sol 
diers  than  all  the  South  in  the  war  of  1776, 


613;  newspapers  in,  615;  real  and  personal 
property,  618 ;  first  Bank  in  America  in, 
616;  first  railroad  in  America  in,  617;  first 
insurance  company  in  America,  618 ;  first 
canal  in  America,  617. 

MAYFLOWER,"  arrival  of,  14,  631-2 ;  Consti 
tution  signed  on,  25,  631-2. 

MAZZINI,  Italian  patriot,  554. 

MCCLELLAN,  GEN.  GEORGE  B.,  loses  his  mili 
tary  fame,  288  ;  looked  to  by  the  Democ 
racy,  317 ;  removed  from  the  army,  318-9; 
nominated  by  the  Democracy,  320 ;  his 
letter  of  acceptance  and  resignation,  322; 
vote  for  in  1864, 323;  Commander-in-Chief, 
586. 

MCDOWELL,  JAMES,  of  Virginia,  speech  oppos 
ing  Slavery,  583*4. 

MCKEAN,  THOMAS,  President  of  the  Continen 
tal  Congress,  601. 

MCLEAN,  JUSTICE,  dissents  from  the  Dred 
Scott  decision,  148-50. 

MESSAGE,  Lincoln's,  of  July,  1861,  282-8. 

MEXICANS  in  the  United  States,  468;  Repxiblic 
of,  598. 

MEXICO  gains  her  independence  from  Spain, 
104 ;  claims  Texas,  106 ;  war  with  the 
United  States,  107;  treaty  with  the  United 
States,  108 ;  abolishes  Slavery,  133-4,  554; 
laws  of,  respecting  Slavery,  146-7 ;  war 
with  the  United  States,  167;  "Monroe 
Doctrine"  maintained  in,  327. 

MICHIGAN,  Constitution  and  citizenship,  427 ; 
area  and  population,  609 ;  soldiers  fur 
nished  by,  613 ;  newspapers  in,  615 ;  real 
estate  and  personal  property,  618. 

MIFFLIN,  THOMAS,  President  of  the  Continen 
tal  Congress,  601. 

MILL,  JOHN  STUART,  advocates  extended  fran 
chise,  554,  562. 

MINNESOTA,  Constitution  and  citizenship,  431; 
adopts  universal  suffrage,  541 ;  area  and 
population,  609 ;  soldiers  furnished  by, 
613;  newspapers  in,  615;  real  and  personal 
property,  618. 

MISSIONARY,  home,  for  the  Democracy,  499. 

MISSOURI  Compromise,  86-7 ;  admission  of 
Missouri,  87-99;  Constitution  and  citizen 
ship,  425-6;  area  and  population,  609;  sol 
diers  furnished,  613 ;  newspapers  in,  615; 
real  estate  and  personal  property,  618. 

MISSISSIPPI,  treaty  with  Spain,  99 ;  secedes 
from  the  Union,  211-2 ;  Constitution  and 
citizenship,  422-3 ;  area  and  population, 
609 ;  newspapers  in,  615  ;  real  estate  and 
personal  property,  618. 

MOHAMMEDANS,  as  dealers  in  slaves,  74. 

MONROE,  JAMES,  elected  President,  603. 

MONTANA  TERRITORY,  area  and  population, 
609. 

MONTGOMERY,  COMMODORE,  in  California,  115. 

MOORE,  MR.,  of  Virginia,  speech  against  Slav 
ery,  582. 

MORRIS,  ROBERT,  in  Constitutional  Conven. 
tion,  49. 

MORRIS,  GOUVERNEUR,  opposes  Slavery,  55-6. 

"MUD-SILLS,"  as  applicable  to  the  negro,  141. 

NAPOLEON  signs  away  Louisiana  and  the  Flor- 
idas,  100-3;  army  of,  614. 

NATIONAL  REPUBLICAN  PARTY,  510 ;  progress 
and  position  of,  in  1868,  530-42,  551-8. 

NATIONAL  BANKS  in  the  United  States,  616-7. 

NATURALIZED  CITIZENS,  rights  of,  477-82;  who 
may  become,  479-80. 

NATURALIZATION  LAWS  of  the  United  States, 
469-82. 

NAVY,  efficiency  of,  326;  prizes  by,  expense  of, 
326;  operations  and  strength  of,  343-50; 
cost  of  captures  by  and  strength  of,  348-9; 
in  the  war  of  1776,  348. 


ANALYTICAL   INDEX. 


661 


NEBEASKA  admitted,  Constitution  and  citizen 
ship,  433-4;  area  and  population,  609;  sol 
diers  furnished  by,  613;  newspapers  in, 
615;  real  and  personal  property,  618. 

NEGRO  in  the  basis  of  Federal  representation, 
51-2;  duty  levied  upon,  61;  may  be  track 
ed  with  dogs,  134;  a  white  man  may  be 
the  father  of,  139. 

NEVADA  admitted,  326;  Constitution  and  citi 
zenship,  433 ;  area  and  population,  609  ; 
soldiers  furnished  by,  613;  newspapers 
in,  615;  real  and  personal  property,  618. 

NEW  ENGLAND  establishes  Eepublican  govern 
ment,  23;  first  settlement,  26,  631-2;  ad 
vance  of  Eepublicanism,  188-92;  educa 
tion  in,  517-9  ;  Confederation  of  States 
of,  632. 

NEW  HAMPSHIRE,  early  political  phases,  30 ; 
Constitution  and  citizenship,  414-5;  area 
and  population,  609 ;  soldiers  furnished 
by,  613;  newspapers  in,  615;  real  and  per 
sonal  property,  C18. 

NEW  JERSEY  demands  broader  liberties,  33 ; 
one  vote  from,  would  prohibit  Slavery,  47; 
Constitution,  and  citizenship,  411 ;  area 
and  population,  609 ;  soldiers  furnished 
by,  613;  newspapers  in,  615;  real  and  per 
sonal  property,  618. 

NEWS  LETTEK,  first  newspaper  in  America, 
524. 

NEW  MEXICO  TERRITORY,  area  and  population, 
609;  soldiers  furnished  by,  613;  newspa 
pers  in,  615;  real  and  personal  property, 
618. 

NEW  NATION.    American  progress,  551-8. 

NEWSPAPERS,  circulation  in  the  Union,  522-9  ; 
first  established  in  Massachusetts,  524 ; 
"in  Great  Britain,  527;  in  Slave  States,  527; 
in  each  State  and  Territory,  615. 

NEW  YORK  to  the  rescue  of  the  country,  264-5; 
city  to  be  burned,  289-91 ;  Constitution 
and  citizenship,  416;  first  newspaper  in, 
625;  to  be  a  free  city,  274-7;  area  and  pop- 
tilation,  609;  soldiers  furnished  by,  613 ; 
newspapers  in,  615;  real  and  personal 
property,  618. 

NICARAGUA,  a  Eepublic  of  Central  America, 
598. 

NIMROD  as  a  slave-owner,  72. 

NORTH  CAROLINA  secedes  from  the  Union,  215; 
Resolutions  of  1862, 2G9;  Constitution  and 
citizenship,  416-7;  smallest  issue  of  news 
papers,  529 ;  area  and  population,  609 ; 
newspapers  in,  615 ;  real  and  personal 
property,  618. 

OFFICERS,  salaries  of  United  States,  608. 

OHIO,  Constitution  and  citizenship,  420-1; 
area  and  population,  609;  soldiers  sup 
plied,  613;  newspapers  in,  615;  real  and 
personal  property,  618. 

"  OLD  MAMMY,"  516. 

"  ORDER  OF  SONS  OF  IJBERTY,"  310-2. 

"  ORDER  OF  AMERICAN  KNIGHTS,"  310-2. 

ORDINANCE  of  1784,  44-5  ;  of  1787  prohibiting 
Slavery  in  the  territories,  61;  vote  of  the 
States  on,  47. 

OREGON,  claims  of  United  States  to,  110;  Fre 
mont  at  Klamath  Lake,  111;  dispute  re 
specting  boundary,  167-70;  Democracy 
declines  to  enforce  claims  to,  167;  vote  on 
pressing  claims  to,  168;  Polk  gives  notice 
to  England  respecting,  168;  James  Bu 
chanan  commissioned  to  settle  boundary, 
168;  speech  of  Thos.  H.  Benton  on,  169- 
70;  "Knights  of  the  Golden  Circle  "in, 
310-2;  Constitution  and  citizenship,  431- 
432;  area  and  population,  609;  soldiers  sup 
plied,  613;  newspapers  in,  615;  real  and 
personal  property,  618. 


ORPHANS,  supported  by  Government,  308. 

PACIFIC  REPUBLIC,  278. 

PARAGUAY,  a  Republic  of  South  America,  595. 

PARKS,  MR.,  advocates  secession,  186. 

PAUPERISM  AND  CRIME,  612-3. 

PENDLETON,  GEO.  H.,  nominated  for  the  Pres 
idency,  320. 

PENNSYLVANIA,  abolishes  Slavery,  46;  Consti 
tution  and  citizenship,  410-1  ;  issue  of 
newspapers,  529;  petition  against  Slavery, 
580-1;  area  and  population,  609;  soldiers 
furnished  by,  613;  newspapers  in,  615; 
real  and  personal  property,  618. 

PENSIONERS  in  1864,  308. 

PERU,  a  Republic  of  South  America,  595: 

PERKINS,  C.  AND  R.,  slaves  in  California,  157- 
160. 

PETERSBURG,  VA.,  Grant  before,  351-7;  Lee 
evacuates,  358. 

PHELAN,  MR.,  of  Mississippi,  always  for  the 
black  flag,  501. 

PHILLIPS,  WENDELL,  a  friend  of  liberty,  623. 

PIERCE,  FRANKLIN,  nominated  and  elected 
President,  174-6,  605. 

PILGRIMS,  arrival  of,  15,  631-2;  as  Christians, 
23-4;  arrival  and  landing  of,  24-5,  631-2; 
Constitution  signed  by,  631-2. 

PILGRIM  HALL  in  the  town  of  Plymouth,  632. 

PINCKNEY  CHARLES  C.,  opposes  the  formation 
of  the  Union,  51;  cannot  abandon  Slavery, 
56-8;  as  an  Anti-Federalist,  504. 

PLATFORMS,  Republican  of,  1860,  203;  Demo 
cratic  of  1852,  175-6  ;  of  1856, 178-9  ;  of 
1860,  203 ;  Whig  of  1852,  176 ;  American 
Party  of  1856, 181-2. 

PLYMOUTH  ROCK,  history  of  and  location  of, 
631-2. 

PLYMOUTH,  settlement  of,  by  the  Pilgrims,  26, 
631-2;  demands  the  right  to  tax  herself, 
32-3. 

POLITICAL  PARTIS,  history  of  161-182,  503-14. 

POLK,  JAMES  K.,  nominated  for  the  Presi 
dency,  166;  elected,  167,  605. 

POPULATION, native andforeign, 454-68;  608-14. 

PORTER,  ADMIRAL,  349. 

POST  OFFICE,  in  18G4,  326. 

POWELL,  MR.,  of  Virginia,  against  Slavery, 
583. 

PRENCE,  THOMAS,  Governor  of  New  Plymouth, 
517. 

PRESIDENT  of  the  United  States,  power  to  ap 
point  and  remove,  65-71;  qualifications 
of,  435;  Constitutional  powers,  442-3;  how 
elected,  547-50;  who  and  when  elected,  by 
what  party,  and  vote  for,  602-7;  salary  of, 
608. 

PRESIDENTS  of  the  Continental  Congress,  601- 
602;  of  the  United  States,  202-7. 

PRINTING  PRESS,  first  in  America,  524. 

PRTTCHARD,  LIEUT.-COL.,  captures  Jefferson 
Davis,  376-7. 

PROCLAMATION,  Lincoln's  first,  262.;  Emanci 
pation,  281-3;  effects  of,  283-4;  Johnson's 
Amnesty,  387-8;  Davis'  banishment,  570-1. 
QUANTREL,  GEN.,  rebel  captured,  342. 
QUINCY,  JOSL\H,  speech  on  self-defense,  627-8. 
RAILROAD,  OVERLAND,  Democrats  oppose,  519, 

568;  progress,  531. 

RAILROADS,  first  in  America,  Pacific,  617. 
RANDOLPH,  PEYTON,  President  of  the  Conti 
nental  Congress,  601. 
RANDOLPH,  EDMUND,  urges  the  necessity  of 

union,  50. 

REAL  ESTATE,  slaves  as,  139-40. 
REBELLION,  political  results  of,  551-8. 
RECONSTRUCTION,  T.  R.  R.  Cobb  on,  266;  Ridi- 
mond  Dispatch  on,  271-3;  Toombs  on,  272; 
A.  H.  Stephens  on,  272 ;  Governor  Vance 
on,  273;  of  rebel  States,  390-406;  Abraham 


662 


ANALYTICAL   INDEX. 


Lincoln's  views  on,  396 ;  relation  of  the , 
States  to  the  Union,  400-6. 

REDD,  MR.,  of  Georgia,  favors  Slavery,  92. 

REPRESENTATIVES,  number  to  which  States 
are  entitled;  salaries  of,  608. 

REPRESENTATION  under  the  Constitution,  51-4. 

REPUBLICANISM,  development  of,  in  America, 
28-9;  origin  of  the  Republican  party,  161- 
162;  development  of,  188-92;  struggle  for, 
against  the  slave  power,  353;  what  is, 
394-406 ;  in  the  Union,  409;  in  the  States, 
410-34 ;  progress  of,  511-16 ;  in  1868,  530- . 
542. 

REPUBLICS  of  the  world  in  1869,  591-9. 

REPUBLICANS,  origin  of  the  party,  161-2;  favor 
the  acquisition  of  Oregon,  167-9;  conven 
tion  of  1856,  179-80;  John  C.  Fremont 
nominated  for  the  Presidency,  180 ;  Res 
olutions  of  185G,  180-1;  in  the  election  of 
1856, 182 ;  gaining  strength,  197-8 ;  con 
vention  of  1860,  201 ;  Platform  of  1860, 
203  ;  victory  of  1860,  204-7 ;  first  time  in 
power,  261;  policy  of,  279-80;  in  the  cam 
paign  of  1864, 309, 313-7;  National  Conven 
tion  of  1864,  315-7 ;  Platform  of,  in  1864, 
315-7;  elect  Lincoln  in  1864, 323;  adopt  thir 
teenth  and  fourteenth  amendments  to  the 
Constitution,  origin  of,  504 ;  as  a  party, 
511-6  ;  convention  of,  in  1868  ;  nominate 
and  elect  U.  S.  Grant  and  Schuyler  Coif  ax, 
533-12. 

RHAMSES,  army  of,  614. 

RHETT,  MB.,  believes  Secession  to-  have  been 
long  premeditated,  186. 

RHODE  ISLAND,  early  Government  of,  28  ;  de 
lays  to  adopt  the  Constitution,  65;  citizen 
ship,  417-8;  first  newspaper  in,  525; 
qualification  of  voters,  560;  area  and  pop 
ulation,  609  ;  soldiers  furnished  by,  613 ; 
newspapers  in,  615 ;  real  and  personal 
prpperty,  618. 

RICHMOND,  fall  of,  351-7 ;  Unionists  rejoicing 
over  the  faU  of,  378-9. 

RICHMOND  Examiner  on  Secession,  185 ;  Dis~ 
patcfi  on  restoration,  269, 271-3;  will  "show 
up  free  society,"  578. 

RIVES,  MB>,  of  Virginia,  speech  against  Slav 
ery,  582-3. 

ROBESPIEKRJE,  Democracy  affililiate  with,  508- 
509. 

ROYAL  CHARTERS  of  the  Colonies,  27,  29-30. 

RUSSIA  emancipates  her  serfs,  554. 

RUTLEDGE,  MR.,  of  South  Carolina,  favors 
Slavery,  56. 

SALARIES  of  United  States  officers,  608;  of 
Governors  of  each  State,  434. 

SANDERS,  GEORGE  N.,  letter  to  Horatio  Sey 
mour,  268;  reward  offered  for,  387. 

SAN  DOMINGO,  a  Republic  of  the  West  Indies, 
599. 

SAN  FRANCISCO  taken  possession  of  by  the 
Americans,  115. 

SAN  MARINO,  a  Republic  of  Europe,  593. 

SAN  SALVADOR,  a  Republic  of  Central  America, 
598. 

SANTA  ANNA  defeated  in  Texas,  105. 

SAVANNAH,  United  States  frigate,  enters  Mon 
terey,  Cal.,  113;  city  of,  taken  by  General 
Sherman,  342. 

SCHOOLS,  free  in  America,  522, 517;  foreigners 
in,  522. 

SCOTCH  in  the  United  States,  466-7. 

SCOTT,  WINFIELD,  fails  to  get  the  nomination 
for  the  Presidency,  162;  before  the  Whig 
Convention,  171;  nominated  for  the  Pres 
idency,  175 ;  Brevet  Lieutenant-General, 
586. 

SEA  KING,  437-8;  rebel  pirate,  345. 

SECESSION,  Webster  on  peaceable,  122-3;  of 


South  Carolina,  209-11;  Georgia,  211:  Mis 
sissippi,  211-2 ;  Florida,  212  ;  Louisiana, 
212-3;  Alabama,  213;  Arkansas,  214; 
Texas,  214;  North  Carolina,  215;  Tennes 
see,  215-6;  Virginia,  216. 

SEMMES,  MR.,  of  Louisiana,  on  the  Emancipa 
tion  Proclamation,  500. 

SENATORS,  United  States,  how  elected,  435. 

SESOSTRIS,  army  of,  614. 

SEWARD,  W.  H.,  as  Secretary  of  State,  288 ; 
Union  speech  in  1864,  330-1;  meets  Con 
federate  Commissioners,  339;  attempt  to 
assassinate,  381-2;  "irrepressible  con 
flict"  speech,  619;  speech  in  the  Senate, 
619. 

SEYMOUR,  HORATIO,  Democratic  nominee  for 
President,  letter  from  George  N.  Sanders, 
268;  vote  for,  in  1868,  607. 

SEYMOUR,  Sm  GEORGE,  Rear  Admiral,  in  Cali 
fornia,  114-5. 

SHANNON,  W.  E.,  in  the  California  State  Con 
vention,  116. 

SHENANDOAH,  rebel  pirate,  surrenders,  345. 

SHERIDAN,  GEN.  P.  H.,  victory  at  Winchester, 
308;  appointed  a  Major-General,  323 ;  in 
the  Shenandoah  valley,  325;  before  Rich 
mond,  351. 

SHERMAN,  GEN.  W.  T.,  in  Georgia,  295;  his 
Field  Order,  No.  68, 298;  his  letter  to  Gen. 
Hood,  299;  letter  to  Gen.  Burbridge,  300- 
301;  capture  of  Savannah,  301;  his  letter  to 
Maj .  Sawyer,  301-5 ;  his  march  through 
Georgia,  325;  takes  the  city  of  Savannah, 
342;  captures  Gen.  Johnston,  359;  farewell 
to  his  soldiers,  369-71;  appointed  a  Lieu 
tenant-General,  589. 

SHERMAN,  ROGER,  on  committee  to  draft  Dec 
laration  of  Independence,  39. 

SINGLETON,  O.  R.,  of  Mississippi,  speech  in 
Congress,  576. 

SLAVERY,  effects  of,  15;  efforts  to  abolish,  17 ; 
Pro-Slavery  interests,  18;  first  in  Amer 
ica,  19;  laws  prohibiting,  19;  ordinance 
prohibiting,  44  -  5  ;  introduction  of,  in 
America,  45;  vote  to  prohibit,  in  the  Ter 
ritories,  46-7;  in  the  basis  of  representa 
tion,  51-2 ;  Gouverneur  Morris  opposes, 
55-6;  slaves  may  be  captured,  57-8;  ser 
mon  upon,  59-60;  ordinance  prohibiting, 
61-2;  amongst  the  ancients,  72-4  ;  Anglo- 
Saxons  as  slaves,  73;  slave  trade  prohib 
ited,  75  ;  Anti-Slavery  association,  76  ; 
address  of,  77-80;  Louis  XIII  favors  Sla 
very,  83  ;  prohibited  in  California,  116  ; 
discussion  upon,  116-27;  Jeff.  Davis  be 
lieves  it  not  immoral,  121;  in  the  Terri 
tories,  128-32;  Massachusetts  abolishes, 
128;  Constitution  respecting,  130-1;  in  the 
Territories,  131-42  ;  all  colored  persons 
are  slaves,  135-6;  may  be  fired  upon,  137; 
slaves  if  convicted  are  free  men,  139  ;  as 
real  estate,  139-40 ;  Indians  as  owners, 
141-2;  abolished  by  Mexico,  143-4, 146-7; 
laws  respecting,  in  California,  153-60;  Bra 
zil  relaxes,  554;  is  Divine,  82-4,  576-9;  op 
position  to,  by  American  patriots,  580-4. 

SLAVE  STATES,  newspapers  in,  527. 

SLAVE  STATES,  anti-Republican,  551-8. 

SLOAT,  COMMODORE,  takes  possession  of  Cali 
fornia,  113-4;  raises  the  American  flag, 
114. 

SMALL-POX,  spread  by  the  rebels,  291. 

SOLDIERS  in  the  war  of  1776, 38;  Lincoln  calls 
for  75,000,  262;  Slave  States  refuse  to  sup 
ply,  262;  Lincoln's  second  call,  265;  num 
ber  called  for  in  1864,  293;  Grant's  address 
to,  293-4;  number  of,  in  1865;  and  number 
of  colored,  31'2 ;  total  raised  during  the 
war,  366-7 ;  killed  in  battle  and  died,  366- 


ANALYTICAL   INDEX. 


663 


367;  colored  soldiers,  367;  rebel,  367;  total 
number  slain  on  both  sides,  368 ;  Sher 
man's  farewell  to  his,  369-71;  Grant's 
farewell  to  the,  371-2 ;  furnished  by  all 
the  States  in  1773  and  1861-5,  613;  Massa 
chusetts  furnishes  more  than  all  the 
South,  613;  in  the  Union  and  rebel  ar 
mies,  614-5. 

"SOMMERSETT  CASE,"  as  to  Slavery,  151. 

SOOTH  CAROLINA  opposes  the  Union,  51 ;  must 
have  slaves,  56-7  ;  anxious  for  Secession, 
207;  Ordinance  of  Secession,  209-10;  ac 
cepts  services  of  Catawba  Indians,  210; 
passes  resolutions,  210-11 ;  ratines  "  Con 
federate  "  Constitution,  211;  Constitution 
and  citizenship,  414;  attempts  to  sell  Brit 
ish  subjects,  447-8;  smallest  issue  of  news 
papers,  529 ;  area  and  population,  609 ; 
newspapers  in,  615 ;  real  and  personal 
property,  618. 

"  SOUTHERN  CONFEDERACY,"  organization  of, 
216-7 ;  President  and  officers  of,  217-8  ; 
vote  for  President,  218 ;  Resolutions  of 
Congress,  267;  collapse  of,  374-5;  no  such 
thing  as  a  citizen  of,  493-6;  Constitution 
of, -494;  citizenship  in,  493-502;  foreigners 
in,  612;  army  of,  614;  Constitution  of,  650. 

SPAIN,  treaty  with  respecting  New  Orleans 
and  the  Mississippi  river,  99-100 ;  cedes 
the  Florida*,  103. 

SPEECHES.  Eufus  King  in  the  Convention 
that  framed  the  Constitution,  55;  Gouv- 
erneur  Morris,  55-6 ;  Charles  Pinckney, 
58-7;  Luther  Martin,  56;  Mr.  Rutledge, 
56;  James  M.  Mason,  56-7;  C.  C.  Pinckney 
in  South  Carolina,  58-9;  on  tenure  of  civil 
office— Madison,  Lee,  Smith,  Bland,  Jack 
son,  "White,  Sylvester,  Gerry,  Livermore, 
67-71 ;  Mr.  Taylor  of  K.  Y.  on  admission 
of  Missouri,  87-91;  Mr.  Smythe  of  Va. 
on  same,  91-5;  Mr.  Hemphill  of  Penn.  on 
same,  95-7:  Henry  Clay  on  the  admission 
of  California,  116-7 ;  Mr.  Foote,  119  ;  Mr. 
Mason,  120-1 ;  Jefferson  Davis,  121-2  ; 
Daniel  Webster,  122-3;  John  C.  Calhoun, 
123-4;  James  H.  Hardy  on  the  divinity  of 
Slavery,  160;  Thos.  H.  Benton  on  western 
boundary,  169-70;  Butler  of  S.  C.  on  se 
cession,  148  ;  Keitt  of  S.  C.,  184-6  ;  Pres 
ton  S.  Brooks  on  secession,  184;  Henry  A. 
Wise  of  Va.,  184-5;  Iverson  of  Ga.,  185; 
Brown  of  Miss.,  185;  Toombs  of  Ga.,  185; 
W.  L.  Yancey,  186;  Mr.  Parks  of  S.  Cr,  186; 
Mr.  Ingils,  18(5 ;  Rhett,  186  ;  James  Ches- 
nut,  Jr.,  on  secession,  208-9;  W.  W. Boyce; 
209;  Jeff.  Davis'  "  little  bill,"  233;  Alexan 
der  H.  Stephens  before  the  Georgia  Legis 
lature,  238-43;  in  the  Georgia  conven 
tion,  248-52;  "Corner-stone,"  254-6;  Jeff. 
Davis,  "no  compromise,"  266;  T.  R.  R. 
Cobb,  always  for  separation,  266;  Walter 
Brooks,  266;  A.R.  Botelerof  Va.  on  seces 
sion,  267;  Jeff.  Davis'  "bogs  of  Ireland," 
270;  "hyenas  or  Yankees,"  271;  A.  H. 
Stephens,  reconstruction  impossible,  272; 
Gov.  L.  B.  Vance  of  Va.,  273 ;  Fernando 
Wood's  address  on  secession,  274-7;  Jeff. 
Davis  in  October,  1864,  295-7;  A.  H.  Ste 
phens  on-  despoti&m,  297-8;  Cobden  on 
Anglo-rebel  pirates,  309;  Rev.  Henry  Clay 
Dean  on  Lincoln,  320;  W.  H.  Seward  in 
1804,  330-1;  Hill  of  Georgia  and  Wigfall 
of  Texas  on  citizenship,  494-5;  Senator 
Brown  of  Miss,  on  aliens,  497;  Clark  of 
Missouri,  Henry  of  Tenn.,  and  Phelan  of 
Miss.,  on  the  emancipation  proclamation, 
500-1;  Jefferson  Davis' fareweU  to  Amer 
ica,  5 i59;  Reuben  Davis  of  Miss.,  576;  J.L. 
M.  Curry  of  Ala.,  576;  O.  R.  Singleton  of 


Miss,  on  Lincoln,  576;  T.  C.  Henderson 
of  Arkansas  on  the  price  of  hemp,  576-7; 
L.  M.  Kcitt  of  S.  C.  on  the  divinity  of 
Slavery,  577;  J.  C.  Calhoun  on  Slavery 
577-8 ;  Peter  E.  Love  of  Georgia  on  the. 
divinity  of  Slavery,  579;  Jefferson,  Madi 
son,  Campbell,  Po-well,  Berry,  Marshall, 
Bordnax,  Faulkner,  and  McDowell,  on 
Slavery,  582-4 ;  Lincoln  to  Grant,  587  ; 
General  Grant  on  accepting  his  commis 
sion,  587;  W.  H.  Seward,  "  irrepressible 
conflict,"  619;  Joshua  R.  Giddings  upon 
liberty,  619-20;  Charles  Su-nner  on  suf 
frage  and  reconstruction,  620-3;  Thaddeus 
Stevenson  liberty,  623-5;  Edward  D.  Ba 
ker  in  reply  to  Benjamin,  on  the  rebellion, 
625-6;  Andrew  Jackson's  address  to  the 
Army  at  New  Orleans;  to  the  people  of 
South  Carolina,  626-7;  Josiah  Quincy  on 
self -defense,  627-8;  Col.  Isaac  Barre  in  the 
British  Parliament,  628;  Daniel  Webster, 
"  The Unionmust  be  preserved,"  629;  Mr. 
Morris  on  James  Buchanan,  629-30;  Abra 
ham  Lincoln,  "  A  house  divided  against 
itself  cannot  stand,"  630;  Henry  Clay  on 
Slavery,  630  ;  Patrick  Henry,  "  War  inev 
itable,"  630;  return  of  British  fugitives, 
631. 

SQUATTER  SOVEREIGNTY,  21 ;  principles  of, 
144-5. 

STANTON,  EDWIN  M.,  removed  from  office, 
488-9. 

STAR  OF  THE  WEST  fired  upon,  261. 

STATE  RIGHTS  PARTY  in  the  Constitutional 
Convention,  50-1. 

STATES,  admission  of  into  the  Union,  145-6; 
status  of  rebel,  390-406;  admission  of,  394; 
relation  of  to  the  Union,  400-6  ;  citizen 
ship  in  the  several,  443-52;  admission  of, 
448-9;  Slave,  anti-Republican,  551-8;  Sen 
ators  and  Representatives  of,  607;  popula 
tion  of,  608-9;  different  nationalities  in, 
608-12. 

ST.  CLAIR,  ARTHUR,  President  of  the  Conti 
nental  Congress,  602. 

STEAM  carriages  and  locomotives  first  used,- 
617. 

STEPHENS,  GEORGE,  of  England,  builds  the 
.  first  locomotive  used  in  America,  617. 

STEPHENS,  ALEXANDER  H.,  elected  Vice-Presi- 
dent  of  the  Southern  Confederacy,  217;  as 
a  statesman,  236-59;  his  speech  before  the 
Georgia  Legislature,  238-43;  his  speech  in 
the  Georgia  Convention,  248-53;  "Corner- 
stone"  speech,  254-9;  says  they  must  "die' 
like  men,"  272;  speech  on  the  Georgia. 
Resolutions,  297-8;  capture  of,  £76. 

STEVENS,  THADDEUS,  life  and  services .  off 
623-4;  his  last  speech,  625. 

ST.  JOHN'S,  area  and  population  of,  453,  609.. 

STOCKTON,  COMMODORE,  in  California,  115. 

STONEMAN,  GEN.,  cuts  off  Jeff  Davis'  retreat} 
374-5. 

STONEWALL,  rebel  pirate,  345. 

ST.  THOMAS,  area  and  population  of,  453,  609.' 

SUFFRAGE  of  the  masses  in  America,  55&-&i'} 
for  women,  561-4. 

SUMTER,  FORT,  fired  upon  by  the  rebels,  261-2.* 

SUMNER,  CHARLES,  as  a  statesman  — on  civil 
rights  and  reconstruction,  620-3. 

SURRATT,  MRS.,  one  of  the  assassins  of  Lin 
coln,  386. 

SWITZERLAND,  a  Federal  Republic  of  Europe, 
592. 

SYLVESTER,  MR.,  on  removal  from  office,  69. 

TANEY,  HON.  ROGER  B.,  delivers  the  Dred 
Scott  Decision,  148-50;  opinion  on  powers 
of  Congress,  396. 

TAYLOR,  rebel  General,  surrenderd,  359. 


664 


ANALYTICAL    INDEX. 


TAYLOR,  GEN.  ZACHARY,  enters  upon  the  Mex 
ican  War,  107-8;  nominated  and  elected 
President  by  the  Whigs,  170-2 ;  elected 
President,  605;  death  of,  124,  174. 

TAYLOR,  MR.,  of  New  York,  on  Slavery,  87-91. 

TENNESSEE  secedes  from  the  Union,  215-6  ; 
Constitution  and  citizenship,  419-20;  area 
and  population,  609;  soldiers  furnished, 
613;  newspapers  in,  615;  real  and  personal 
property,  61:3. 

TENURE  OF  CIVIL  OFFICE  ACT,  66-7. 

TERRITORIES,  Slavery  in,  20  ;  ordinance  pro 
hibiting  Slavery  in,  61  -2  ;  discussions 
upon  Slavery,  77-97;  acquisition  of  Terri 
tory,  129-31 ;  area  and  population  of,  454; 
newspapers  in,  615 ;  real  and  personal 
property  in,  618  ;  soldiers  furnished,  613. 

TEXAS,  dispute  about  title,  103-9;  Sam  Hous 
ton  in,  104-5  ;  becomes  an  independent 
Republic,  105;  admitted  into  the  Union, 
106-7;  annexation  agitation,  166  ;  secedes 
from  the  Union,  214 ;  Constitution  and 
citizenship,  428-9  ;  area  and  population, 
609;  newspapers  in,  615;  real  and  personal 
property,  618. 

THOMAS,  GENERAL,  in  the  army,  325  ;  his  vic 
tory  at  Nashville,  342. 

THOMPSON,  JACOB,  Secretary  of  the  Interior, 
183;  reward  offered  for,  386. 

TOOMBS,  ROBERT,  of  Georgia,  on  dissolution 
of  the  Union,  185;  "  thunder  the  voice  of 
Georgia,"  236;  on  reconstruction,  272. 

TOMPKINS,  DANIEL  D.>  elected  Vice-President, 
603. 

TOTTCEY,  ISAAC,  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  183. 

TREATY  of  peacp  signed  at  Paris,  43. 

TRIBUNE,  New  York,  as  an  educator,  623. 

TROOPS  furnished  by  each  State  in  1776  and 
1861-5,613;  Massachusetts  furnishes  more 
troops  than  all  the  South,  613. 

TUCKER,  BEVERLY,  reward  offered  for,  386. 

TYLER,  JOHN,  Presidential  term,  108 ;  elected 
Vice-President,  162,  605 ;  abandons  his 
principles,  165. 

UNITED  COLONIES  of  New  England,  27. 

UNION  of  the  States  proposed,  50;  resolutions 
to  form,  51. 

UNITED  STATES.  Declaration  of  Independ 
ence,  39-40;  formation  of  Government, 
42 ;  Convention  to  frame  Constitution, 
38-48 ;  war  with  Mexico,  107-8 ;  treaty 
•with  Mexico,  108;  take  possession  of  Cal 
ifornia,  110-16;  California  declared  a  part 
of,  114;  powers  over  the  States,  390-406  ; 
alone  sovereign,  407-10 ;  citizens  in  the 
States,  410-34 ;  President,  qualifications 
of,  435 ;  Vice-President,  435 ;  Senators, 
how  elected,  435 ;  Congressmen,  how 
elected,  435;  Judges  appointed,  436;  Gov 
ernment  of,  441 ;  ought  to  regulate  the 
elective  franchise,  452;  total  area  of  pop 
ulation,  453-4 ;  under  Declaration  of  In 
dependence  —  Articles  of  Confederation 
and  Constitution,  503 ;  newspapers  in, 
522-9  ;  political  affairs  in  1868,  530-42 ; 
Presidents  elected  in,  from  1788  to  1869, 
602-7  ;  Senators  and  Representatives  in 
1869,  607;  salaries  of  officers,  608;  popula 
tion  of,  from  1790  to  18GO,  608-9;  area  and 
population  in  all  the  States  and  Territo 
ries,  608-12;  foreigners  in  all  and  each  of 
the  States  and  Territories,  610-12;  males 
and  females  in,  610  ;  Germans  in,  610-1  ; 
Irish  in,  612;  pauperism  in,  612-3  ;  crime 
in,  612-3 ;  troops  furnished  in  1776  and 
1861-5,  613 ;  newspapers  in,  615  ;  real  and 
personal  property,  618;  finance  from  1789 
to  1869,  615-7;  debt  of ,  615-6;  railroads, 
617  ;  canals  and  insurance,  618. 


UNIVERSAL  SUFFRAGE  in  America,  558-64.^ 

URAGUAY,  a  Republic  of  South  America,  596, 

USHER,  JOHN,  obtains  first  copyright  in  Amer 
ica,  524. 

UTAH  TERRITORY,  area  and  population,  609 ; 
newspapers  in,  615 ;  real  and  personal 
propeijty,  618. 

VALLANDicfHAM,  C.  L.,  as  a  "  Knight,"  310;  at 
the  Democratic  Convention,  320. 

VAN  BUREN,  as  President  in  1837,105-6;  nom 
inated  to  the  Presidency  by  the  Democ 
racy,  162;  nominated  by  the  "  Barn-burn 
ers,"  172;  nominated  for  the  Presidency 
by  the  Free  Soil  party,  173;  elected  Vice- 
President  and  President,  604. 

VANCE,  Z.  B.,  Governor,  on  reconstruction, 
273. 

VENEZUELA,  a  Republic  of  South  America,  596. 

VERMONT,  Constitution  and  citizenship,  418 ; 
area  and  population,  609 ;  soldiers  fur 
nished  by,  613 ;  newspapers  in,  615  ;  real 
and  personal  property,  618. 

VICE-PRESIDENT  of  the  United  States— election 
and  qualification,  435. 

VICKSBURG,  General  Grierson  at,  350. 

VIRGINIA,  early  settlement  of,  15 ;  Colonial 
condition,  23 ;  attempts  representative 
government,  27,  30,  32-3 ;  extends  early 
sympathy  to  Massachusetts,  35 ;  recom 
mends  a  General  Congress,  35  ;  soldiers 
furnished  by,  in  1776,  38 ;  passes  laws  to 
enslave  the  barbarian,  84 ;  makes  Jews 
slaves,  84;  makes  Indians  slaves,  84;  slaves 
as  real  estate,  139-40 ;  secedes  from  the 
Union,  216;  Constitution  and  citizenship, 
415-6;  population  and  newspaper  press  in, 
527;  and  Kentucky  Resolutions  of  '98, 
573-4 ;  area  and  population,  609  ;  news 
papers  in,  615 ;  real  and  personal  prop 
erty,  618. 

VOORHEES,  H.  W.,  as  "  Knight  of  the  Golden 
Circle,"  311. 

VOTE,  popular  and  electoral,  from  1788  to 
1869,  602-7. 

WACHUSETT  captures  the  Florida,  345-6. 

WALES,  newspapers  in,  527. 

WALKER,  R.  W.,  President  of  Southern  Con 
gress,  217. 

WAR,  Colonists  preparing  for,  36;  commence 
ment  of,  36-7;  soldiers  in,  38;  end  of  Rev 
olutionary,  43;  New  England  in,  188-92; 
Southern  States  in,  191-3;  of  the  Rebel 
lion  of  1861  begun,  263-5;  Slavery  in  the, 
279-81;  position  of  the  Democracy  in, 
289-91. 

WARREN,  GENERAL,  at  Bunker  HiU,  37-8. 

WASHINGTON,  GEORGE,  appointed  General, 
37-8;  he  arrives  at  Cambridge,  38;  in 
Convention  to  frame  Constitution,  48; 
letter  to  Lafayette,  CO-1 ;  elected  Presi- 
*  dent,  64  ;  as  a  Federalist,  504  ;  first  and 
second  election,  505;  Democratic  opposi 
tion  to,  507-10;  letter  to  Lafayette,  581 ; 
letter  to  Robert  Morris,  581-2;  as  General, , 
585-6;  first  and  second  election  as  Presi 
dent,  602. 

WASHINGTON  TERRITORY,  area  and  population, 
609;  soldiers  furnished  by,  613;  newspa 
pers  in,  615;  real  and  personal  property, 
618. 

WATT,  JAMES  I.,  first  applies  steam  to  car 
riages,  617. 

WEBSTER,  DANIEL,  on  peaceable  secession, 
122-3;  appointed  Secretary  of  State,  124  ; 
before  the  W'hig  Convention,  171;  before 
the  convention  of  1852,  175 ;  speech  on 
compromise,  122-3;  speech — "the  Union 
must  be  preserved,"  629. 
WELLS,  JUDGE,  on  Slavery  in  California,  157-60. 


ANALYTICAL    INDEX. 


665 


WEST  VIRGINIA,  Constitution  and  citizenship, 
433;  area  and  population,  609 ;  soldiers 
furnished  by,  613. 

WHIGS,  as  a  political  party,  162;  origin  of  the 
name  and  party,  510-11;  nominate  Harri 
son  for  the  Presidency,  162 ;  nominate 
Henry  Clay  for  the  Presidency,  166 ;  ac 
tive  in  the  Oregon  boundary  question, 
167;  nominate  and  elect  Gen.  Taylor  Pres 
ident,  171;  National  Convention  of  1852, 
174-5 ;  Kesolutions  of  1852,  17d>  dissolu 
tion  of  the  party,  182. 

WHISKY,  a  Democratic  necessity,  518-22;  an 
nual  consumption  in  the  Republic,  520-2. 

WHITE,  ME.,  on  removal  from  office,  69. 

WIDOWS  receiving  aid  from  the  United  States, 
308. 

WIGFALL,  SENATOR,  on  citizenship,  494., 

WILLIAMS,  ROGER,  28. 

"  WILMOT  PROVISO,"  143-4. 

WILSON,  Senator  from  Massachusetts^advo- 
cates  female  suffrage,  503. 


WILSON,  JAMES,  on  suffrage,  52. 

WISCONSIN,  Constitution  and  citizenship,  429— 

30;  area  and  population,  609;  soldiers  fur-, 

nished  by,  613;  newspapers  in,  615;  real 

and  personal  property,  618. 
WISE,  HENRY  A.,  Governor  of  Virginia,  on; 

Black  Republicans,  185. 
WEITZEL,  GEN.,  enters  the  city  of  Richmond, 

356-7. 
"  WOMAN'S  RIGHTS,"  561-4 ;  Senator  Wilson,' 

of  Massachusetts,  advocates,  563 ;  John 

Stuart  Mill  advocates,  562 ;  women  hold 

mass  conventions,  562-4. 
WOOD,  FERNANDO,  treason  of— he  advocates 

the  secession  of  New  York  city,  274;  as  a 

Congressman,  278-9. 
YANCEY,  WILLIAM  L.,  would  "  fire  the  South^ 

ern  heart,"  186. 
YANKEES  worse  than  hyenas,  270-1 ;  prefera* 

ble  to  foreigners,  497. 

p.  L.,  letter  to.  Joseph  Finegan,.  5744 


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